Genius of Liberty (Lowell, La Salle County, Ill.)
December 19, 1840

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*>V Genius of Liberty. PUBLISHED BY THE BOARD OF MANAGERS OF THE LA SALLE COUNTY ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. f'. -Sf yM 41 We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. VOL. 1. LOWELL, (LA SALLE COUNTY, ILLINOIS,) SATURDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1SI0. No. 1. UEN1US OF LIBERTY. H. WARREN Z. EASTMAN, Editors and Publishing Agents. Terms._Two Dollars per annum in advance. Subscriptions for six months will be received at the same rate. (^jT Advertisements will be inserted at the usual prices. 0^7- All letters must be directed, post paid, to the Editors of the Genius of Liberty, Vermil ionville, La Salle County, Illinois. 0^7* Postmasters are authorised to enclose money for subscribers in letters to Publishers of newspapers, and frank the same, ij signed by themselves. ANTI-SLAVERY. Among the miscellaneous selections in the New York Emancipator, of November *21, 1830, ami in the Boston Liberator, of March G, 1840, we find the following article: A VOICE FROM THE PAST. Some antiquarian friend has sent us a paper from the West, printed about twenty years ago. It is the 4 Edwardsville Spectator,’ published in Illinois, and dated ‘July 10, 1819.’ In looking over this time-worn sheet, we perceive that it is i pretty well spiced with anti-slavery sentiments, j and nothing said about mobs or gags either. Il linois little dreamed then of the blood that was to crimson her escutcheon in the murder of, Lovejoy She little thought that twenty years i would bind her to the car of the despot, and quench the free spirit of her sons. Then they dared to speak out, and nobody had the impu dence to deny that justice was then a virtue and the love of liberty an honor. Men had not be come so thoroughly dough-faced as they now are. Among other curious things, the Spectator’ has the following incendiary toasts. And what would be considered odd now a days, they are scattered among others complimenting the 4 Pre sidents of the United States,’ James Monroe, Jefferson and Madison, and even John C. Cal- houn! 4 By the President of the day. That spirit which actuated those sages who i declared our Independence, when they said that 1 all men are created equal. By B. Spencer, Esq. The State of Illinois—May its liberties never be sullied bv slavery or oppression. By Mr. I* Waters. Mr. Tall madge of New York, the American Wilberforee—May his exertions in the cause of outraged humanity meet with the blessings of Heaven; and he live to see the whole African race emancipated. By Mr. Boynton, of Milton. The Missouri Territory—If Slavery there be tolerated, let it be on these terms, that mas ter and slave change conditions every seven years. By Edward Coles, Esq. The Rights of Man—They appertain equally to him whether his complexion be w’hite, red, or black. By Mr. Daniel D. Smith. A comet appeared last night in the sky, To give us a toast for the Fourth of July: May she sail up Missouri, and—slavery—end it, And scorch with her tail all who wish to defend it.» REMARKS. The author of the observations which follows was the editor and proprietor of the Edwards ville Spectator in 1819, and the five subsequent years. The appearance of an article like the above, in the eastern papers, at this day, might therefore well be supposed to have elicited his particular attention. The great topic of excitement at that time was the prohibition of Slavery in Missouri, on the admission of that territory as a State into the Union. The territorial legislature had pe titioned Congress for an act to authorise the call of a Convention for the purpose of forming a State Constitution, at the previous session;] and the committee to whom the petition was re- i ferred, reported a bill accordingly, containing 1 some of the usual various restrictions in such cases. When the subject came up for discussion j in the House of Representatives, Gen. James Tallmadge, a member from the State of New York, proposed to and an amendment to the bill, requiring a clause to be inserted in the •constitution so to be formed, prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in the State, except for the punishment of crimes, of which the party should have been duly convicted; and he 'delivered oil the occasion a most thrilling and powerful speech, in which he characterised Sla \-ery as u the bane of man—the abomination of heaven."” This amendment prevailed by a small majority, and the bill so amended, was passed and sent to the Senate. In that body the amendment was opposed by both our Sena tors, Ninian Edwards and Jesse B. Thomas, as it had been in the House, by our Representa tive, John McLean. After some debate, the amendment was struck out by the Senate; and thus deprived of its best feature, the bill was passed and returned to the House for concur rence; which being refused, the subject was dropped for that session, to be renewed with increased excitement and vigor at the next. This was the session held during the winter of 1818-19. In the summer or fall of 1819, (the time for which Mr. M*Lenn was elected having expired,) an election for Representative to Con gress was held, at which Mr. M4L. was super seded by Daniel P. Cook, the question of slave ry or no slavery in Missouri, having been the test between the two candidates. In this state of affairs the fourth of July, 1819, was celebrated. The toasts above inserted were I at two several dinners; the first four at Upper Alton—the remaining two at Edwards ville, where we attended. Iu that part of Al ton where the city now stands, there was then no house, excepting a small cabin for the use of the ferryman. The toasts selected, it will be per ceived, are all volunteers, no party or invidious character having been given to those prepared by the respective committees of arrangement. This was the more proper, especially at Ed wardsville, where gentlemen of different politi cal sentiments sat at the table; among whom was Governor Edwards, one of our Senators in Congress, who at the previous session had voted against the restriction of slavery in Missouri. We will notice the toasts and their authors, as they stand selected. First. by the President of the day.” This gentleman was James W. Whitney, an attorney at law, of Alton, who now, it is said, resides at Quincy, Adams county. Those who have at tended the sessions of our Legislature for seve ral years past, may have seen him presiding as u Speaker of the Lobby.” Among the lawyers he is familiarly known by the name of “Lord Coke.” We like the spirit which bis toast in The second, by 13. Spencer, Esq. Mr. S. was a cabinet-maker of Alton. The wish expressed in his toast has not been realized. Within a mile and a half of the spot where Mr. Spencer then stood, a minister of the gospel, Mr. Love joy, for asserting the w liberties” of the State, and endeavoring to maintain his own, was op pressed, w even unto death.” Third, by Isaac Waters. The prayer of this toast has been granted only in part. Though darkness reigned for a time, we believe the blessings of Heaven did rest upon the labors of Talhnadge; but he did not live to see the pro gress of free principles, as at present developed. Mr. Waters moved from Alton to Tazewell coun ty; buthe finally settled in Peoria, where he was Clerk of the Circuit Court for several years. He died in 1835. Fourth. With Mr. u Boynton, of Milton,” we were not acquainted; but his toast shows that he had a clear perception of u equal and exact justice.” The Orator of the Day at Alton, was Dr. Augustus Langworthy, who now resides at Windsor, Bureau county. Fifth. The toast of Edward Coles, though twenty-one years old, is, truly, a modern abo lition’'' sentiment. Mr. Coles was the Register of the Land Office at Edwardsville, under the appointment of President Monroe. He was Private Secretary of the President during the administration of Mr. Madison, an office at Washington corresponding with that of Master of Ceremonies at the palaces of Europe. Mr. C. i* connected by birth with some of the most influential families of Virginia, among whom, on account of his anti-slavery opinions, he was termed the u black sheep of the flock.” He is a brother-in-law of Andrew Stevenson, our Mi nister to England, who wished to kill O’Connell just for mentioning a report that he was a slave breeder. He is also a brother-in-law of Thomas W. Gilmer, the present Governor of Virginia, lie was the personal friend and warm admirer of the political principles of Thomas Jefferson; and an extract of a letter from Mr. Jefferson to him, is quoted in several anti-slavery publica tions. Mr. Coles was the holder, in Virginia, of a family of negro slaves, consisting, if we recollect rightly, of a mother and six children. In the spring of the year 1819, he brought them to Il linois, and settled them on a farm of his own, near Edwardsville. Notwithstanding by this act alone, according to the decision of the courts, the negroes were free, on the morning of the fourth of July, before the public exercises of the day commenced, he executed deeds of emanci pation for each. For this noble act, he was prosecuted under the black laws of Illinois, in the Circuit Court of Madison county, and fined in a large sum, we think two thousand dollars? for each of the slaves so emancipated, without giving bond to indemnify the county against their ever becoming a public charge. The Le gislature afterwards remitted these fines, upon the payment of the costs of suit. In 1822, Mr. Coles was elected Governor of Illinois. Ills election was a rare instance of the triumph of the popular will over the combined influence of ^political leaders. His competitors were Joseph Phillips, of ICaskaskia, Chief Jus tice of the State: Judge Thomas C. Browne, of Shawncetown, and General Janies B. Moore, of Monroe county. Six or seven years ago Gov. Coles left Illinois, and took up his residence in Philadelphia; where, it is said, he married a lady of great fortune and accomplishments, and is now living at ease in the vicinity of that city. At the session of our Legislature in 183-t, as if to in vite his return, he was appointed a Canal Com missioner. A commission was forwarded to him, and he proceeded to New York for the purpose of negotiating a loan, preparatory to the com- j menceinent of work on the Canal; but the law under which he acted, not pledging the faith of j the State for the redemption of the stock, it was j not satisfactory to capitalists, and the effort failed. He then resigned his appointment and returned to Philadelphia. Sixth, the poetical toast. Daniel D. Smith was a very eccentric man, who followed the oc cupation of a land agent. At the session of the Legislature in 1820-1, the country between the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, to the northern boundary of the State, was detached from Ma dison and constituted a new county by the name of Pike, of which Mr. Smith was appointed Re corder, the most lucrative office in the State; the county embracing the whole of the Military Tract, the most of which was patented, and titles to lands in it being an object of trade and transfer throughout the Union, made an im mense amount of business in the office. In the fall of 1823, while in a crowded bar room of a public house in Edwardsville, Mr. Smith was basely assassinated by an unknown hand. Major Palemon H. Winchester, as prin cipal, and the late Gen. James D. Ilenry, com mander of the Illinois volunteers during the Indian wars, and the late Col. James W. Ste phenson, Receiver of public moneys at the Ga lena Land Office, as accessories, (the two latter then young men of Edwardsville,) were indicted for the murder. Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, a lawyer celebrated for robbing the gallows of its due, was sent for to plead their cause, which he did successfully. The principal was acquitted, and a nol pros, entered as to the accessories. The late Col. Benjamin Stephenson acted as President, and Dr. John Todd, (now of Spring field,) as Vice President, at the Edwardsville celebration. Gen. Nicholas Hansen was the Orator of the Day. If the history of Slavery in Illinois, pro and anti, shall ever be w'ritten, the name of this j gentleman will appear conspicuous in it, as j having been ejected from his seat in the Legis- j lature, by means, for moral turpitude, unprece- dented in a legislative body. At the meeting of the Convention for forming j the Constitution of Illinois, in August, 1818, a decided majority of the delegates were in favor 1 of admitting slavery, in the face of the North- west Ordinance, and the act of Congress autho- j rising the call of the Convention, to the contra- ry. We were so informed by Col. Stephenson, a member for Madison county, who said, it was entirely owing to the efforts and influence of three men, who were not members, that the un- j restricted admission of slavery into th© State wes not allowed by the Constitution. These three men were Ninian Edwards,* Nathaniel Pope, and Daniel P. Cook. As this fact was known to the disappointed slavocrats, they con ceived the design of trying the question again at a fature period. During the winter of 1819-20, the Missouri question was again up in Congress, and it wprf* discussed warmly by the editor of the .Spectator and his correspondents. At this time we were honored by many abusive anonymous letters from Missouri, Kentucky, and even Washington city; some threatening that if we did not cease annoying Missouri, the question should be trans ferred to Illinois; others merely informing that we would soon have enough to do at home, with out meddling with the affairs of Missouri. At the same time we received friendly letters from several good men, among whom was Benja min Lundy, then residing at Herculaneum, on Mississippi river, in Missouri, asserting that the. cause we advocated was just and righteous, and encouraging a perseverance in it Mr. Kane was soon announced as a candi date for Congress in opposition to Mr. Cook, and preparations seemed to.be progressing for a vigorous campaign on the part of the slavocrats. In the spring of 1820, a half brother of Henry Clay, by the name of Watkins, came from Kentucky to Illinois, or.tensively with a view of finding a place to practise law; but ac cident threw in our way such information as to induce us to believe that his real business was to superintend the election, so far as the interests of slaveholders were concerned; and we thought it our duty to denounce him as a political missionary, and to expose the designs of the slave party, in connection with the no mination of Mr. Kane. As “keep dark” was their motto, this development disconcerted their operations; and in their confusion, Mr. K. and his leading friends under their own sig nature's, denied some facts which were notorious- j ly true, and others which were susceptible of: proof; which denial they (with the exception of the nominee, who had preceded the others,) af ter mature deliberation, did not deem it expe dient to have published. The contest resulted in the re-election of Mr. Cook. The slavocrats, however, though thus rebuked, persevered in their design, and made preparations for the next campaign, changing their mode of proceedings from secre cy to an open avowal of their object; and the election for members of the Legislature, in 18-22, in most of the counties, was made to turn on the question whether a convention should or should not be called, so to amend the Constitution as to admit slavery into the State, unrestricted. Upon the meeting of the General Assembly in Although Gov. Edwards voted in the Senate of the United States against the restriction of slavery in Missouri, he opposed its introduction into Illinois. His principles, as he avowed them, were, that it was unwise and impolitic to admit slavery into States from which it had been excluded; but that Congress had no consti tutional power to exclude it from Missouri. December, a constitutional majority* was sup posed to be in attendance in favor of that mea sure. Gen. Ilantcn appeared as the member returned from Pike count}', but his seat was son tested by John Shaw. A Senator in Congress was to be chosen at the same session. Jesse B. Thomas, the incum bent, and John Reynolds, were the candidates. They were both pro-slavery men; but local causes induced a division among the members between them, in some degree corresponding with the party line on the convention question. Gen. Hansen was known to be opposed to Judge Reynolds. The friends of Judge Thomas, there fore, saw the necessity of retaining him in his seat. The committee on Elections, to whom the subject was referred, reported in favor of Han sen and against Shaw. The election of Sena tor was brought forward immediately, and Judge Thomas was chosen. To carry certain local measures for his coun ty, which he deemed of paramount importance? Gen. II. did not avow the course he intended to take when tho convention question should come j up; but his vote was indispensable to its success, and confidently relied on. But when the vote j was taken, to the consternation of the party, Gen. Hansen voted in the negative, and the question thereby miscarried. “What is to be done?” was whispered in the streets after the adjournment. “Turn him outi” was heard at the corners. On the meeting of the House the next morn ing, a motion was made to recommit the report of the committe on Elections in the case of the contested seat between Nicholas Hansen and John Shaw, to the same committee, which was carried! The committee did not long retainj the report in their hands, but reported it back j to the House, with a recommendation to strike j out of the resolution in it, the name of Nicholas j Hansen, and substitute in its place the name of i John Shaw, which was carried! and the legisla tive records of our State now present a docu- ment of this extraordinary character: the re- port of a committee on a contested election, containing a seemingly laborious investigation, i in which evidence is examined and sifted, and arguments advanced, all tending to show that Gen. Hansen was, and that Mr. Shaw was not, duly elected; and then ending with a resolution declaring that John Shaw was, and Nicholas Hansen was not, entitled to a seat in the House Thus, after occupying his seat about two months, was Gen. Hansen turned out of the House, for the sole purpose of enabling the dominant party to carry a favorite measure. Mr. Shaw took the seat thus tendered him, and the convention resolution, being again brought forward, was passed. A measure succeeding by such means alarmed the members in the minority, as well it might. They met and agreed on an address to the peo ple, warning them against the blighting influ ence of slavery, and recommending a vigorous effort to prevent so great an evil among us.— They also adopted a plan for increasing the cir culation of the Spectator. Anti-Convention Societies were formed, and other arrangements made to resist the entrance of the foul intru der. The slavocrats were not less active. There were but three newspapers in the State: the “Intelligencer,” at Vandalia; the “Gazette,” at Shawneetown, and the Spectator,” at Ed wardsville. The first two were for a Conven tion; still, it was deemed advisable to erect a special battery against the Spectator, within striking distance. The management of the cause on the part of the slavocrats, seems to have been entrusted to three men in Edwardsville—Emanuel J. West, Theophilus W. Smith, and Oliver L. Kelly. Mr. West was a member of the House of Repre sentatives, and took the lead in the ejectment of Hansen. Mr. Smith was a member of the State Senate, and a lawyer of respectable stand ing at the bar. Mr. Kelly was a “northern man with southern principles;” that is, he w’as a native of one of the New-England States, but had sought his fortune in the South, where he fol lowed the honorable calling of a negro driver. A member of the party in their confidence, pro ving a leaky vessel, we were promptly apprised of their plans; among whieh were, a newspa per under the name of 44 Illinois Republican,” and a drinking shop, under the name of 44 Con- j vention Grocery.1’ To Mr. Smith was assigned the editorship of the. paper, to give which a better start, and to tickle his party, he promised to 44 write Warren down.” To Mr. Kelly was al lotted the grocery department; and Mr. West was to act as general superintendent ot both. The paper was duly brought out, and Mr. Smith commenced in right good earnest the task of fulfilling his promise. We determined in the onset to hold an even hand with him, in his per sonal attacks; and being somewhat excited, we The mode of amending the Constitution of Illinois is as follows; If two-thirds of the mem bers of the Legislature deem an amendment of the Constitution necessary, they shall authorise the people at the next general election, to vote for or against a call of a Convention. And at the next session, if it appear that a majority of the qualified electors have voted in favor of such call, the General Assembly shall appoint a day for holding an election in the several counties for delegates to a Convention. lerhups carried the matter a tittle farther than ,vas really necessary for aelf-defence. Mr. Smith despairing of being able to write us down” so soon as he expected, thought it ex pedient to change his mode of attack from wr. iing to fighting; and throwing aside his pen, he seized his whip and dirk; but with these he was more unsuccessful -than before. The contest raged with much vituperation and abuse on the part of our opponents, until the election, embracing a period of about eighteen months. The ministers of the Meth odist Church, conceiving it a moral as well as political question, generally took an active part in the struggle; and for this they did not escape the annoyance of slavocratic insolence. No election in the State, before or since, ever pro duced such general excitement. The election terminated in the defeat of the slave party, on the grand question of a Conven tion but they succeeded in electing a majority of members of the Legislature. They of course had the disposal of all the offices; and they used them to reward some of those who had toiled the hardest, and spent the most in money and repu tation during the contest. Mr. Smith was elect ed a Jodgr; of the Supreme Court, which office he now holds. Mr. West was appointed Clerk of the Madison Circuit Court, and on the acces sion of General Jackson to the Presidency, he was appointed Charge D’Affaires to some conn try in South America, where he died soon after reaching his destination, lint poor Lellyl For him nothing was done, and we know not what became of him. As a half-pint tapster he ren dered the party essential service, and certainly deserved something at their hands. But so goes the world. The happy result of this arduous struggle was effected mainly by discussions through the co lumns of the Edwardsville Spectator—but more by the contributions of its correspondents than from the ability of its editor. Among those now living, who deserve the gratitude of the friends of freedom for such contributions, are, George Churchill, now a member of the State Senate; Thomas Lippincott, since become a minister of the Presbyterian church; Samuel D. Lockwood, 1hen Attorney General, now a Judge of the Supreme Court; Henry Starr, now of Cincinnati; the Rev. John M. Peck, and the Rev. James Lemen, of St. Clair county. Those who so contributed, and have since deceased, are Daniel P. Cook, Representative in Congress; Morris Birkbeck, of White county, an English man of distinguished literary reputation; Dr. Hugh Steel, and-Burton,of Jackson county; Dr. Henry Ferrine,* of Bond county; William Leggett, of Edwardsville, since distinguished as the editor of the New York Evening Post, the Plain Dealer, Ac.; Benjamin Lundy, then re siding in Missouri; David Blackwell, an emi nent lawyer of Belleville; and the Rev. John Dew, of St. Clair county. Others who aided our cause by other appropri ate means, are, Nathaniel Pope, Judge of the U. S. District Court; Col. William B. Archer, now a member of the House of Representatives; William H. Brown and Benjamin Mills, of Van dalia; John Tillson, jr. of Montgomery county, Dr. Horatio Newhall,' of Bond county; the late George Forquer, Register of the Springfield Land Office; Col. Thomas Mather, now Presi dent of the State Bank; Thomas Ford, now Circuit Judge; David J. Baker, of Kaskaskia, formerly United Slates Senator; and Charles W. Hunter and Henry H. Snow, of Alton. Ma ny other names might be mentioned in these connections, but we cannot now rementbeT them. The foregoing statements are mi&a entirely from recollection. There may be errorsournong them in some instances, but it is believed the whole is substantially correct. H. W. For an account of the melancholy fate of Dr. Ferrine, see the fourth page of this paper. Mrs. Ferrine, whose almost miraculous escape from the savages is detailed in the narrative, is a daughter of the late Rev. Jesse Townsend, of Montgomery county, who during the times here mentioned, was the only settled Presbyte rian minister in the State. From the Liberator. ANTI-SLAVERY ALMANAC FOR 1841. This Almanac is filled with a great amount of original and interesting matter, from the pen of Theodore D. Weld. It is not only calculated to awaken a ritew and lively interest among Free dom’s warmest friends, but admirably adapted to make new converts to the anti-?lavery cause, ns most of the popular objections to immediate and unconditional emancipation are considered in the author’s clear, logical and caustic style. Let there be no delay in procuring a copy; and when purchased, don’t throw it aside, to be used only to ascertain the time of the sun’s rising and set ting, but at once read it through attentively. Wheh you have done this, you will feel like co operating with a few friends to put a copy into every family in your respective towns. To be had at all the Depositories. Debtor and Creditor.—There are but few men who look upon a debtor but as in some de gree their property. Pecuniary responsibility generally breaks all ties—absolves from all cour tesy; raises the creditor to the eminence of a despot, and often inspires him with the desire r>f exercising the arbitrary power of one. The helpless debtor must be suspected, accused, in s>ulted, in silence. The attacks of others are unsupported by self-approbation and the natu ral independence of a man. He is a slave, chain ed to be spit upon by the angry, and laughed at by the unfeeling; and his own heart, ala*, joins his enemies, and pleads against him.

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GENIUS OF LIBERTY. “Truth, crushed to eisrth, will rise again— The eternal years of God are hers; But Error, wounded, writhes in pain, And dies amid her worshipers.” SATURDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1810. We this day present lo the people c>! Illinois the first number of the Genius of Liberty; and in accordance with the usual and very appropriate practice, it will he expected that the Editors, upon their first appearance, will make a declaration of the principles by which they intend to be go. verned. At the head of our first'pagc will be found, from week to week, that well known extract from the Declaration of In dependence, which is the acknowledged political creed of our country; and it will be, as its prominent place indicates, the guiding star of our course. Upon the prin ciples of this motto rest all that is held sacred by man, and upon these are placed his hope sin the final emancipation and ex altation of the human race from oppression of every kind; the beauty a„d practical Utility cf ~hich have been exhibited in the almost successful attempt made by the peo ple of this country at free grovernment. Were it not for the existence of slavery in this land, it could be said in truth, that here were acknowledged the just claims of Human Rights. But it is an all-important consideration, and one which it will be our constant en deavor to impress upon (lie minds of the people, that in the formation and in the j administration of the Government of the United States, and of the individual States, these principles have been in a great de gree disregarded. The doctrine of the equality of mankind has been taught us from the cradle, and we have been told to hold it sacred as of divine origin, and de fend it to the last breath of life; yet so de ceitful and cunning has the oppressor been, that, from the day it was first promulgated, and to our shame he it said, he has led us into the most glaring violation of this doc trine in its every feature, by the support given in our land to the worst form of Slavery; and our country now presents the Janus-faced appearance of a land of slaves and a land of freemen—and the humilia ting and disgraceful fact is almost daily witnessed of our fellow countrymen flee ing as for life, followed like wild beasts by dogs and hunters, from the most debasing and grinding despotism in our very midst, and finding liberty and protection in the arms of our ancient foes and violators of our rights. By this dark political and mo ral evil, lias our glory been dimmed, our people disgraced and denounced as hypo crites, and onrgovernment become a “liiss ■ng and a by-word among the nations of the earth.” The despots that rulo with an iron hand the people of Europe, and the semi-barbarous chiefs of Asia, whose word is the law, can point with scorn to free and enlightened America, with her three mil lions of slaves whose limbs are fullered by no imaginary chains, and where men and women are brought up to the whipping post to receive the law and its execution from some petly tyrant clothed with the authority of a slave driver. As it would be doing injustice to the worthy men who signed lire Declaration of Independence, to attribute to them the design of publishing to the world sen timents which would belie their feelings and intentions, or of engrafting the unnat ural and demoralizing system of slavery upon that document, we are led to believe that we do not live under that just and happy administration of government which they contemplated for their posterity. It will therefore be considered a prominent portion of our duty,as conductors of a pub lic journal, to impress upon the minds of our readers the importance of individual and united exertion, to relieve the country of the hurden of slavery and restore it to the original purity designed by our worthy fathers. We also wish to apprise the people ot the nature of that spirit of slavery, with which thov are called upon to contend, and of the necessity of immediate and united exertion, for their own safety, the honor of their country, the good of their fellow-crea tures, and the glory of God. It was a re mark of the immortal Jefferson, the author of the motto we have placed at the head of our paper, that “the shackles which shall not be knocked offal the conclusion of this war [of Independence] will be made heavier and heavier, till our rights shall re vive or expire in a convulsion.” With what trulit were these words uttered, even j with the clear sightedness of an inspired prophet!—and with what faithfulness has this prediction been fulfilled in reference to slavery! It has grown from weakness and impotency in the hands of the Revo- j lutionary fatheis, to strength and activity: —haa doomed to perpetual bondage one sixth of our people, and holds absolute sway over nearly two-thirds of our territo ry. But not content with this, it is search ing the whole land for new victims, de manding a wider range of territory for its ravages—it has laid a censorship on the press—bowed the knee of the clergy to the unhallowed worship of itself—shut the mouth of the politician—murdered and cruelly treated its opposers—and is lead ing into its vortex our numerous but un suspecting population. It has been cx ultingly declared in our national councils that slavery is the corner stone of our republic;'’ preachers ol the gospel boldly proclaim that it is a “divine institution.’’ Thus it is attempted to array the Christian an- il|e patriot in its support, wlnle men of no principle or moral character find such allurements in this splendid vice, that they declare they are determined to defend it at the hazard of their lives. Thus do we find the pious and the wicked, the minister and the bar-room lounger, the candidate lor political preferment and the candidate for the penitentiary, arrayed like a band of brothers in its support, determined to put down those few “fanatics” who have dared to oppose slavery. Surely we are led to believe that it will not expire with out a convulsion, when its opposers are murdered, and the torch of the incendiary and every other device that sin and cruelty can invent are used to sustain it. But we I can yet hope that its convulsions will not; be destiuctive to our country. ANTI-SLAVERY PRINCIPLES. For the convenience of our opponents and tlio^e individuals who have not had sufficient ac cess to Ant i-Slavery works to inform themselves clearly as to the principles and measures of the Abolitionists, we have prepared the following article; and we ask them to consider well upon the subject, and settle the question with their own consciences, whether they are doing right in opposing these principles. Abolitionists believe in the self-evident truth of the Declaration of Independence, “that all men are created equal;’’ and that this is a fun damental principle of Human Rights, which was taught by our Saviour, and clearly revealed in the nature of man. With this doctrine in view, Abolitionists therefore believe— 1. That no man can be deprived of his liberty i except it be forfeited by crime against society, nor restricted in his choice of a place of resi- deuce, manner of living, and kind of employment, 1 so long as it conflicts not with the rights of his fellow creat ores. 'J. That no person can be deprived of the op portunity of improving his intellect, of exercis ing his reasoning and reflecting capacities, and all the faculties by which he is endowed by his Creator, and especially of complying with the command to “search the Scriptures,” that he may learn his duty to God and his fellow-man. 3. That all adult persons have the natural right of sustaining the marriage relation, and 44 whom God hath joined man may not pm asun der;” that the child cannot be separated by force from its father or mother, or the parents he de prived of the privilege of supporting and educat- j ing their children according to their means and desires. 4. I hey believe that the; u laborer is worthy of his hire,” and that no man can be justly com pelled to work for another, or labor without wages. 5. They believe that no man can be justly de nied the right of giving evidence in a court of justice, except in case of the impeachment of his credibility, or of being tried by an impartial jury of his fellow men; and that it is a gross violation of Human Rights to compel a person to be igno rant of the laws by which he is to be bound, or to punish the ignorant with stripes or death, while others go unpunished or suffer other penalties less severe for the same offences. G. They believe that slavery commits all these transgressions against the Natural Rights of man—that the laws of the Southern States and the United States support slavery with ail its in justice, horrors and crimes againt human nature —and that the people and the laws of the North ern States give countenance to it, and that therefore the government of the United States is not such an one as was intended and contem plated by those who put forth the Declaration, and those who gained our Independence. 7. As slavery is the cause of these enormities, Abolitionists believe that it is a great sin against God, and consequently it is the duty of slave j holders, lawmakers, and all those who uphold j slavery, immediately to repent and forsake that j Abolitionists see no other just remedy for all these evils, than the immediate and total aboli tion of the slave laws. The nature and the his tory of tlie human race reveal nothing more clear j ly than the justice and safety of allowing all peo ple their personal liberty, to go where they please and seek their own kind of employment, and in pacing each a just reward for his labor—allow ing every man his own wife, every woman her own husband, and the parents the charge of their o.vn children—restrain in g no one in the excr* ciseo/ his mental faculties, nor in the manner of his worship; but leaving him free in mind as well as in body, and granting to all the protec tion of law. The result of these liberties has been found to contribute to the good of all the people, in whatever part of the world they have been enjoyed; and it is preposterous to believe that the mere color of the skin will change the nature of the principle so deeply implanted in the soul of man. Since Ilie decease of our late friend, Benjamin Lundt, and the consequent dis coiitiniiance of ilie Genius of Universal Emancipation, the Abolitionists of Illi nois have seriously felt the want of a local medium of communication with each other. The Executive Committee of the State Society, in their last annual report, speak on this subject in the following terms: Tlie establishment of an anti-slavery paper ill the State was 'eft at the discretion of the Committee. The subject was laid before the Convention at Canton for advice. Itwas thought by the Convention as itwas by the Committee, Inexpedient to attempt the establishment of such a paper the present year, The Philanthropist, according to the recommendation of the State Society, has been made the Society’s organ. u The Committee would remark, that they have felt greatly the need of a paper at hand, as a medium of communication with the friends of the cause in the State. The Philanthropist be ing in the hands of a few, and at the same time so remote, it has occasioned, no small amount of writing, to effect what little they have attempt ed in spreading the necessary information. Un til a paper is established among us, the diffusion of anti-slavery intelligence must he greatly re tarded, and united action difficult to be obtain ed. But whether we can sustain such a paper, what size, where located, and all matters per taining thereto, should be well considered by the State Society.'’ At the same meeting of the Society, the following resolution was repoited hy the Business Committee, which, after ha ving been considered, was referred to the Executive Committee: Hrsolrrt', That the necessities of the anti slavery enterprise, most imperiously demand the establishment of an anti-slavery paper in this State, and we cordially pledge our influence and patronage to sustain it,” Most if not all the anti slavery newspa pers in our country, are published by State or District Societies. There is a pecti-j liar fitness and propriety in this method of! publication. The object being a benevo lent one, the profits arising from them should not accrue to the aggrandizement of individuals, but be appropriated to the benefit of the enterprise. On the other band, if the patronage received prove ina dequate, the loss should not bo wholly sustained by the persons immediately con cerned. The friends of the cause in this section have looked with some solicitude to the State Society to establish, or lo take upon itself the risk and charge of such a work. But, from the foregoing extracts, it will be seen that the discrelionary power con ferred on the Executive Committee at the annual meeting of 1&3B, was not renewed at the anniversary in July last; a resolu tion merely pledging the influenceaad pa tronage of the Society to sustain such paper j when established, being referred to that committee. In this posture of affairs the Anti-Slavery Society of La Salle County, have, by re solutions, authorized their Board ef Mana gers to publish the Gexics of Liberty— a sufficient number of individuals having previously agreed to become responsible for its pecuniary concerns. 1 he principles on which lias paper will bo conducted aie declared in the prece ding arlicles. In them, all Abolitionists will unquestionably concur; but the abili ty which the Editors may evince in the discussion of them may, and probably will nut, bo such as the magnitude of the sub ject requires; or the manner of investiga tion, and action recommended, may no! me'‘t witii tbe approbation of many good friends of the cause wc advocate; still, it is hoped and confidently believed, if con ciliation and forbearance be duly observed towards those who dither with us, this pe riodical will receive the support of the friends of equal freedom and equal rights in our State generally. The necessity of a paper of this de scription, is rendered the more obvious from the course taken by the political press; whose editors, with hut few excep tions, it would appear, not only studiouslv design to keep their readers ignorant of the principles and movements of Aboli tionists, hut betray themselves a want of information in these respects, very discre ditable to them as intelligent men. In deed, were it hut for an occasional fling at the fraternity, or the tantalizing ofcach jollier ns being infected with free princi ples, those who depend on them for intel J ligonce of passing events, might not know that such a people existed, i A lack of understanding can he advan togeous to no one. Tho opposers of our principles and views, especially politicians, may therefore find it conducive to their interests and prospects, to read, if not to patronize, the Genius of Liberty. This might save them many mis-steps, the ef fects of bad calculations. Abolitionists in Illinois hold the balance of power be tween the two great political parties; oiul although, as a body, they did not deem il expedient to Beparato from the mass in the recent Presidential contest, it is believed they would most willingly unite in politi cal action, to effect the total repeal of out black laws, and expunge the Slave Code from our statutes. The following resolutions were adopted by the Illinois Anti-Slavery Society, at its annual meeting held at Princeton on the 3d and 4th ol July last. Those relating to petitions require immediate attention. By a rule of the House of Representa tives of the United States, all petitions or papers of any kind, relating to the aboli tion of slavery or the slave trade, are ef fectually precluded admittance into that body. By one of the resolutions, it will be seen that although we cannot now pe tition for the removal of slavery from the seat of government, we can pray for the removal of the latter from slavery. Resolved, That American Slavery in all its relations, influences and results, to the master and to the slave, to the church and to the nation, is only evil, and that continually. That the principles cf the Gospel array themselves against all sin, and consequent ly against American slavery; and that it is the imperative duty of those who minister in this holy religion, and of all those who are partakers of it, to exert their influence for the overthrow of iliis iniquitous system. That as Americans, we hail with grati tude the return of our National Anniversa ry, and would most cordially unite our in fluences and energies to extend in accor dance wiih out Declaration of Indepcn- deuce, the equal and inalienable rights of our common humanity to all men—with out respect to color or original extraction. That the Slave Lairs of Illinois nrc a disgrace to our statute hooks, a libel upon our humanity, and we would recommend to all the friends of impartial liberty to pe tition the Legislature for their immediate repeal. That we recommend to the Abolitionists of this State the extensive circulation ol the Slave Code of Illinois,1' pubhsliedjiy rhe Will County Anti Slavery Society. That it he recommended to Abolition ists at the next session of Congress, to petition that body to remove the seat ol government from the Uistrio<t of Columbia to some point north of the Ohio river. That in view of the difficulty of procu ring funds at the present time, we recom mend to county Societies to promote an active system of voluntary lecturing on the subject of slavery in their respective dis tricts. The Society also recommended the fol lowing form for a petition to the State Le gislature To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the Slate of Illinois. The undersigned, citizens of the State of Illinois, respectfully pray your honora ble body to pass a law granting a trial by jury to all persons where liberty is at stake; to repeal the law which justifies the im* prisonment of persons without charge of crime; and to repeal all other laws which operate to oppress our fellow men on account of color. THE SLAVE POWER. [Dr. Bailey, Editor of the Cincinnati Phi lanthropist, in a letter to a committee in Mas sachusetts, thus briefly exhibits the evils inflict ed on this nation by the Slave Power:] Under one view, this power may be regarded as a stupendous monopoly of twelve hundred millions of dollars; from its very constitution, intensely selfish, ruthlessly unjust, boundlessly ambitious, and completely irresponsible. Such a power, it is evident, must be a hundred-fold more dangerous to the liberties of the people of the United States, their trade and labor, and the independence of their government, than ei ther a bank or sub-treasury. For, with far more limited means of mischief, the last is already, and the first would be indirectly, placed under heavy reponsibilities to the people. But, the Slave-Power monopoly recognizes no higher au thority, has no other law, than the unappealable will of the monopolists themselves. By the Slave-Power I mean, however, not on ly the actual slaveholding community, but the slaveholding spirit which, fostered by prejudice and interest, pervades the whole Union. Among other evils with which it is justly chargeable, I will specify the following. It holds a sixth part of our fellow countrymen, or nearly three millions of immortal beings, in abject and perpetual bondage, regarding them as absolute property, that may be bought, sold, mortgaged, willed, whipped, driven, worked like the brute that perisheth. It has implicated the people of the United States universally in the guilt of aiding and abetting this monstrous crime; having secured a representation in Congress, based on such pro perty, obtained a constitutional warrant forseiz ing its slaves wherever found within the limits of the Union, and engaged the wholp power of the government, if necessary, to crush the rising bond man. It has burthened the nation with the guilt of supporting slavery in the District of Columbia and territory of Florida, and of tolerating i the domestic slave-trade, the same in principle I with the foreign slave-trade, which the govern ment has denounced m piracy. it nus procured me sanction of the nation to the extension of the crime of slavery, by prevail ing on it to admit into the Union, states which had established perpetual slavery. It tends constantly to degrade labor, by ma king it in one half of the Union, the badge of slavery. It has made our country a reproach in the eyes of the world, and impaired the influence of our example as a free people. It has corrupted our republicanism, and, more than any other single cause, induced among us an alarming insensibility to the claims of justice and the vital principles of good govern It has assumed to dispose of offices under the national government; tilling them with the crea tures ot its will, punishing by exclusion or dis missal any who may have questioned its usurped prerogatives, and making base servility to its demands the price ot its patronage. It has thus given us nearly all our presidents and vice-presidents, and the speakers of the house ot representatives, all of whom are com pelled, ere they are elected, to yield to it pledges ot their lriendship, and through whom it exerts a controlling influence over the affairs of the nation. It has determined to a great extent the legis lation ot the country, regardless of the interests 01 »re® labor; at one time establishing a tariff, calculated, if not designed, to cripple the com merce of the free states; at another, abolishing it, at the hazard, if not with the intention, of breaking up their manufactories; passing laws, for the* advantage of the slaveholder, to carry in to effect a mere clause of compact in the consti tution between tiie several states, and which confers no power of legislation on the federal government; excluding a portion of oar coun trymen from service in the militia, because of their complexion, \,c. &c. it. uas US.U1JHU power over the diplomacy of the nation; urging claims for compensation for slave-property, -.o called, in such a tone as to generate tm/nem!Jy feelings between two pow erful nations; disgracing our country by per tinacious negotiations for the reclamation of fu gitive slaves; neglecting, as we have reason to believe, tor tear ol risking its peculiar interests, to urge with proper spirit the settlement of a painfully vexations question, which involves a large portion of the territory of a free state; and subjecting our commerce to no small disadvan tages, by refusing, for no adequate reason, to recognize the independence of llayti. It has created offices in the South, which are not demanded for any purposes of utility, and are a dead weight upon the government. ll has forced declarative resolutions in the Senate of the t ailed States against the right of discussion ori-the subject of slavery. It has sought lo compel Congress to overthrow the constitutional bulwarks of the free states, bv guarantying to the slaveholder the right to hold his slaves within their limits. It has attempted to establish bylaw a censor ship over the post office; and, failing in that, lias systematically v loin ted its sanctity without law. It now threatens an enactment, prohibiting the testimony ol colored men in the courts mar tial of the United States; thus forcing the sanc tion of the nation to one oftiie most unjust and odious feat ures of the slave system. It has passed laws, denying the right of trial by jury to a certain class of persons in some of the tree states; forbidding them to testify against a while man; imposing upon them the degra ding necessity of proving their right to freedom; excluding them from the benefits of the common school system and punishing citizens of the free states for extending aid or charity to slaves es caping from their masters. It has dictated to free states whom they should elect to office; and in some instances procured the appointment of its own creatures. It has prescribed to some of these states, and demanded at. their hands, the kind of laws ne cessary to uphold slavery. It has, by fraud or violence, seized on the ci tizens of a free state, dragged them into a slave state, and imprisoned or otherwise nial-trcqted them. It has repeatedly kidnapped free colored per sons, and sold them into remediless bondage. It has demanded of sovereign states at the north, the surrender of certain of their citizens, in order to be tried by slaveholding tribunals, charged with no other offence, than that of de claring slavery a sin against God and a wrong to man. It has set r price on the heads of northern citizens,guilt less in the eye of the law to which they owed allegiance. It has required from the free states, the pas sage of laws in the face of their own constitu tions, to prevent their citizens from assembling together peaceably to discuss the subject of sla very; and for the suppression of the liberty of the press. It has destroyed to a great degree freedom o.‘ thought and speech and action at the South, and at the .North attempted to effect the same ob ject by instigating mob-violence. It has in one instance murdered a minister of the gospel for no other reason, than that he dar ed to utter a freeman’s voice against the abomi nations of slavery. it nas passed laws in slave-states for the pro visional seizure and sale as slaves, of a certain class of persons who, in some of the free states, are invested with all tlio rights of citizens. It has abridged the right of locomotion in the persons ol those, who are known as the open enemies of its power; visiting them with law less punishment, should they be found on pur poses of lawful business or pleasure in a slave state. It has publicly whipped an innocent citizen of a free stale, whose only crime was, that he had in his possession a few anti-slavery tracts. It has created and kept up a war, which has drawn from the national treasury thirty millions of dollars, It maintains in our midst a vast population, alien, discontented, ignorant and depraved, hav ing every provocation that men can have, to create domestic convulsions in time of peace, and strengthen the armies of an invader in time* of war. It has abrogated the right of petition. It has destroyed freedom of debate in Con gress. It has insulted sovereign states, by prevailing on Congress to refuse reception to their resolu tions on the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, and to decline hearing or referring a protest of the sovereign state of Massachusetts against the admission of any slave-state into the It has enslaved our politicians, emasculated our literature, fettered the press and gagged the pulpit at the North. Such are some of the grievances inflicted by the Slave-Power on this nation. In full view ot their aggravated enormity, I, for one, hold my self excusable, if, in the question in dispute be I tween the two parties, I can see nothing that i* not entirely insignificant when compared w'ith them. The «ehr. ITesmosa, bound to New Orleans from Richmond, Va. with a cargo of 47 slaves, was wrecked off the Bahama Isles; and the slaves escaping to Nassau, N. P. the capital, were generously and righteously set at liberty by the Governor of the Isles.

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BRITISH POLICY. A correspondent of this paper, aorn« time back, related the followin'} anecdote of a conversation that took place lately in a alavoholding State. VVe hare thought it important enough to be more distinctly alluded to. After dinner on a very hot day, at a very large southern hotel, I took my cigar and chair, on the buck piazzi where 1 found several gentlemen, slaveholders. 1 in quired of them, if they had read Gurney’s letters to Ci ty. This opened a general and animated conversation on the subject of emancipation in the West Indies. I alluded to the magnanimity of the British people. They said no—it was sell-intor est, without a particle of generosity. The English have a deep political object in all this emancipation! That nation has done this, so that in case of a war with Ame rica, they can, at once, enlist an army close to our own door, of 50,000 of their freed slaves, who can stand our climate, whoso sympathies will all he with our slaves—and whoso feelings will he dic tated by a spirit towards the whites, of sa vage extermination. This, continued mv slaveholding fiiends, is the plan. The English statesmen have ever consulted po litical policy—and this is the advantage their long-headed statesmen expect even, tually to reap, under the garb of doing justice to the slaves! Here an old gentle man who had only been a listener, remark ed— Yes, I have seen the black cloud hanging over the South ever since lsdl.” Wo will not irguc tiie question of tlie magnanimity of the British” in the work of emancipation. Ifit was magnanimity” that prompted them,the same magnanimity will ho little tlFt-cted by these imputations: and ifit was policy, they would only laugh in their sleeves at our volunteer praises. Let it go as our southern brethren will have it, that it was a measure of sheer po licy. And certainly there i9 a good deal of “color of an idea” that looks like it. We then call the attention of our states men to this policy” so deliberately adopt ed and arried out on so expensive a scale, by the only Power with which we are ever likely to come seriously into contact.— Now, Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Forsyth, Mr. Benton, Mr. Clay, Mr. Rives, Mr. Web ster, what will you do about it? How will you counteract this policy” of the only neighbor with whose policy, so far ns ag gression is concerned, you have any inter est. WAS IT NOT IN FACT A MAS TER STROKE OF POLICY, which you, poor slaveholders or poorer serviles, can neither countermine nor resist* Ilia not England gained, by '.hat one measure, a greater actual power, which she feels and we feel in all our mutual negotiations, titan she could have gained by the expen diture of twenty millions in any other way Does her whole navy give her so much power over the destiny of die United Slates, as site has gained by that one act Would the possession of a castle like Gib raltar at the mouth of the Mississippi and the Chesapeake, inspire half sn much dread, or enable Iter in case of war to give ua half so much trouble? No wonder, then, she is so calm and leisurely about the Boundary Question. No wonder site is so cavalier in stating Iter demands witli re gard to the Canadian insurgents. No won der Mr. Calhoun said in the Senate, If our laws, when executed, will not satisfy Great Britain, let us make them satisfacto ry.” She has her foot upon the neck oi our national strength, and it is only be cause it does not suit her designs that site does not openly trample on our national honor. No administration can look Great Britain calmly in the face, and settle this Boundary oil its merits, but an anti-slavery administration. What can Van Buren and Forsyth do? Read Forsyth's letter to Ste venson, charging him to make the case of the shipwrecked slaves hit first object.— What can Harrison and Webster do? Read Webster’s foolish braggttdocia and his more contemptible retraction. An anti-slavery administration would at onee, BY ITS MORAL INFLUENCE ALONE, set the Slates to work abolishing our own slavery, and thii3 this masterpiece of Bri tish policy would be defeated, without a dollar’s expense to us, while she would pity her twenty millions sterling, (sj 100, 000,000,) for nnthinff-m least so far as policy towards tho United States is con cerned. And tiiere is no other way to do it. Emancipator. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. The following is the result of the recent Fresi tial Election in the several States: For Harrison. For Fan Buren. Maine Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland North Carolina Georgia Ohio Kentucky Indiana Tennessee Michigan Mississippi Louisiana 10 New Hampshire 14 Virginia 4 South Carolina 8 Illinois 7 Missouri 42 Alabama 8 Arkansas 30 3 10 15 11 21 15 9 15 3 4 7 23 11 GO 234 The lion. Thomas Morris of Ohio, proposes a Convention of Anti-Slavery Delegates at Washington, during the present session of Cor. gross. INTELLIGENCE. 1 he General Assembly of Illinois con vened at Springfield, on tho 23d ult. in pursuance of proclamation by the Gover nor. In the Senate Lieutenant Governor An derson took the chair. After the new members were qualified. Gen. M. L. Co vru.r, was elected Secretary of the Senate; Dmvmm; IlAUon, Engrossing and Enrol ling Clerk; and Andrew J. Dj-: Witt, Sergearit-at-Arms. In the House of Representatives, Gen. W. L. D. Ewino, of Vandulia, was chosen Speaker; John Calhoun, of Springfield, Clerk; George Davis, of Chicago, Assis tant Clerk; R. Smith, Engrossing and Enrolling Clerk; and W- Murphy, Door keeper. The reason assigned by tho Governor for convening the Legislature at an earlier period than usual, is the embarrassed con dition of the finances—and interest on the State debts amounting to half a million of dollars, becoming due on the first of Janu ary next, without tho means provided by law for paying it. The Governor states the whole amount of Slate debts, on which interest is payable, to be $12,207,182 30—the annual inter est on which amounts to $732,430 92. 1 he resources of the canal, and the bank dividends, it is assumed, will pay the interest accruing on their respective ac counts for the next two years, leaving unprovided for on acccourit of internal improvement debt, an annual interest of $285,8/0; to meet which, and the half million due in January, the Governor recommends an hypothecation of State bonds, and a final resort to a system of direct taxation. i _ -MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE. SENATORS. Franklin county—Braxton Banish il'kite— William II. Davidson. Edwards, H’altaak anil ll'aync—Rigilon B. Sloe u mb. Lawrence, Cranford and Jasper—John Ho is ton. St. Clair—A iain W. Snyder. Madison, St. Ctair and Monroe—J. A. James. Hondo/[ift—J acob Feaman. layette, hdingham and Clay—A ikens Evans. Slid by— I'e t er Warren. Greene and Jersey—Jo!m Allen. Macoupin—John 11,arris. Morgan and Scad—Thomas M. Killpatrick. Mo rgan—.1 ohn lienry. Sangamn, Menard,Loganand Christian—Ed ward I). Baker. Tazewer -Richard N. Cullom. j M'Lc'in. !Je IVitt, and Macon—John Moore. Adams—James If. Ralston. Fulton—David Markley. YVarren, Knox and Henry.—Wyatt II. Stapp. Cook, Hill and M*Henry.—John Pearson. OLD SENATORS. Alexander and Union—Jolm S. Hacker. Johnson and Pope—Worthington J. Gibbs. Gallatin—William J. Gatewood. Hamilton and Jefferson—Noah Johnson. I YVashington and Perry—John D. Wood. Edgar—Nelson W. Nunnally. Coles and Clark—Ilvrd Monroe. Per mill on and. Champaign—Wui. Fithiau. Madison—George C’hurehi 11, Clinton and Marion—William Gaston. B ond and Montgomery—Win, Hunter. Greene, Jersey and Ca//io?m-Franklin Witt. Morgan, Scott and Cass—Wm. L. Sargeant. Sangamo, Menard, Logan and Christian— I Archer G. Herndon, j Pike—William Ross. Schuyler and Broien—Wm. A. Richardson. Macdonovgh and Hancock—Sidney 11. Lit tle. La Salle and Iroquois—Wm. Stadden. Putnam and Peoria—John Hamlin. Jo Daviess, Mercer, Rock Island, «Scc.-George II. Harrison. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Alex and er—Wilson Able. Union—John Dougherty. Johnson—Joseph Oliver. Pope—George T. Waters. Gallatin—John A. M‘Clernand, Daniel Wood, and David Blackman. 11 a m iltori Milton Car pen ter. Jijferson—Stephen G. Hicks. Franklin-Odam. J arkso n —John Logan. IFasking to a —John Crain. Perry—Richard G. Murphy. White—E.lwin B. Webb, Alexander Phillips. Edwards—Allen Emerson. Wayne— Daniel Turney. Wabash—James Beall, Lawrence—James M. M‘Lean, Samuel Dunlap. Crawford and ./iwper-William Wilson. Edgar—J. M- Kelly,Leamier Munsell. Coles—JamesT. Cunningham, Thomas Threlkeld. Clark— Willlinm B. Archer, i Vermilion—John J. Brown, Isaac Fro man, John Canuday. Champaign—M. Busey. j Madison—Cyrus Edwards, Joseph Gil lespie, J. Reynolds. I St. Clair—Lyman Trumbull, Daniel Baldwin, and Daniel T. Moore. Monroe.—N. II. Bisiell. Randolph—Juhn P. M'Ginnis, J. R1‘ Clurtken. Clinton—John Scoit. Marion—James Marshall. Bond—Richard Btnlley. Montgomery—Wickiitfe Ivilchell. Fayette and Effingham—Win. Lee D. Ewing, Wm. J. Hankins. Clay—Peler Green. Shelby—Owen Prentice. Green and Jersey—Revill W. English, A. W. Cavnrly, D. M. Woodson. Greene, Jersey and Calhoun—John M'Donald. Macoupin—F. A. Olds. Morgan— John J. Hardin, James Par kinson, Jeremiah Cox, Daniel Troy. Scctl—Joseph VV. Ormsbee. Cass—A. S. West. Stngamo—Abraham Lincoln, J. M. j Bradford, James N. Brown, John Darnielle, Josiah Francis. Menard—John Bennett. Logan and Christian—Marlin White. Tazewell—Pierre Menard, Atden Hunt. M'Lean—Asahel Gridley, Isaac Funk. Macon and De Witt—Robert Barnett. Adams—William Laughlin, John G. Humphrey. Tike—Alpheiis Wheeler, Solomon Par sons. Schuyler—William A. Minshall. Brown—Harvey Lester. Fulton—Lewis W. Ross, Oliver Sheple. Macdonough—W. W. Bailey Hancock—John F. Charles. Warren, Knox and Henry—John Den ny. Cook, Will and McHenry—Albert G. Leary, Ebenezer Peck, Richard Murphy. La Salle—Abram II. Dodge. Iroquois—Isaac Courtwright. Putnam, Bureau, Stark and Marshall William H. Henderson. Peoria—W. J. Phelps. Jo Daviess, Rock Island and Mercer Iliram W. Thornton, Thomas Drummond. POPULAR VOTE OF ILLINOIS—1840. FIRST DISTRICT. Adams Brown Bureau Calhoun Cass Carroll Christian Cook De Kalb Dewitt Dupage Greene 1 lancock j Henry Jersey Jo Davies La Salle Livingston M'Donough M’ Henry Marshall Menard Mercer Morgan Ogle Peoria Pike Putnam Rock Island Schuyler Starke Stephenson Scott Sangamo Tazewell Warren Whitesides Will Winnebago /'residential. V Ii. liar. V. B. Alexander Bond Clinton Gallatin Hamilton J acksou Johnson .Macoupin Madison Monroe Perry Randolph Pope St. Clair Washington Williamson 4-24 551 417 1286 557 132 337 440 812 1184 563 831 817 268 1783 636 493 578 299 513 326 500 126 154 210 109 632 1704 370 174 715 391 989 78 149 103 380 483 386 1321 307 82 466 497 815 1234 552 290 745 100 1743 691 286 453 Whig. 153 467 354 466 78 100 117 50 634 1468 364 115 668 45 J i 4 I i 44 11600 7542 10965 5560 :cond nis i riot, Champaign (dark Clay Coles Crawford Edgar Edwards Effingham Fayette Franklin Iroquois Jasper Jefferson Lawrence Marion Montgomery Shelby Vermilion Wabash Wayne White 10007 8767 9271 7545 THIRD 1352 222 434 279 133 315 69 147 1989 197 316 373 1347 1175 661 86 360 680 774 541 267 1638 230 78 167 377 '427 271 531 183 374 193 1292 266 767 10.37 151 224 611 154 241 575 1219 661 524 236 1367 321 1617 220 301 43-1 213 397 244 89 1034 172 293 428 1253 870 1313 162 517 1079 810 740 281 1080 241 85 260 250 472 346 683 209 434 315 1533 491 744 1146 259 426 722 187 371 685 2000 1181 711 375 753 789 1514 210 432 265 127 293 68 208 1749 30 maj. 17 maj. 380 398 1441 211 291 407 167 323 164 111 832 1382 1104 670 75 330 696 642 549 301 1624 206 11 1170 791 1042 110 530 1001 615 620 222 1104 21 J205 497 244 656 maj. 11 397 292 1481 419 724 1018 245 maj. 160 634 650 382 469 245 590 376 146 1324 242 717 1108 164 163 251 622 1216 639 586 214 1204 284 139 336 533 1853 1023 692 307 692 629 258G3 29215 24519 25099 Total vote 47479 45524 44785 39194 Van Buren majority 1955. ABOLITION TICKET. Adams County 42 Bureau 13 Cook 1 De Kalb 1 Du Page 3 Fulton 1 Greene 3 Henry 3 Jersey 11 Kane 1 Knox 13 La Salle 6 98 Lee 5 Me Lean 2 Madison 3 Morgan 5 Ogle 4 Peoria 9 Putnam 13 Schuyler 1 Will 16 W.nnebago 4 62 98 160 FOREIGN PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE. The present political state of Europe is one of interest, and being somewhat incomprehensible, perha|)s there is too great an importance attach ed to these movements of the European powers. A general war has been threatened by the course taken by the Allied Powers, England, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, in attempting to compel Mcheinet Ali to restore Syria to the Gram. Sul tan of Turkey, while France has dissented and shown a disposition to aid the Pasha. The war i has already commenced in this disputed country, and the result thus far is in favor of the Allies. The troops of the Egyptian ruler have been de I feated by those of the Sultan, while the inhabit ants are fast deserting him. These disasters must weaken the confidence of Mcheinet, and the desire of the French to be implicated in his for tunes; indeed the Opinion seems to prevail that France will not interfere so long as the war is confined to Syria, and no attempt is made to dis possess the Pasha in the government of Egypt. Mehemet Ali is an intelligent prince, has in troduced the arts civilization among his sub jects, and endeavored to elevate their minds and inspire them with the ambition of freemen. The war between England and China will be looked upon by the world as a matter of vast im portance. YYre have not space to enter into a de tailed account of the matters of difference be tween these nations; the main ground of dispute may be stated in few words England asks to be redressed for the insult offrred to her through her merchants and people resident and trading in China, for the destruction and confiscation of a vast quantity of opium which hail been and was attempted to be smuggled into China, and of the consequent closing of all trade with England. To enforce her demands fleets and armies have been sent into the territory of this country; and it is almost folly to think that China will comply with these humiliating requirements without re sisting to her utmost; and it requires but little i discernment to see that she must be by far the. greatest sufferer by her resistance, ignorant, un warlike and vain-glorious as China is of her strength and greatness. What can these simple people do, numerous though they be, with a Christ n nation whose power is felt on every por tion of the globe? A Christian nation 1 and I what a subject for a Christian war! to compel a semi-barbarous people to open thoirports to trade in and receive a drug, the use of which must de stroy their national and individual prosperity. It would tie like the people of our country send ing an expedition to burn ’he ports of Great Bri tain, because the authorities there prohibit the smuggling of tobacco; or like cutting off our ab origines as a people from the face of the earth, because their chiefs might attempt to stop the trails In whisky, which is consuming them like a continual fire. We have as good a right ;o en force tobacco upon the people of England, alcohol upon the Indians, as Great Britain has to com pel the Chinese to take her opium. But surpris ing and unnatural as this appears, the war has already begun, already have we learned that the Britisli fleet is in (he Chinese waters and sink ing with ihe tremendous broadside-discharges of its vessels of war tile feeble craft of these peaceful people,—and ere this her cannon may have lev eled with the dust the most populous cities of the earth, from all this, and from the coavulsion in the Ottoman empire, we can only hope that good may come. We have said that these matters are looked upon with great interest. No dpubt, in case of a war in Europe, the people of this conn try would be the gainers. There are no questions of polit ical policy that would bring us into the conflict, while there would be armies and navies to be fed and clothed, and none would be so likely to reap a rich harvest from the battle field as the enter prising Americans who would fatten oil the blood of the old world. But we refer to the deep in terestwith which a portion of the Christian com munity look upon the events now transpiring. They stand above this world, and see as it were with an eye of inspiration, and behold nations rushing blindly on to their destruction, while ihe kings and rulers of the earth are moved by the invisible Providence of God, as instruments in preparing the way for the complete fulfillment of prophecy, in the destruction of the powers of darkness, and the building up of the Ki.vodom I OF L IIK 1ST. Christians see in these coming events which cast their shadows before,” the hand of an Al mighty power that overrules all things for the good of His creatures. Although it is not given unto man to know the precise time when the powers of this earth shall be destroyed, when con tention,'wars, and slavery shall cease, and the desert shall blossom like a rose,” yet it is no long er a matter of doubt that the great Mahometan power, which has for so many centuries held an influence on the earth that has rivaled Christ ianity itself, is now trembling likea reed shak en by the wind;” that empire must fall and crumble into nothing—the horizon is already black with the tempest which is coming to sweep! its strength and splendor like chaff before the wind. The Jews from all portions of the globe are waiting but for the sound of that tempest, to return from their long exile to lake possession of Jerusalem—the Christian world stands ready to raise the standard of the cross when the crescent shall be stricken down. The nations of Europe are making the conquest of the world—Franco and England are penetrating the wilds of Africa —the islands of the seas have already been given to the Missionary enterprise—Russia has exten ded its power over the north of Asia, and Great Britain rules nearly the whole of the south,— Persia is under its feet, and it has sought and has now seized hold of the first opportunity to make a ConauesT or China. The world will soon be under the dominion of the Christians, then follows the Missionary with the word of peace, and those nations that shall not have per ished by the sword shall be Mlbdued by the doc trine of Christ. THE ARRIVAL OF TlfE GREAT WESTER* t Brings intelligence from Europe to the 17th of November. France.—The French ministry of M. Thica*, by whose movements the warlike feeling has been excited, has resigned, and another more peaceful under Marshal Soult and M. Guizot, has taken its place. This was caused by the refusal of the king to admit into the speech prepared for him to open the present Chambers, passages which went to commit the policy of France to a war ill certain ca^cs which would probably occur. The speech of Louis Fhillippe at the opening of the Chambers, is confidently expressive of peaceful intentions. Svria.—The news confirms the success of the allies. An engagement occurred on the 18th of Oct. between the allied troops and those of Ibra him and Solyman Pasha, in which the latterwere utterly defeated, and fled to the mountains with 200 cavalry only. 7000 killed, wounded and prisoners, hare by this event fallen into the hands of the Sultan. Beyrout has been evacuated by the Egyptian forces, and retaken by the allies. The defection of the mountaineers is increasing. 22,000 had already joined the allies, and are un der arms. Sidon, with its garrison of nearly 3000 men, its immense stores of arms, ammunition, Ac. has also been taken. China.—A part, of the English expedition had arrived, with a military force of 5000 men, under conduct of Sir (Jordon Bremer. Canton, with all its entrances, Was been blockaded. There was no prospect of any reconciliation. The Americans have left Canton. At the arrival of the remaining part of the British fleet, war will undoubtedly be commenced, which cannot ter minate without effecting great changes in the political aspect of the East. The opium trade is still as brisk as ever, in spite of the efforts of the Chinese government for its suppression* 0^7* Our friends who inay feel disposed 1^. aid us by obtaining subscribers, will find the prospectus in this paper, which they will please to cut out and use for that purpose. By our terms, subscribers may pay half yearly in advance. It is hoped, however, that those who can well afford it, will not avail themselves of this piivilege, but pay for the whole year at once; as, in the outset of our business, funds aro more needed. 0^7“ The room which we occupy for our print ing office, proving an inadequate protection against cold weather, other arrangements have to be made before issuing our next number, which will appear dusing the first or second week in January. Oty" The Annual Meeting of the Putnam County Anti-Slavery Society, will be held at Union Grove Meeting-House, on the first day of January next, at ten o’clock, A. M. Mem bers of neighboring Societies, and persons not members, are respectfully invited to attend. OFFICEBS OF THE ILLINOIS STATE ANTI SLAVERY SOCIETY. President. CHARLES W. HUNTER, Alton. Vice Residents. CHESTER MARSHALL, Will Co. SAMUEL I). LA UGH LIN, Putnam Co. HIRA M MA RSH, Galesburg, ELI HU WOLCOTT, Jacksonville, DANIEL DUNN, Canton. G. W. GALE,'/tec. Sec'y. Galesburg. J. J. MITER, Cor. Sec'y. Knoxville. Managers. C. W. Gilbert, John Waters, Dr. Bunco, Wil liam Holyoke, John Kendall, David Ashley, Pe tri- Westerfield, Knox county; Luther Burge, r armingfon George W. Little, Fulton county; Robert Stewart, Canton; Charles Kirkpatrick, S. C. Bacon, Gencsseel Henry county. 0^7" An adjourned meeting of the Vermilion Lycrum will be held at the School House in Lowell, on Tuesday eveuing next. Question for discussion, Is the course taken by our govern ment in relation to the Indians, justifiable*” MARRIED, On the first instant, by Elder Thomas Powell, Mr. William Gkay to Miss Mary Brown! both of Verinilionville. 7 At Syracuse, N. Y., by the Rev. Mr. Johnson, Mr. Henry Hum.but, merchant at Ottawa, 111. to Miss Oril B. Hovey of Syracuse. DIED, At Hennepin, on the 28th ult. Jesse New roRT,E«q. lately one of the Vice-Presidents of the La Salle county Anti-Slavery Society. At Ottawa, on the 4th iiut., Dr. J. G Arm STRONG.

PROSPECTUS OF THE GENIUS OF LIBERTY. PUBLISHED JIY THE BOARD OF MANAGERS OF THE LA SALLE COUNTY ANTI-SLAV FRY SOCIJETT* The La Salle County Anti-Slavery Society having resolved to continue the publication of an Anti-Slavery paper in Illinois, the subscri bers, as the Publishing Agents ofthe said Soci ety, are induced to issue this Prospectus, briefly to declare the principles ofthe publication, and to solicit the aid of abolitionists generally in its support. The Genius of Liberty will be devoted to tho establishment of the inalienable and universal rights of man, as set forth in tho Declaration of American Independence—to the support of our free republican institutions and the IMMEDI ATE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. Itwill strive to accomplish these objects by the irresis tible force of Truth and Justice, supported by facts ami arguments, by free discussion, by ap peals to the reason and judgment of a cool and reflecting people, and by Vie general diffusion of knowledge. It will observe a strict neutrality in regard to any denominational or party influence,—yet its columns will be open to censure or approval, as the principles and conduct of the various reli gious sects and political parties affect, directly or indirectly, the great subject of Liberty or Slavery. A portion of this paper will be devoted to tho current News of the day, both Foreign and Do mestic—to Agriculture—to Historical Sketches and Geographical Descriptions of the Western country—and to all other subjects of importance Journal C°eSS U,eful aml interesting Family 0The aid of every friend of Humanity and Justice is invoked to sustain the Gexits or Lis Ein 1, that he may contribute to the permanent establishment of ms own rights, while ho pre pares the way to raise his voice with the nation to Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof WARREN, Editors and Pub Z. E AS I MAN,) lishing Agents. Lowell, Nov. 28, 1840. b

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POETRY. The following is a good definition of poetry, ami. an excellent illustration, also;—it comes in very appropriately as an introduction to our Poetical Department. Should our correspond ents reach the standard of this, their favors will be thankfully received. POETRY. BY JAMES G. PEIICIVAL. The world is full of Poetry—the air Is living with its spirit; and the waves Dance to the music of its melodies. And sparkle in its brightness. Karth is veiled And mantled with its beauty and the walls, That close the universe with crystal in, Aro eloquent with voices, that proclaim The unseen glories of immensity, In harmonies, too perfect, and too high, ifor aught but beings of celestial mould, And speak to man in one eternal hymn, Unfading beauty, and unyielding power. The year leads round the seasons, in u choir For ever charming, and for ever new; Blending the grand, the beautiful, the gay. The* mournful, and the tender, in one strain, Which steals into the heart, like sounds, that rise For of, in moonlight evenings, on the shore Of the wide ocean resting after storms; Or tones, that wind around the vaulted roof, And pointed arches, and retiring aisles Of some oil, lonely minster, where the hand Skilful and moved with passionate love of art, Plays o’er the higher keys, and bears aloft. The peal of bursting thunder, and then calls l>y mellow touches, from the softer tubes, Voices of melting tenderness, that blend "With pure and gentle musings, till the soul, Commingling with the melody, is borne, Rapt, and dissolved in ecstacv, to Heaven. ’T is not the chime and flow of words, that move In measured file, and metrical array; ’T is not the union of returning sounds, Nor all the pleasing artifice of rhyme, Ami quantity, and accent, that can give This all pervading spirit to the ear, Or blend it with the moving? of the soul. ’T is a mysterious feeling, which combines Man with the world around him, in a chain Woven of /lowers, and dipped in sweetness, till !fe tastes the high communion of his thoughts, With all existences, in earth and Heaven, That meet him in the charm of grace and power. ST is not the noisy babbler, who displays, In studied phrase, and ornate epithet, And rounded period, poor and vapid thoughts, Which peep from out the cumbrous ornaments That overload their littleness. Its words Are few, but deep and solemn and they break Fresh from the fount of feeling, and are full Of all that passion, which, on Carmel, fired The holy prophet, when his lips were coals, His language winged with terror, as when bolts Leap from the brooding tempest, armed with wrath, Commissioned to affright us, and destroy. THE HUNTERS OF MEN. BV J. G. WHITTIER. Have ye heard of our hunting, o’er mountain and glen, *1 brough cane-brake and forest— tin? hunting oi men/ The lords of our land to this hunting have gone As the fox-hunter follows the sound of the horn ilark—the cheer and the hallo! the crack of the And the yell of the hound as he fastens his grip! All blithe are our hunters, and noble their match— Though hundreds &re. caught, there are millions to catch So speed to their hunting, o’er mountain and glen, Through cane-brake and forest—the hunting of men! Gay luck to our hunters !—how nobly they ride In the glow of their zeal and the strength of their pride!— The Priest with his cassock flung back on the wind, Just screening the politic Statesman behind_ 'Phe saint and the sinner, with cursing and prayer— The drunk and the sober, ride merrily there. And woman—kind woman—wife, widow and For the good of the hunted—is lending her aid Her foot’s in the stirrup—her hand on the rein_ How blithely she rides to the hunting of men Oh! goodly and grand is our hunting to see, In this ‘•land of the brave and this home of the free.” Priest, warriorand statesman, from Georgia to Maine, All mounting the saouic——all grasping the rein_■ Pight merrily hunting the black man, whose sin Is the curl of his hair and the hue of his skin! W o, now to the hunted who turns him at bay! Will our hunters be turned from their purpose and prey/ 1 Will their hearts fail within them ?—their nerves tremble, when All roughly they ride to the hunting of men? Ho—alms for our hunters! all weary and faint Wax the curse of the sinner and prayer of the saint. The horn is wound faintly—the echoes are still Over cane-brake and river, and forest and hill. Haste—alms for our hunters! the hunted once Have turned from their flight with their backs to the shore: What right have they here in the home of the white, Shadowed o’er by our banner of Freedom and Right/ Ho—alms for the hunters!—or never again Will they ride in their pomp to the hunting of Alms—Alton for our hunters! why will ye de Kv» lien their pride and their glory are melting away The parson hasturhed; for, on charge of his own, Who goetli a warfare, or hunting, alone? The politic statesman looks back with a sigh— There is doubt in his heart—there is fear in his eye. Oh! haste, lest that doubting and fear shall pre vail, And the head of his steed take the place of his tail. Oh! haste, ere he leaves us! for who will ride For pleasure or gain, to the hunting of Men The tender ties of paren', husband, friend All bonds of Nature, in that moment end. O most degrading of all ills that wait On man, (a mourner in his best es a c!) All o her sorrows virtue may endure, And find submission more than half a cure; Hut Slavkry Virtue dreads it as her grave, Patience itself is meanness in a slave. Wait, then, the dawuing of a brighter day, And snap the chain the moment when you may. Vat are imprin's upon what’er we see That has u heart and life in it, 1 h: Free. C'j wper. AGRICULTURAL. From the Cultivator. MAKING PORK. Making pork is one of the most essen tial interests of the farmer, and may be made one of the most profitable. We question, however, whether, as generally conducted, much money is made by feed ing swine, and the reasons are sufficiently plain. In the fiist place, but htttle atten tion, if any, is paid to the kind of hog used for feeding. It is enough, if the animal, caught and caged in the pen, is a bog; the fact that a given quantity of food led to sorno breeds will make neaily or quite as much again pork as when led to some other breeds, is overlooked; and an aston ishing quantity of roots and grain is thus annually wasted. In tho second place, the inode of feeding is very defective. The food may be good, but it given to tho hog unprepared, or uncooked, much ot its elli ciencv is lost. To feed hogs profitably, they should fiorn the first, be kept in a thriving state. Not halfjuttcned at one tune, and then allowed to fall away until they are miserably poor but kept con stantly improving from ihe time they leave I lie sow until they are ready lor slaughter ing. It takes a much larger amount ut food to raise an animal of any kind allow ed to become poor than to keep one con stantly thriving. Again, the lime allot ted to feeding, is usually limited; good firm heavy pork cannot be made, no mat ter what may be the feed used, short ol three or four months. Hogs may be puff ed out, and made to look pretty fair, but 1 heir meat will not be bard anu imii, and will be affected with tbe complaint called shrinking in ibe pot. llogs fallen nmcb faster in moderate weather, limn in severe cold weather; and hence the process of fntening should commence as early as the food to he used can he had. After the process of feeding begins, see that the hogs have enough. To suppose a squeal ing ravening hog will fat, is a mistake, hut unfortunately a common one. To make good pork, a hog should not he less than fifteen mouths old, kept con stantly thriving, not have a yard as large as the firm or ihe highway, and he fed on good loud not less limn three months. COOKING FOOD FOR ANIMALS. All are aware that grain of almost every kind greatly increases in hulk by steaming or boiling, and Hus bulk is greatest at the moment the grain is swelled so as to crack or hurst its skin. It is also known that cooked food is far more nutritious to ani mals, than that which is uncooked; and many have gone on the supposition I.hat its increase in value fur food was equal to its m bulk in eookirig. This is doubtless a mistake, as lhe nmrilive power of arti cles is rarely in proportion to their size, and never perhaps exactly in pioportion to their increase of bulk in cooking. Reaumur instituted a series of experi ments to determine the rate of increase of different articles of food most commonly used for animals, and found the result of some ot them as follows: 4 pints of oats after boiling, filled 7 pints. 4 44 barley 44 1() 4 44 buckwheat 44 44 I t 44 4 44 Indian corn 44 44 15 44 4 44 Wheat 44 44 10 44 4 44 Rye 44 44 1 5 44 In the continuation of his experiments to ascertain the effect of such food on ani oi 'ls, he lound that with some of these articles, though the bulk was much in creased, the total of food required to sat isfy the animal, was the same as if no cook ing had taken place or that an animal that would eat half a bushel of oats dry, would eat a bushel cooked with the same ease 1 he nutritive power was, however, apparently increased, or the whole of it contained in the grain made available which, when grain is led whole or raw is rarely the case. On the whole, he came to the conclusion that when wheat, barley, or Indian corn, >s used for feeding, it is far more economical to boil or cook these grains, than to feed them in a raw state but that little is gained on tho scoro of economy, when time, fuel, t k supposed that the superior nutritive qualities oi wheat over any other grain, anse from the great quantities of that pe culiar half animalized substance gluten, which ii contains. It also seems to be very well ascertained, that the quality of the bread made from it, as well as the quantity, is much influenced by this ingre dient. The combination of the gluten with the starch and water in making bread, renders wheat bread moro light, and ex cept when new, more digestible than any oilier. Sir II. Davy’s analysis of several kinds of wheat, gave the following propor tions of nutritive matter, or starch and gluten, in 1000 parts of each: Starch or Mucillagc. Middlesex wheat of good quality, 76.7 Polish, 7.71) North American, 7.70 I Thick Skinned Sicilian, 7 2.7 Thin Skinned do. 722 English Spring Wheat, 70t) Gluten. lilt) 0)0 225 230 239 240 Writers on this subject, have concluded that spring wheat must lie more nutritious than winter wheat. Owing to the greater quantity of gluten, it may he more easily digested; but we think the power of nutri tion cannot vary essentially. Winterwheat makes a whiter flour, cut before it is quite mature, and in any state, whiter thanspring wheat; and hence the rule should he, when intended for flour, cut early; when for seed, as late as can he done, and the crop be secured. A bushel of wheat is said to yield when ground, the following weight of flour, &c. Fine flour, 25J lbs. Household do. lbs. Pollords, 8 lbs. Bran, 3 lbs. The first and second kinds mixed, con stitute the quality of flour used for bread in this country and in England; anti hence a bushel of wheat gives 48 lbs. of flour suitable for bread of good quality. To ascertain the quantity of bread the several kinds of wheat, as well as of other grains, would make, a series of experiments was instituted by the French government, which resulted in the average of the exper iments, as follows. "’heat, if 60 lbs., flout- 44, made of bread 64 lbs. It ye, .74 42 56 Harley 44 374 51) u Hats 40 22* 30 Thus a bushel of oats, for instance, weighing two-thirds as much as a bushel of wheat, made riot half as much bread; a fact doubtless to he attributed to the power of combining with water, given to the wheat by the gluten it contains. The ad vantages of cooking grain for food, are strikingly shown in ’.lit fact, that by mak irtg flour into bread, one-third of nutritive power is gained, as few will contend that bread is not more nourishing than raw dour: and the grain in the others, is not far below that of wheat.—ib. MISCELLANEOUS. from the If'ayne, .V. I. Sentinel, September 9. TIIE MASSACRE AT INDIAN KEV. Mrs. Perrme and lier three children, two daughters.(young women) and a son, about 13 years ul age, survivors of the dreadful massacre at Indian Key, Florida, ori the 7ih of August last, arrived here on the night of the odi inst., in comparative good j health. Their intense sufferings and mi raculous escape, are among the most thrill ing incidents upon the annals of Indian warfare, in our country. Wedoubt whe ther, for self-possession, cool determina tion, and daring bravery, under such ap palling circumstances, an equal can be found on the records of female heroism, in ancient or modern times. A special pro vidence seems to have inspired and directed hern, and by its unseen power, rescued them from an awful death. The facts, as we learn them from the family, areas fol lows This Key is a small Island off the south east coast of Florida, containing only about twelve acres of land, and five families, in all about GO inhabitants. Around Indian Key, aro a chain of keys on the north west, extending towards the main land, the most noted of which is Matacumba. This is distant from Indian Key about one mile, and extends to within twenty miles of (he peninsula or main land, being the nearest point from any of the keys in this direction. Owing to the distance from the mum shore, and ihe known habits of the Florida Indians, during the present war— scarcely during to venture beyond the con fines of their own impenetrable swamps and fastnesses—and from I ho fact that a small force was stationed on one of the group—Tea Table Key—which was also made a naval depot, iho idea of security was never interrupted, nor the thought or possibility of danger entertained. The habitants there were as careless and uncon cerned as in the most profound peace. But alas! the infuriate savage, those demons in human form-like their counterpart, the Spirit of Evil, choose for their victims the mast unguarded those least prepared to resist. They spr.ng from their jungle up on the innocent and unsuspecting, like the tiger upon his prey. There is but one on set, and tbe bloody work is done. In tbe attack upon this island, it was the plan of tlie Indian to strike but one blow and make that decisive. They approach ed it at an unusual point, where it was deemed inaccessible. They were about eigliiy in number. It was their plan to di vide their foice, and make a simultaneous attack upon every house on the island, and i cul at once every possibility of escape; but fortunately, their presence was detected buforu their hellish purpose could be exe cuted rwo laborers of a Mr. Houseman, who bn some reason were abroad, (it being I about'd o'clock in the morning) first dis i covered the canoes of the savages, seven (can in number, drawn up on an obscure pari of the island. There could be but one explanation to this strange appearence: that was quickly apprehended by the work men. Indians were present, and death and plunder could be their only objects; and they were soon discovered, in their skulk ing attitudes, filing for the different houses the inmates of which were all enjoying their quiet slumbers—little dreaming of the impending storm that was about to burst upon them. The alarm was instant ly given, and in a manner so as to frustrate, partially, the designs of the savages, and by the Providence of God, a part of the devoted victims, snatched from swift do slruction, were permitted to escape their intended doom. But as a full account of the bloody tragedy is intended to be given from another source, we shall confine our narrative to tho part acted by the family of Dr. Perrine. At the time ot the attack, the family were I sleeping in the second story of their dwcll ing, and the lights, for the first time in a number of nights, had been extinguished. Mrs. Pernne and her eldest daughter were still invalids, having been indisposed and confined to their rooms for some weeks previous. The first intimation of danger, was the discharge of rifles, accompanied by the falling of the glass, as the shots passed through the windows around them. '1 his was an awful change in the quiet stillness of that hour; but the family at once real ized their perilous situation. The danger was too near at hand to admit of a doubt too startling anu sensible to be imagined as a dream, or an illusion of the fancy It appears that the dwelling of I)r. Pur rine was situated on tfie edge of the island, and constructed upon a pier, so that u part of the house extended over the water. On the top was a cupola, and underneath a cel lar and a room used for bathing,and con nected with the cellar by means of a trap door. From tha bathing room there was a narrow passage under the pier leading to tiie outer edge of the wharf, made to ad mit the influx of thu tide to the room.— The passage and room were new nearly fi'led with water. At the end of thu pas sage, and extending out even with the pier above, was a large Turtle Crawl, con structed by driving Palmetto posts or piles deeply into the marl beneath. Upon the alarm and yell uf the Indians, the family instantly sprang from their beds and sought concealment in this bathing roorn. The Doctor having conducted them hither, left them at tiie door, telling them that he would return and speak with the Indians and see what he could do. He had no means of defense. His repeating rifle and pistols were useless to him, as he had no caps for either. 11 is only hope was a parley with them; and with great delib eration he ascended again to the top of the house and called to the Indians in Spanish, (these being of that tribe known in Flori da as the Spanish Indians) and told them that ho was a Physician, and Ihtiy must spare him. It had the desired effect for the moment. They listened to Ins words, gave a shout, and turned their attack upon other dwellings in the vicinity. The Doc tor then descended, drew a large seed chest over the trap door that led into the bathing room, thinking, no doubt, by secreting his family he should he able to manage the sav ages, and save bimself and them from de struction. lie then returned to the cupo la, and shortly after the attack was renew ed by tbo Indians with a determination not to be again diverted from their purpose. Seeing that bo bad nothing to hope from them, his object then appears to have been to fasten the massive trap-door by which be ascended the cupola, and prevent their access to him, or knowledge of bis situa tion. But they burst into the bouse and forced their way to bis retreat; and, from the fiendish yells of the exulting monsters, and the groans of their father, the family supposed Ins horrid butchery was here com pleted. The savages then fired the bouse upon llie (op and commenced their search lor oilier victims and plunder. Mrs. Per rine and family at this juncture retreated from the bathing room through the sub terraneous passage leading to the Turtle Crawl, and sought that as the only refuge for a moment’s safety. In this place, in eacli other’s arms, the mother and three children, with scarcely their heads above the water, lay for nine long hours, still as llie reigning silence of the grave, awaiting their fate. The savages for a long tune were upon the plunks over their heads, per forming their hellish orgies, and glutting ever their plunder, and even hoisted a plank and looked down towards them, but us Heaven would direct, the objects of their search were undiscovered! In the mean tune the bouse was burning to its found ations. The plank, also, over the Turtle Crawl caught lire. The smoko and beat from the burning house and other objects were becoming so intense that death from this cause seemed inevitable. Life was supported fur some time by dashing water in each other’s faces to keep the air in mo tion, and by plastering their iiead3 with marl from the bottom of tlio Crawl to ward olT the scorching heat. At length it be came so oppressive that Henry, the young lad, could hear it no longer. His mother endeavored to prevent his screams by clasp ing his mouth w ith her hands; but ho tore away from her, declaring that he preferred death by the tomahawk rather than in that terrible place. He made his escape throtinh an aperture of the Turtle Crawl, hut wmu, was too small to admit the egress vl the others, who were now sensible that an ad venture otlored the only chance of life_ Thera was now no way of escape except l>y a removal of one of the deeply imbeded piles with which their retreat was con cluded. This could only be done by re moving the earth at the bottom, which was far underwater. Mrs. P. set herself about the task, and accomplished it just in time to avoid the fulling timbers under which they had been sheltered. There were six huge Indians at this time plunderig Mr. Houseman’s store a short distance from hero. Near the store was a launch or small boat drawn up upon the wharf, which ihey were filling with their spoils. Mrs. Perriue and girls approached the boat, hav ing to wade through the water in full view, u hundred yards to do so, (while the sav«I ges had returned to the store after other articles of plunder)—beckoned to them the boy, (of whose fate they had been un certain) who was standing close upon this den of murderers, and by their united sirtMigm ana tlic most desperate efforts, succeeded in tearing it front ilg fastenings and dragging it into water of sufficient depth tor it to tloat. They sprang in, and, wall ono paddle, ono oar, and two poles, exerted as it were the last energies of life in widening their distance from the ill-fat ed shore. By the blessing of God they made theii escape. They were not discov ered by the Indians until beyond the reach ot their deadly rilles. A pursuit was at tempted, but ibe fortunate appearance of a schooner deterred them from persisting. When wo consider that during all tins lime, one ol the young women was not only helpless, hut had to he borne bv the s. cngtii id the others, and lhat Mrs. Per rmu tieiscll v,.is absolutely ill, tlio deter mined lortiltide, the cool calculation, the gteat feats of strength, the daring adven ture and wonderful escapes from butchery and the flames, appear so striking as to al most stagger human credulity The destitute fugitives were taken up by a boat from the schooner Medium, Capt. Magee. Their situation must have been truly distressing—having been nine hours in the mud and water at the Key—and some three house exposed, with nothing but tattered nigiit-clotbes—if by this time they even merrited that name—to the burn ing rays of a tropical sun, they were liter ally roasted alive. They wish to express their grateful acknowledgments to the Cap tain ut the Medium, and his officers and crew, for iheir gentlemanly and generous conduct, upon this trying occasion. On board the Santee steamer, in winch they reach- I St. Augustine, every kindness and alien on were paid them, which their wants and destitute situation required.— They were accompanied from Cape Flori da to Philadelphia, by Dr. Edward VVorrel of the U. S. Army, who treated them in the most praiseworthy manner. And they wish to say to their friends generally, that no pains have been spared wherever they have been among strangers or acquaint ances, lo mitigate the burthen of their suf ferings; and lhat they have reached their destination in safely, and are happy thus lo acknowledge lher numerous favors be stowed upon them, and llieir gratitude to an ovonulmg Providence, whose protect ing band so signally shielded them in the hour of trial and danger. THOUGHTS FOR PARENTS. Here we address the following exhorta tion to all persons, parent? or tutors, who are charged with the task of education, beseeching them to give serious attention thereto. I. Be what the children ought to be. Ho what the children ought to do. 3. Avoid what they should avoid. 4. Aim always, that not only in the pre sence of the children, but also in their ab sence, your conduct may serve them for an example. H. Aro any among them defective?— Examine what you arc yourself, what you avoid—in a word, yetir whole conduct. 6. Do you discover in youiself defect*, sins, wanderings? Begin by improving yourself, and seeking afterwards to im prove your children. 7. Think well that those by whom you are surrounded, are often only the reflec tion of yourself. 8. If you lead a life of penitence, and seek daily to have grace given you, it will be imparted to you, and through you to your children. 9. If you always seek Divine guidance, your children will more willingly be di rected by you. 10. The more obedient you are to God* the more obedient will your children be to you; thus in Ins childhood the wise Solo mon asked of the Lord t( an obedient heart,” in order to be able to govern Iris people. II. As soon as the master becomes lukewarm in communion with God, that lukewarmness will extend itself among his pupils. 12. That which forms a wall of separa tion between God and yourself, will bo a source of evil to your children. 13- An example in which love does not form a chief feature, is but the light of lire moon—it is cold and feeble. 14. An example animated by an ardent and sincere love, shines like the sun—It warms and invigorates. London S. S. Mag. A Valuam.)! Tuact.—A yankee far mer, who recently removed to Virginia am! purchased a large tract of what is called wasie land in that slave Slate, re ceived thirty thousand dollars for his first crop from it.