St. Croix Avis (Christiansted, St. Croix [V.I.]) 1844-Current
January 10, 1865

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ol sane N e e S G ey PN e B AL UDGIVER: HANS HATCHETT. TRYKT I ENKEN HARRIET HATCHETT’S BOGTRYKKERI 21de Aarg.] The “AVIS' I 3 EDITED BY HANS HATCHETT; EVERY TUESDAY AND FRIDAY for the Proprietress. S 5 NOTICE. THE Cepartnership hitherto exXisting in this place under the firm of is this day dissolved by mutual consent, Mg. TiMmorHY NELSON PEARSON retiring therefrom. Mg. TuoMas PeirsoN having by mu tual consent assumed the assets and lia bilities of the concern will conduct the busivess for his sole account and under his own name. St. Thomas, 31st Dcecember 1864. (Signed) TIMOTHY N. PEARSON. (Signed) THOMAS PEARSON. With reference to the above, the un dersigned respectiully requests a settle ment .of all overdue accounts with the least possible deluy. 'Those having claims will please render them to THOS. PEARSON. NOTICL. LL persons indebted to Mrs J. C, A8 KOEFOED, deceascd, will plcase settle their accounts which have been due for some time, previous to Jannary the 15th 1865, if not they will be placed in the hands of an Attorney for collee tion. St. Thomas Ice Establishment, Decem ber 30th 1864. WM. C. CARPENTER. NOTICE. El LI, persons in possession of books belonging to the Library of the Youxa MEN’s Society for the Promotion of useful Knowledge are horeby requesi ed to return them within eight days from date, for which purpose the Library will be kept open every day from 3 to 5 o’clock p. m. F. H. ALMON. Christiansted, 10th January 1865. BEKJENDTGJORELSE. BET bringes herved til offentlig Kundskab, at ifølge en Med delelse, som Gouvernementet har modtaget fra den Kongelige Gene ralconsul i Caracas, er den i Secre tariatets Bekjendtgjærelse as 3die No vember d. A. omhandlede Blokade as Orinoco Flodens Mundinger m.m. atter hævet ved et Decret as de fore nede Venezuelanske Staters Regje ring as 14de dennes. Gouvernementets 2det Secretariat, Nt. Croix 30te Decbr. 1864 CARL HATTENSEN. CHRISTIANSTED, TIRSDAGEN den 10de JANUAR 1865. NOTICE o l f Tis hereby brought to public no tice that according to information which the Government have receiv ~ed from the Royal Consul General ~in Caracas the Government of the United States of Venezuela have by -a decrec of 14th instant entirely-raise d the Blockade of the mouths of the Orinoco river ete. ete. specified in the publication from the undersigned office of 3rd November last. Government’s 2nd Secretary’s office St. Croix Decbr. 30th 1864. CARL HATTENSEN. e A i Coammuntontsn é_}voq'uuulhhthoho To the Editor of the St, Croix Avis, Dear Sir! There has, as you are aware, been re cently before the Courts a ‘“cause celebre, I not of any murderous character however; butin the line of—horresco referens—smug gling. “Punch,” in my opinion the greatest authority of the day, maintains that women are all heaven born smugglers. I quite agree with him. Smuggling is so natural to them and, like every thing else they do, they do it charmingly and heaven ly, and, as a matter of eourse, evenif it is wronz they ought to be forgiven. Dut iow the men! A morose friend of mine with whom I have been talking the matter l over says:—*hang them.” 1 am not far from agreeing with him too. In order, however, to come to some definite result let us first hear what so great an authority as J. R. Mc Culloch says, he writes as fol lows with regard to the origin and preven tion of smuggling. “This erime, which oceupies so prominent i a place in the eriminal legislation of all modern states, is wholly the result of vicious commercial and financial legislation. It is the fruit either of prohibitions of importa tion or of oppressively high duties. It does not originate in any depravity inherent in man, but in the folly and ignorance of le gislators. A prohibition against importing a commodity does not take away the taste for it, and the imposition of a high duty on any article occasions a universal desire to escape or evade its payment. Hence, the rise and occupation of the smuggler. The risk of being detected in the clandes tine introduction of commodities under any system of fiscal regulations may always be valued at a certain average rate, and when ever the duties exceed this rate, smuggling immediately takes place. Now, there are plainly but two ways of cheeking this practice,—either the temptation to smug gle must be diminished by lowering the duties, or the difficulties in the way of smuggling must be increased. The first is l obviously the more natnral and efficient method of effecting the object in view, but the second has been most generally resort ed to, even in cases where the duties were quite excessive. (overnments have uni- formly almost consulted the persons em ployed in the collection of the revenue with respect to the best mode of rendering taxes eflectual, though it is clear that the interests, prejudices, and peculiar habits of such persons utterly disqualify them from forming a sound opinion on such a subject. They cannot Iccommend a reduction of duties as a means of repressing smuggling and increasing revenue without acknow ledging their own incapacity to detect and defeat illicit practices, and the result has been that, instead of ascribing the preva lence of smuggling to its true causes, the officers of customs and excise have almost universally aseribed it to some defect in the law, or in the mode of administering them, and have proposed repressing it by new regulations and by increasing the number and severity of the penalties affecting the smuggler. As might have been expected, these attempts have, in the great majority of cases, proved signally unsuccessful. And it has been invariably found, that no vigilance on the part of the revenue of ficers, and no severity of punishment, can prevent the smuggling of such commodi ties as are either prohibited or loaded with oppressive duties. The smuggler is gene rally a popular character, and whatever the law may declare on the subject, if is quite ludicrous to expect that the bulk of society will ever be brought to think that those who furnish them with cheap bran dy, geneva, tobacco, ete., are guilty of any very heinous oftence.” “To pretend,” says Dr. Smith, “to have any scruple about buying smuggled goods, though a manifest encouragement to the violation of the revenue laws, and to the perjury which almost always attends it would, in most countries be regarded as onc of those pedantic pieces of hypocrisy, which, instead of gaining credit with any body, seems only to expose the person who clicets to practise them to the susp-i cion of Leing a greater knave than most of his neighbors. By this indulgence of the public the smuggler is often encouraged to continue a trade which he is thus taught to consider as in some measure innocent aud when the severity of the revenue laws is ready to fall upon him he is frequently disposed to defend with violence what he has been accustomed to regard as his just property and from being at first rather im prudent than criminal he, at last too often becomes one of the most determined viola tors of the laws of society.”—(WEALTH oF Narroxs, VoL. 11 p. 491.) “To create by means of high duties an overwhelming temptation to indulge in crime, and then to punish men for indulg ing in it is a proceeding completely sub versive of every principle of justice. It revolts the natural feelings of the people, and teaches them to feel an interest in the worst characters—for such smugglers gen erally are—to espouse their cause, and avenge their wrongs. A punishment which is not proportioned to tIl;e offence, and which does not carry the sanction of public opinion along with it can never be productive of any good effect. The true way to put down smuggling is to render it [Nr. 3.

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unprofitable, to diminish the temptation to engage in it and this is not to be done by surrounding the coasts with cordons of troops, by the multiplication of oaths and penalties and making the country the thea tre of ferocious and bloody contests in the field and of perjury and chicanery in the courts of law, but by repealing prohibi tions, and reducing duties so that their collection may be enforced with a mode rate degree of vigilance, and that the for feiture of the article may be a suflicient penalty upon the smuggler. 1t lis in this, and in this only, that we must seek for an effectual check to illicit trafficking. When ever the profits of the fair trader become nearly equal to those of the smuggler, the latter is forced to abandon his hazardous profession. But so long as prohibitions or oppressively high duties are kept up, or which is, in fact the same thing, so long as high bounties are held out to encourage the adventurous, the needy, and the profli gate, to enter on this career we may be assured that armies of excise and custom house officers, backed by the utmost seve rity of the revenue laws will be insufficient to hinder them.” Such is the opinion of Mr. Mc Culloch. He is certainly not an idealist, and takes rather an unfavourable view of human na ture, and the motives that govern our actions I don’t, however, entirely agree with him in his views, as above expressed, and must beg you for space in your next number to point out wherein I differ from him and wherein I think he 1s wrong. Your obdt. servt.,

DENMARK. The Berlingske Tidende publishes a Royal letter patent, announcing the ratification of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, which was concluded last year between Denmark and China. The chief points of this Treaty are as fol lows «The Government of His Majesty the King of Denmark is authorized to accredit a diploma tic agent to China, who will be allowed to visit Pekin as often as important matters may render his presence there necessary, as also to establish Clonsuls in all such free ports and towns of China as he may deem advisable in the interests of Danish commerce. Danish subjects provid od with passports may travel throughout the whole extent of the Empire. The ports open to Danish vessels are—Canton, Swatow, Amoy, Toochow, Ningpo, Shanghai, Nanking, Chin kiang, Hankow, on the Yang-tze, Chefoo, Tien tsin, Niuchuang, Tamsui, Taiwanfu, in the island of Formosa, and Kiung-Chow in the island of Hainan. «Danish subjects have the right Lo acquire property in all those ports, and in their relations with the natives they are free from all undue interference on the part of the Chinese Govern ment. «Differences which may arise between Danes relative to rights of property or other personal claims shall be decided by the Danish authori ties; but these latter must—eonsult with the Chinese authorities should Chinese subjects be parties concerned in such differences. Danes found guilty of committing criminal acts tow ards Chinese subjects shall be arrested and punished by the Danish authorities according to ihe laws of their own country. Complaints made by Danes against Chinese, or vice versd, shall be laid before the Danish Consul, who will endeavor to settle the affair amicably; should he not succeed, he will solicit the assistance of the Chinese authorities, that they may conjointly oxamine the circumstances of the affair, and settle it in an equitable manner. «A Customs-tariff is established for importa tion and exportation, but it is clearly understood that in no instance Danes shall pay any higher dues than those exacted from the subjects of any other Power. Danes forwarding to sea- SSTe CROLE AV] S port merchandise purchased in the interior of the country, or who send from a port imported goods to some mart in the interior, may relieve themselves of transit dues by paying one-half of the duty sized by the tariff except for articles exempt from entrance dues, which are charged with transit duty of 23 per cent. of their value. Danish vessels of more than 150 tons burden shall pay a duty of 4 mace per ton; those of 150 tons and less, a duty of 1 mace per ton. These dues are to be paid before discharging the cargo and, in all cases, within 48 hours af ter arrival. 'The payment of the Customs’ dues shall be placed in the hands of bankers, designated by the Chinese Government, either in sycee or foreign coin, at the same rate of ex change as granted to other nations, and in no case at a different or higher rate. “Should a Danish trader not be able to come to an agreement with the Chinese agents re specting the value of merchandise charged ac cording to the tariff of an ad valorem duty, the two parties must submit it to the examination of two or three other merchants, and the highest estimation made by one of them shall be adopt ed. Chinese produce may be conveyed by Danish vessels from one open port to the other provided the tariff duties have been paid at the place of embarkation, and the coasting dues, which are half the former, at the place of land ing. On the re-exportation of merchandise which has paid the Custom dues, the entrance dues for foreign produce sent abroad or to an other Chinese port, as also the coast trade dues for Chinese articles sent abroad, shall be re funded. 'The official communication to the Chinese authorities shall be made in the Ing lish language. All rights, favours, and privi leges that are enjoyed or shall be enjoyed by the Government or by the snbjeets of any other nation, shall also be granted to the Danish Go vernment and to Danish subjects.” MR. LINCOLN’S RE-ELECTION. A meeting of the workmen of South London was held yesterday evening at the Lambeth Baths the Rev. Newman Hall in the chair. The Chairman, who was loudly cheered on entering the room, briefly explained that the object of the meeting was to adopt an address to Mr. Lincoln, congratulatine him on his re election te the presidential chair of Ameriea, in the conviction that that re-election was deci sive to the fate of slavery. The controversy, he said, respecting slavery was of old date in America. Nearly fifty years ago, when the States were all united, the division of opinion arose, but each State being paramount within its own boundaries no unanimous line of con duct could be adopted, and for a long time the pro-slavery party reigned dominant in the go vernment. They filled the presidential chair, and all the public offices, for many years, until at last the anti-slavery party succeeded in re turning Mr. Lincoln. From that moment the Southern States were inrebellion. They began in treachery, they drew the first sword, they struck the first blow, and the Washington go vernment merely did their constitutional duty in resisting the rebellion. Ostensibly the Wash ington government were fighting for their go vernment and empire, but in fact they were fighting for the abolition of slavery. During the war a million and a half of slaves had been emancipated, and several former slave States had abolished slavery. Under these circum stances the framers of the address were justifi ed in looking upon the re-election of Mr. Lin —eoln-as-an emphatic declaration of the Ameri can people against slavery. (Cheers.) There were two political parties in the North, the de mocrats and republicans. The democrats said, “Let us have the Union restored, slavery or no slavery whilst thoe cry of the republicans was, “T'he Union, and the abolition of slavery.” It was by the republicans that Mr. Lincoln was re-elected, and therefore he (Mr. Hall) said that his re-election was a national declaration in fa vour of negro emancipation. (Loud cheers.) With these observations he would call on Mr. Murphy to read the address. Mr. Murphy came forward and read the fol lowing address TO HIS EXCELLENCY ABRAHAM LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Sir,—We the working men of South London, in public meeting assembled, present our most respectful but hearty congratulations on your re-election to the presidential chair. We re joice in the manner in which that election was conducted, as well as at its results, proving, as it has done, that the possession of full political power by the masses of the people does not tend to lawlessness, even when exercised under extremely trying circumstances. We regard the action of the decisive majority which has again ptaced you in power as another proof that the great nation over which you preside is pledged to connect the restoration of the Union with freedom for the negro, and with his being ultimately placed before the law on a perfect equality with the white man. We lament the great sufferings caunsed by this war, as we ab hor the treachery by which it was commenced, and we earnestly pray that peace may soon be established, not by such unholy compromise as would cause a speedy renewal of the war, but a peace which, being righteous, will also be per manent. We deprecate the unjust and unkind remarks of a portion of our press and people in reference so yourself and the great cause you represent but these must no more be regarded as a fair representation of the opinien of Great Britain, than the statements of some papers and public men in America respecting this country are to be taken as a fair representation of the opinion of America. In conclusion we heg to assure you of our carnest prayers that Almigh ty God may long preserve your life, and give you all needful help in the important position you have been called to re-occupy at this im portant crisis and hoping that America will soon be re-united and free, and that your nation and our own may ever be found in perfect agreement for the good of the world and the glory of God, we bid you fareweli. In moving the adoption of the address, Mr. Murphy congratulated the working men of Eng land on the fact that a man who had begun hife as a day labourer was now the political chief of one of the mightiest empires in the world. (Cheers.) Mr. Lincoln had not only been elect ed, but had been reelected after the people had tested his powers of governing, and it was upon this great faet that the working wen of Lambeth met to congratulate him. (Hear, hear.) "The speaker having eloquently sketch ed the character and achievements of Mr. Lin coln in organising armies, finding generals, planning campaigns, and with their assistance carying his country through four years of peri lous circumstances, called their attention to the peaceful and trinmphant manner in which the late presidential election had been conducted. The party of resistance in this country had been watching that contest with intense anxie ty, in the hope that the riots which were cer tain to oceur would afford a sufficient reason for refusing any extension of the franchise in this country. But what had been the result? In a country out of which England might be stolen and not missed there had been neither violence nor drunkenness, whilst a blow had heen struck for the Union and for the abolition of slavery. (Loud cheers,) The correspon dents of certain London papers which he could mention had for months been sending homa tirades against Mr. Lincoln, and protesting that he was held in abhorrence by the people of America, but the answer to those assertions was that just one month since Mr. Lincoln had been almost unanimously re-elected. But these best possible instructors were not always infal lible. Only that morning the Zimes had an nounced that Mr. Williams, their respected member, was dead, and in the evening the Standard had given a long obituary memoir of a man who was yet alive. (Loud cheers.) Af ter some further observations Mr. Murphy con cluded by moving the address. Mr. Booker seconded the resolution, which was carried by acclamation. Mr. Pritchard moved a resolution appointing a deputation to wait on the American minister with the address. The speaker elucidated the American question at some length, and called upon the working men to take this opportunity of recording their protest against the abomina ble institution of slavery. This resolution, having been seconded by Mr. Elgar, was also unanimously adopted. The proceedings terminated with an entlusi astic vote of thanks to the rev. chairman.

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CONSTITUTIONALISM IN HESSE CASSEL. There is one class of persons which really ought to be very grateful to Ger nany,—the one which studies the growth of constitutional liberty. In other coun iries, in France, Italy, Greece, and even Spain, the Sovereigns claim by a more or less popular title, and whatever difficul ties they may have with their Chambers, they do not represent, and are not support ed by what in England we call the Tory party. In Germany, on the other hand, many of the conditions of our own carly struggles with the power of the Crown are faithfully reproduced. The dynas ties are at least national, and are protect ed by that quasi-religious awe with which all nations regard an immemorial title. In a legal point of view, moreover, the people are asking concessions. They are asking their “most illastrious and most gracious lords,” to surrender power which they aund their ancestors have ex ercised for centurics without challenge. And the maxims that governments exist for the good of the goverved, and that the safety of the people is the highest law, are maxims of which men admit the authority only to dispute the application. What is good? What is safety Pro bably the Prussian Chombers obey a sound instinet when they keep carefully within bounds of law, and expose them selves to the charge of supinencss rather than of treason. Certainly they follow the English precedent. After a constitu tional struggle of fifteen years, not the long Parlinment, but Charles 1. appealed to the sword. If the Stuarts were a legal they were not altogether a national dynasty, and the Kings of England had never been absolute. It may very well be doubted whether the Tudors, if any of the children of Henry VIIIL. had left issue, would have been as easiiy ousted, even if they had been as imprudent, as the Stu arts. It is therefore probable that the impatience of the supineness of the Prus sian Chambers which has often been ex pressed in England is a little unreason able. 'The one danger which the Ger man Liberal party has to avoid is out stripping public opinion. No doubt in these days of railways and a free pressit has means of iofluencing public opivion which were formerly unkuown, and one year now ought to do the work of three two centuries ago. But Parliaments do well to have law on their side. If all these considerations apply to Prussia, they apply with tenfold force to the smaller States. The Diet may have no great terrors for the Berlin Chambers, but it hangs like a thunder-cloud over Hesse-Cassel. The inhabitants of the smaller German States are in the same position with reference to their rulers that workmen in England used to be with reference to their masters. The masters might combine and the men might not. Whenever a German prineceling is in dan ger of having to yield to his subjects he goes off to the Diet, who are always rea dy to pronounce the popular proceedings to be ‘unfederal”’—a word which is used in precisely the same sense as the word “pnconstitutional” is used by Tory big wigs. A thing is unfederal when prin ces do not like it. The people of Hesse know by experience what it is to be un federal, and naturally do not wish to in cur so damaging a reproach. Not that they can ever be safe from it. In 1830 the French counter-revolution produced among other results these two—that the Duke of Brunswick and the Elector of Hesse-Cassel ran away from their faithful ST CROILX AVLIS. subjects. The Duke never came back again, so the Diet pronounced him mad but the Elector did return, and granted a constitution on the sth January, 1831. the first of these incidents seems to have rebutted, in the judgment of the Diet, the presumption of lunacy raised by the running away. Popular dissatisfaction, however, was not allayed, and a compro mise was effected. 'T'ie Elector on the 30th September in the same year made his son—the most illustrious and most gracious elector and lord who now rules —co-regent. Thus his reign may be said to be coeval with the constitution of Hesse-Cassel. He sat by its cradle, and it certainly has not been his fault it he has not followed its hearse. In 184 S came another French revolation, and the grievances of the Hesstans again produ ced something like rebellion. But this time the Elector had gained wisdom. He bided his time, and in 1849 carried his constitution, which had been in existence, if not quite in operation. for eighteen years, to the Diet. ¢Dear, .dear!” said the Diet, “why the cause of all your trouble is clear. Your coustitution is unfederal.” So the Dict ordered Fede ral execution, Austrian troops entered the Electorate, the Elector abolished the constitution and made a new one, which, as it left him all real power, was thoroughly Federal. ‘T'he Hessians, however, could not see it, and in IS6O they actually refused to pay the taxes. In England Dissenters sometimes refuse Charch-rates, but a whole people refus ing taxes and allowing themselves to be distrained on rather than pay was felt to be a dangerous precedent. Something had to be done, and Prussia, who had been jockeyed by Austria in 1850 and has certain reversionary claims on the Electorate, politely intimated to the Diet that if there was to be another Federal execution she could not allow any other Power to carry it out. When Prussia is a Liberal power she has to be obeyed. The Dict ordered the restoration of the constitution of 1831, leaving it to the Elector and his Chambers to amend the un-Federal elauses, and #he Elector by his patent of the 21st of June, 1562, promised compliance. DBut still those terrible Hessians are not satisfied. The Chambers on the 24th of Novem ber drew up their «“Grand Remonstrance,” to which the Elector replied on the 3rd of December. 'The Chambers say that they have been negotiating for two years, and that at last “the hope” that the Elec tor will perform the promise ofhis patent vhas almost vanished.” Espcecially they doubt that His Highness means to keep his word ¢in reference to the highest court of justice and the internal admini stration of the ecountry.” The Elector replies to this that the Chambers ought to ask “withfitting respect for the r-moval of certain stated grievances” We must say that this gives us a very high idea of His Highness’s love of truth and plain speaking. The Chambers further repre sent that during the reign of the late Elector ¢the people degenerated into al most universal poverty,” that property was depreciated to the lowest point, and trade completely overthrown. The Elec tor very properly, inanswer to this, com ments on the indelicacy of this criticism of ““periods of government of our ancestors now resting in God,” considerately re moving by this phrase any douabts as to the eternal felicity of his late Highness which may have been raised by the un doubted fact that he bullied his wife till she ran away from him, and then openly placed in her bed his mistress, a lady named Ortlep, or Ortlopp, who was the lawful wife of a Gierman dragoon. The Chambers then allude with satisfaction to the few years of improvement which followed the grant of the constitution of 1831, a happy glimpse of prosperity to which “a time of retrogression” soon succeeded, ““until in the famine year of 1846 the impoverished fell into the bit terest necessity.” Nothing, they say, had been done to avert it, the years 1848 and 1849 offered no opportunity of recovery, and 1850 brought Federal execution, for elgn troops, immense expenses,.and deep, painful wounds, to the cure of which up to the present moment not the slightest steps have been taken, often and impres sively as the Chambers have prayed for their adoption.” They, moreover, elabo rately set forth the falling off in the schools, in trade and agriculture, and un hesitatingly attribute these calamities to the increasing “exaggeration of the right of State supervision.” Thus much the Chambers feel bound to say, though their moderation keeps “in the background many just and deeply felt complaints. But 1t 1s their daty to represent that un less a period of sturdy creation and re formation in the legislation and adminis tration is at once commenced inevitable misfortunes must fall on Electoral Hesse.” And they conclude by earnestly entreat ing that “a ruler possessing the consci ousness of his position and of his sacred duties” will take *‘the necessary resolu tions.” As we have already intimated, the Elector does not exactiy see it in that light. ‘T'he condition of the country is not, he thinks, deseribed with the requi site. moderation. He is very mach suar prised ¢to see the efficiency of his go vernment misunderstood.” If the con stitution has not been arranged, that is the fault of the Chambers. All their schemes are nothing, but attempts to effect ““a settlement at the expense of the unassailable prerogatives of his Crown and a secure order of State life.” Os course this is very bad,—the prerogatives we should not care about so much, but the secure order of State life, or, as the Elector calls it elsewhere, ‘“a regulated St:te order,” is clearly indispensible. One is surprised that the Chambers do not see it. The Elector thevefore considers that the course of the Chambers is clearly cut out for them, aud that as for “a period of sturdy creation and reformation” on his part, “we are already conscious of ge neral faithful performance of our duty.” Meanwhile the Chambers are affection ately warned. The Elector has proofs in the address where the public discon tent they talk of has its origin, and he has learnt from it “in what to-some-ex tent-more-important direction a more ac tive display of Governmental activity is required.” So the matter stands. One laughs, but the end of such mirth is heaviness. Englishmen think contemptuously of Hes se. Its people used to let themselves be sold as mercevaries by their rulers, and we used to buy them. We have learnt from Murray’s handbook that the Bava rian buy-v-broom girls were all Hessians, and the buy-a-broom girls were not esti mable characters. Constitutional crises are all very fine in great countries, but three-quarters of a million of people have no business with such things. A Briton watches such affairs with the sort of con temptuous admiration with which Gulliver looked down on the constitutional policy of Lilliput. One cannot be quite serious about three-quarters ofa million of people. And yet each unit of the 750,000 suffers

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as much as an ill-governed Frenchman, Prussiab, or Russian. Misery should be measured by its intensity, not its extent, and no citizen of a great country ever bad to endure anything like the grinding, prying, omnipresent, domestic tyranny of a petty prince. Italy found them intol erable, and Germany groans under their yoke. Os all of them the Electors of Hesse have been the worst. ‘There is no chance of agreement between the pre sent Elector and his Chambers. They want to enrich the country and he wants to enrich himself. There never has been any want of money in the Treasury. Ever since that ardent Protestant Philip the ‘Magnanimous made Luther allow him two wives, devotion to the fair sex has been a family failing. The late Elector’s foibles have been alluded to, and the reigning sovereign, if more respectable, is equally burdensome to his subjects. He chose to contract a morganatic alliance with the widow of a non-commissioned officer, and is blessed with nine morganatic chil dren. When he dies their chance will be gone, and for thirty years the Coun tess of Schaumburg and her offspring have been feeding on the indastry of Hesse. The Chambers protest decorous ly, and they may protest. In 1862 Count Bernstorf helped them, but without Prus sian aid resistance is of no avail. They cannot stop the supplies, and resistance endsin “Federal execution, foreign troops, and immense expenses.” We can only advise them to bide their tim~ as pa tiently as they can. At present Herr von Bismark wants to get Lauenburg, and will do anything to secure the Elector’s vote in the Diet. But consistency is not a virtue he values. He can be very con stitutional out of Prussia, and why not in Hesse as well as Holstein? Every Prus sian who looks at a map must covet Hesse- Cassel. If the Hessians were to wait till the Schleswig-Holstein affair is well set tled, then to rise, expel the Elector, and offer his crown to the King of Prussia, we might yet see Herr von Bismark an enthusiastic vindicator of the right of peoples to choose their own ruiers.— Spectator, December 10. Mortifications-Stevning. J. A. Stakemann, Justitsraad, Underdommer og Skriver m.m. Christiansteds Jurisdiction paa Oen St. Croix i America (jor vitterligt: Atfor mig har andraget Overrets-Procurator Heil buth hvorledes han som Sagforer for Frederiksteds Skifteret her paa Oen som behandlende Planter F. R. New ton's Fallitbo, og i Medfor dertil er hvervet allernaadigst Bevilling af3lte Dectember sidstleden, skal finde sig befdiet til i Overeensstemmelse med Forordning 7de Februar 1823 og Rescript 9de. December 1825 3, samt Anordning 24de April 1860, at soge mortificeret et bortkommet Gjeldsbeviis nemlig en as afgangne John Brady her as Oen under 30te Marts 1854 til fornævnte F. R. New ton udstedt Obligation paa $1,173. 78 —er HElleve Hundrede Tre og Halv fjerdsindstyve vestindiske Dalere og Otte og Halvfjerdsindstyve Cents-med Renter og første Prioritets Panteret i: Eiendominen No. 30 Hjornet as SSTe CROLX A YL S Kongensgade og Kongenstvergade i Byen Christiansted her paa Oen. THI INDSTEVNES herved til at mode inden denne Jurisdictions or dinaire Bything i Retshuset No. 10 Kongensgade her i Byen Christian sted, eller hvilket andet Sted nævnte Ret til den Tid maatte vorde holdt, den forste TIRSDAG i JULI Maa ned 1866 Formiddag Klokken 10 slet, den eller dem som maatte have ihæn de eller formene at have nogen Ret eller Adkomst til fornævnte as afdøde John Brady til F. R. Newton ud stedte Obligation as 30te Marts 1854 for $1,173. 78, og der og da med samme at fremkomme og sin eller deres Rct og Adkomst til samme at anmelde og beviisliggjore, da om In gen. skulde melde sig, Citanten vil forvente og lade paastaa at den for nævnte Obligation ved Rettens Dom kjendes dåd og magteslås at være, saaledes at dens Paalydende eller den paa.samme skyldige Saldø-derefter lovligen kan indfordres hos Debitor efter en Udskrivt as Mortifications- Dommen forsynet med rette Vedkom mendes Qvittering. Forclæg er hævet ved Forordning 3die Juni 1796. Christiansteds Dommercontoir, St. Croix den Gte Januar 1865. J. A. Stakemann. Os the Receipt of Deposits at the St. Croix SAVINGS BANK, On Saturday, 7th January 1865. L S Receivers: IN CHRISTIANSTED: Capt. Holstein, Trustee. G. B. Meyer, Esq., Member. IN FREDERIKSTED Wm. Peebles, Esq, Trustee. Amount of former deposits. £224,961 10 5 deposits of 20 cents each. 20 above 20 cts. and under 1. 20 v 34 o 5. P 5 10. g 10 20. A .20 i 50. 1% 80 i 100. 67 deposits, of which 51 in Christiansted amounting e 05} 16 in Frederiksted do. 474 03 s i 668 03 Total 225,629 18 Balance of deposits 47,667 10 19 new deposit accounts, viz.: 1 Cartman. 2 Military. 1 Clerk. 2 Minors. 2 Joiners. 2 Sempstresses. 2 Laborers. 6 Various. 1 Mason. 8 Withdrawals amounting t0...867 86. Receivers for Saturday, 14th Jan. 1865. IN CHRISTIANSTED Carl Hattensen, Esq., Trustee. James Moore, Esq., Member. IN FREDERIKSTED Counsellor Rahr, Trustee. F. A. Lund, Esq., Member. GEO. BEHAGEN, g President. St. Croix, 9th January 1865. AUCTION. AUCTIONSDIBECTEUREN be kjendtgjor herved, atifølge Re quisition as Hr. Procurator Gad paa vedkommende Doms- og Udlægsha veres Vegne vil blive opraabt til Salg ved 3de offentlige Auctioner i Over eensstemmelse med PI. 22 April 1817 112 part as EIENDOMMENE No. 4, 7 8 Curagao-Gade Kronprindsens Qvarteer Iste Auction afholdes Onsdagen den Iste Februar 1865 Middag KI. 12, 2den Auction as holdes Onsdagen den 13de Februar 1865 Middag Kl. 12, 3die Auction afholdes Onsdagen den Iste Marts 1865 Middag Kl. 12. De 2?de forste Auctioner paa under tegnede Contoir, 3die Auection parx Aastedet. Conditionerne ere til Eftersyn hos Requirenten og ville blive fremlagte ved Auetionermne, hvortil Lysthavende indbydes. St. Thomæ Auctions Contoir, den 30te December 1864, Rosenstarnd, Auctionsdirecteur. AUCTION. THE Vendue Director hereby makes known, that at the request of Lawyer Gad on behalf of the dis trainer and in conformity with Royay Ordinance of 22nd April 1817 is offered for sale by 3 Auctions 112 share of the ProrerTliES No. 4,7 8 Cu racaostreet, Crownprinces Quarter. Ist Auction on Wednesday the Ist February coming at 12 o’clock noon, 2nd Auction on Wednesday the 15th February at 12 o’clock noon, 3rd Auction on Wednesday the Ist March coming at 12 o’clock noon. First and second auction at the un dersigned office, third auction at the premises. The terms of sale to be seen at Lawyer Gad’s office and at the Ven dues to which purchasers are invited. St. Thomas Vendue Office, the 30th December 1864. ROSENSTAND, Yendue Director. FOR RENT. ?KJ(HE HOUSE No. 1 B. Company Street this town, upper and lower stories, formerly occupied by Mr. E. WoLrr; and the store under the corner house. Pos session can be had at once. For particulars apply to Mr. P. Har- CHETT. December 12th 1864. THE ST. CROIX Sheet Almanac for 1865 is for sale at this office and at the stores of Mr. Robinson and Mr. Flynn in West End, Price 40 cents. L executed at this Office JUB PR'NTING with neatness and dis patch.