Daily National Intelligencer (Washington City [D.C.])
June 28, 1813
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VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PUBLISHED BY GALES AND SEATON, Daily, at Ten Dollars per annum PAID IN ADVANCE. No subscription will be taken for less than twelve months. (O’ Jill letters to the Editors must be post paid. NO TICE TO PERSONS EMPLOYED ON BOARD PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS. TO enable those who may be wounded, or disabled, in any engagement with the enemy, to obtain certificates entitling them to pen sions, the like regulations and restrictions as are used in relation to the navy of the United States, are to be observed, to wit: That the commanding officer of every ves sel having a commission, or letters of marque and reprisal, cause to be given to any officer, or seamen, who, during his cruise, shall have been wounded, or disabled, as aforesaid, aSNJFF. Prevost Maccauba, Hardam’s No. 9. J A few dozen half and quarter boxes of REAL SPANISH SEGARS. June I—ts WANTED TO PURCHASE, A YOUNG WOMAJ, OH G/HL about 16, who has been brought up as a house servant, and accustomed to the care of children Enquire at this office. March 29— PRINCE GEORGE’S COUN" Y. c r John Throb, of Prince Georce’s County, haying in the recess oi the court of said county, preferred to me, the subscri ber, one of the Judges of ‘he first Judicial district of Maryland, a wrh en petition for the benefit of the act of Assembly, parsed at November .Session, eighteen hundred and fiye, entitled An Act, for the relief of sun dry insolvent debtors,’’-and the several sup plements thiereto, on the terms therei- pre scribed—having annexed to his petition a schedule of his property and a Sis- of his cre ditors, both verified by his oath, having sa tisfied me by competent testimony, that he has resided within the state of Maryland the two years immed ately preceding this h's ap. plication, having also stated in his petition that he is in confinement for debt, only, and pro duced, in corroboration of that statement, a certificate from one of the constables of Prince George’s county, shewing that he this peti tioner is in custody for debt only, and having prayed that his person may be released from custody, and that the full benefit of the act of Assembly for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors on his complying with the terms pie scribed in the said act of Assembly, I do here by order and adjudge, that the person of the said petitioner, John Turner, be discharged from confinement, and that he, by causing a cqpy of this order to be inserted in the Na tional Intelligencer for three months succes sively before the twentieth day of September next, noli y his creditors to appear before me or some other of jhe Judges of the said judi cial district on the day last mentioned, to shew cause (if any they have) wherefore the said John Turner should not be admitted to the full benefit of the act of Assembly alore said, and the several supp:ements thereto on the terms therein presented, on his fully com plying with the said law, and for the fur her purpose of recommending a trusted for theijr benefit. Given under my hand this third day of June, eighteen hundred and thirteen. JOHN JOHNSON, Judge of the first Judicial district of Maryland. June 11 w3mo CHARLES COUNTY COURI, MARCH TERM, 1813. ON application to Charles County Court by petition in writing of John M’CuUi ch of Charles County, for the benefit of the act of Assembly for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, passed at November session, one thou sand eight hundred and five, and tlie several supplements theretq on the terms mentioned therein, a schedule of his property and a fist oi his creditors on oath as far as he can ascer tain them being annexed to his petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testi mony, that the said John M’Culioch has re sided two years immediately preceding the time of his application in the state of Mary land, it is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said John M’Culioch, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the Na tional Intelligencer once a week for three months before the third Monday in August next, give notice to his creditors to appear be fore this court, at the court house, in Charles town, on the third Monday in August next for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, and io shew cause, if any they have, why the said John M’Culioch should not have the benefit of the act of assembfy afore said asprayed. Test, June B—w. 3mo. JOHN BARNES, Cik. SAINT MARY’S COUNiY gOURT, March Term, 1813. ON application to the honorable Edmund Key, Esq. one of the judges of the first judi cial district of the state of Maryland, by pe tition m wring, of John Mattingly, Joseph Mattingly, and Charles Thompson, of Saint Mary’s County, praying the benefit of the se veral Insolvent laws of ihe said state on the terms therein prescribed, a schedule of their property and a list of their creditors on oa'h as far as they can ascertain them being a nex ed to their said petition, and the said judge being satisfied uy competent t esimony that the said John Mattingly, Joseph Mattingly and Charles Thompson have resided in the said s ate two years immedia ely preced.ng the time of their application, and being also sausfiad that the sa d John Mattingly, Joseph Mattingly and Char.es t hompson were in ac tual confinement for debt only, and they hav ing given bond with sufficient security for their, personal appearance m St. Mary’s Coun ty Court, to answer such allega ions as heir creditors may make agains. th/m, were there fore discharged irom said confinement It is therefore by Saint Ma.yb JCounty Court hereby ordered and adjudgtd, that the said John MatUng’y, Joseph Mattingly and Charles ihompsen by causing a copy of th s order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, twice a week for six weeks successively before the second day of August nex', they give notice to their creditors to appear before the said Court, at Leonard Town, in said county, on the said second day of August next, for the purpose of appointing a trustee for their bene fi and of shewing cause, if any they have, why the said John Mattingly, Joseph Matting ly and Charles Thompson, should not haye the benefit ot the said several Insolvent laws of the state aforesaid as prayed. Given under my hand, this 13th June, 1813. JO. HARRIS, Clk. St. Mary’s County Court. June 19. -aw6v FOR RENT BY THE YEAR UR ON LEASE, THE substantially good HOUSE lately oc cupied by Paul Hamilton, Esq. It is now un dergoing a thorough repair, and any alteration can be made to suit a tenant who will take it for years, if applied for immediately. JOHN TAYLOE. Juna 15—2aw2w. LANDS IN THE STATE OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY, FOB. SALE. BY virtue of the last mu and Testament of EoU rt Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the Testator in the states of Ohio and Kentucky As there is a large quantity of of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth, the attention of all persons desirous of pur chasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, ana conse. quently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. (Valter Dunn, residing in or near the town of Chillicothe in the state of Ohio DANIEL GALL, Executor of the last will and testament of Hub. Means, dec’d Richmond, July 19—ts N 153
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DEBATE ON MR. WEBSTER’S RESOLU TIONS, CONTINUED. fNot having the debate prepared in its regu lar series, we have this day taken a speech out of the order in which it was delivered, which was ready for publication. We shall resume the regular series in our next.} Mr. Sharp said it was not his inten tion to have troubled the House with a single remark on the subject before them—he should have been content with giving a silent vote, had not the range of debate led into a full view of the conduct of the administration in relation to the war. Intending to vote for all except the last of those resolutions, it became his duty to assign his reasons; as they were directly opposite to those of other gentlemen who had advocated them. Some gentlemen, said he, have for the first time during this adminis tration, become the supporters of the character of the nation although not insensible to the cause of this discus sion, and the effect it is intended to have, yet I am pleased to discover that such is the ground they are driven to take to obtain their object. On former occasions those who styled themselves friends to peace” contended that our government waged war from a predi lection to France and we were enter tained with their eloquence displayed in comparing the nature and extent ot injuries from each belligerent, France and England. The ruler of the first was denounced as a Usurper, a Despot, and a Tyrant; and the other trium phantly represented as defending our holy religion, as fighting the cause of humanity and the world. Whether a ground that has afforded so much food for declamation hitherto, has been si lently abandoned because it has ceased to have any effect upon the nation, and recoils upon those who r'esert to it or because that magnanimous government, finuing it necessary in so great and good a cause to engage her barbarous allies on our exposed frontiers indiscri minately to murder, disregarding age or sex and had placed the trophies of savage warfare, a human scalp, over the mace of their Legislative Council at York, representing that an authorized system of rapine and murder was in terwoven with the genius of their gov ernment whether this occasioned the change, I leave others to decide. I will consider this subject in the form in which it has been presented, and first as to the avowed object of the resolutions. We learn from the gen tleman from N. H. (Mr. Webster) and the gentleman from N. Y. (Mr Gros venor) that they are intended to sup port the honor of our country. Who can object to it But how By prov ing to the world that in a correspon dence between Mr. Barlow, our minis ter to France, and the duke of Bassano in May 1312, the French minister of fo reigh relations was guilty of asserting a falsehood; and that the decree of the government of France, bearing date on 28th of April 1811, repealing the Ber lin and Milan decrees, never was com munjeated to our government until it was communicated through Mr. Bar low. Let it be admitted that the decree of the 28th April 1811, never was com municated to our government previous to the mission of Mr. Barlow. The gentlemen say so, and at once acquit our government of all charge of dupli city or concealment. But they also contend that, had the decree of the 28th April 1811, as the duke of Bassono sta ted to Mr. Barlow, been communicated to our government at the time it bears date, by our government been made known to England, she would have re pealed her orders in council and we have had no war with her. To make good a position of that kind, those who assume it must have a knowledge of the temper of the British government beyond what they have ever communi cated to the public; and, so far as the assertion may depend on that sort of calculation, 1 should hold it wholly in controvertible. But if the diplomatic correspondence and public acts of the British government are evidence against them, it is proven to a demonstration they would not have repealed their or ders in council upon the production of the decree of the 28th April 1811. The Prince Regent’s manifesto of the 21st of April 1812, after complain ing of the injustice of France, in respect to neutrals, and excusing the course adopted by Great Britain under the plea of necessity and as retaliatory of the de crees of Berlin and Milan, proceeds to require a repeal of those decrees as a condition precedent to the rescission of the orders in council—not a modifica tion of them so as not to affect the com merce of America, but that they should cease to operate on all neutral com merce. That there should be no mis understanding upon this subject, in the correspondence between Mr. Foster, their minister near this government, and Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State, in June 1812, Mr. Foster expressly states that nothing less than a full and uncon ditional repeal of the decrees of Berlin and Milan would induce his govern ment to repeal her orders in council; that Great Britain could not repeal her orders in council as it respected Ame rica, and leave them in force against other states upon condition, that France would except America singly and spe cially from the operation of her decrees. The relaxation or modification of those decrees is considered insufficient. A- merica is not only to obtain from France the freedom of her own commerce, but she is required to contend for the com merce of others. She is not only to cause her own rights to be respected, but she must be the guardian of the rights of all neutral nations. Are gen tlemen prepared to say America should have interposed in behalf of the rights of all the neutral world Upon what honorable pretence could America contend for the redress of injuries other than her own; and more especially whilst Great Britain withheld a redress of the outrages she was daily commit ting upon our citizens The gentleman from N. York (Mr. Grosvenor) and the gentleman from N. Carolina (Mr. Gaston) tell us,* that the British government, on the 23d of June 1812, by the repeal of their or ders in council, afforded sufficient evi dence, that, had the French decree of the 28th April, 1811 been communicat ed at the time it bears date, that the ef fect would then have been the same, and that the delay of the British govern ment in meeting the repeal of the de crees of Berlin and Milan, so soon as the decree of the 28th of April, 1811, was communicated, was owing to the assassination of Mr. Perceval the prime minister, which deranged the British cabinet, and that so soon as it was or ganized the repeal of the orders in council took place. Mr. S. said he was sorry to find upon examination, that the gentleman’s understanding of thO re scission of the orders in council was en tirely different from what that state pa per, from the face of it, would warrant. In its preamble, the decree of the 28th of April, 1811, is taken notice of, and so far from considering that sufficient for the repeal of their orders in council, it is expressly stated, that the tenor of the decree of the 28th April, 1811, is not considered as satisfying the order of 21st April, 1812, nor such a repeal of the decrees of Berlin and Milan as the British government had always re quired, nor would it justify the demand of the American government, that their orders in council should be abandoned nor does the order of the British go vernment of the 23d June, 1812, more than suspend the operation of their or ders in council, reserving at the same time the express right to enforce them again whenever it should appear expe dient, notwithstanding the decree of the 28th of April, 1811. This paper of the British cabinet suspending their or ders in council, relied upon by the gentlemen themselves, goes incontes tibly to confirm what was meant by Mr Foster, when he required a full and un conditional repeal of the Berlin and Milan decress, and declared that a re peal as it respected America would not do, but it mus( be general as it re gards all neutrals. As the French de cree of the 28th of April, 1811, is not the reason of the suspention of the or ders in council on the 23d of June, 1812, we are led to enquire what were the causes that produced it. They are best discovered in the policy of that nation. Ever in the habit of consider ing her interest; she has long since be came insensible to those principles of justice that should as invariably govern nations as individuals. Feeling her as cendency upon the ocean, her avarice would not suffer her to brook a rival. The unparallelled prosperity of Ameri can commerce soon excited her jealou sy; and with the commencement of our present government commenced the history of her injuries and injustice to wards us. The annals of our deploma cy for a period of above twenty years exhibit complaints of the plunder of our property and the impressment of our citizens upon the high seas. With G Britain the generous spirit of com mercial enterprizc is converted into a system of piracy and plunder, sanction ed by the highest authorities of the go vernment. Emboldened by our long forbearance encouraged by the strong opposition in our own country to aveng ing her injuries and calculating on the want of unanimity in our councils, G. Britain was induced to believe this go vernment wanted energy to commence and prosecute a war. Thus she was induced to conceive the design, by her orders in council, of sweeping our commerce from the ocean and enrich ing her navy with the spoils. Nor did she once think of abandoning that poli cy, untill, when too late, it was appre hended war must be the result of the state of things in America. Gentlemen may talk about French perfidy as the cause of this war. Let me assure them the canker lies nearer home. The in juries and injustice of Britain were the immediate cause. Yet I have no doubt those in our own country, who induced a belief that we wanted unanimity and energy to right our wrongs and; sup port our sovereignty as a nation, are highly culpable. Mr. S. said he could not see that gen tlemen would gain nor lose much by admitting, as is contended, that the du plicity of France in concealing the de cree of the 28th of April, 1811, repeal ing the Berlin and Milan decrees, had a tendency to confirm Great Britain in the course of injustice she was pur suing towards America. If such an admission does not go to deny or palli ate her conduct, neither does it incui. pate our government. It barely ac counts for the conduct of Great Britain, and in a way that does no credit to her justice or sagacity. Great Britain is charged with plundering our commerce —and her apology is that France de ceived her, for she thought France did the same. Then, say the gentlemen, had Great Britain known France had repealed the Berlin and Milan decrees, she would have repealed her orders in council, and we should have had no war. To that I reply, had Great Bri tain never adopted a system of piracy and plunder of our property, and im pressment of our citizens upon the ocean, we should have had no war; or, to state the facts, if that party in our own country who stile themselves the friends of peace,” has not induced G. Britain to believe we were too divided in our councils to prosecute a war in defence of our rights, she would not have continued her agressions on our commerce, and we should have had no war. What do such arguments prove nothing more or less than that the in justice of Britain has forced this war upon America. But it is far from throwing even a shade of blame upon the conduct of our own government. No one has, nor do I believe any gentle man will venture to assert that Great Britain has not given us just cause of war, or that America has been precipi tated rashly or inconsiderately into this contest. On her part it is the result of necessity it is a contest in defence of her commerce and her citizens, and in volves her independence as a nation. This brings me, sir, to the most in teresting part of the debate. Weare now at war with a most potent and per fidious enemy. Enlightened politicians of all ages and countries agree, that the vigorous prosecution of a war, by call ing into action the resources and ener gies of a nation, is the only certain means of procuring an indemnity for injuries and security for our rights, in a steady and honorable peace. So far as any gentleman’s arguments go to contravene that course of policy, by dis affecting the people of this nation to t,heir government, and by their oppo sition to the ways and means of carry ing on this war, to paralize the admi nistration in their endeavors to bring it to a prosperous and happy termination, I feel alarmed at the consequence, and must entreat gentlemen to consider what will be the tendency of such doc trines. The gentleman from N. York, Mr. Shepherd, yesterday on this floor denounced the present war as unjust, and said his conscience would not suffer him to take a part in it; that he should deem himself guilty of murder if he did. For the honor of the gentleman, I will not believe that sentiment to have been matured by reflection—l am ne cessitated to inculpate his heady to do justice to his heart. Will he reflect but one moment, that although he may differ with the government on the cau ses that produced this war; although he may believe the enemy had a prescrip tive right to plunder our ships and im press our seamen yet this is a govern ment of laws enacted by the constituted authorities, where the majority rules. This government has by its legitimate act declared war with Great Britain.— Have the minority a right to oppose that war and bring disaster and disgrace upon their country He who opposes the adoption of injudicious measures is a patriot—those measures once adopted, to oppose their execution is rebellion. If to meet our enemies on the field of battle be murder, what crime is he guil ty of who can tamely see a frontier of five hundred miles smoaking with the blood of his fellow citizens, and the on ly remaining inhabitants flying by the light of the conflagration of their dwell ings, and would refuse to contribute to their protection His crime must be treason against humanity. The same honorable gentleman has said we are indebted to the enemy for their humanity and forbearance. Yes, Mr. Speaker, when we reflect on their wantonly consigning private property to the flames in their destruction of our villages on the sea board; when we re collect their giving up the Wounded and prisoners taken at the defeat of general Winchester, to be scalped and toma hawked by their Indian allies; when we see them side by side with the sa vages, traversing the borders of our country, leaving the dwellings of our fellow citizens a heap of ashes slaked with human gore, we are made to ex claim, if this be their tender mercies, good Lord deliver us from their wrath I We are also told by the same honor able gentleman, that the government has at last to depend upon the federal ists for funds to support this war—that the loans were all obtained from them he was sorry any would contribute to so unjust a war, and he hoped they never would be paid by the government. Mr. Sharp said he could by no means admit the fact of the federalists filling up the loan, for he was well informed that gentlemen of both sides in politics had contributed largely in loans to the government, and that he was happy in believing there were many whose poli tics were federal that are true friends to their country. But, said he, I would not believe until I heard it, that it would be contended by any one on this floor, that money borrowed by the go vernment under legal authority, on any change of administration or policy, ought not to be paid. When my coun try shall become so insensible to every principle of justice and honesty, as to refuse to pay her just debts, I trust in God I may not be disgraced by being called her citizen. No doubt for the purpose of giving weight to such doc trine, the gentleman from New York, t (Mr. Shepherd) boasts that Massachu setts, Connecticut and New York were the foremost in the struggle for inde pendence. It is well the gentleman named other states besides his own— but why he has overlooked the two ve ry respectable states of Pennsylvania and Virginia, I am at a loss to tell— Those patriots and heroes who were foremost in the revolution we honor as our country ought. But, alas, with the mutations of time they have passed away, and have left another race npon the stage. Massachusetts, the cradle of liberty 1 we. enquire for your sages and heroes—we ask, where are they— and are answered only by the echo of our voice repeating where are they The same honorable gentleman, and the gentleman from N. Carolina (Mr. Gaston) press this subject home, and tell us their fathers fought and bled during the revolutionary contest for li berty inferring that with sires so dis tinguished the son should not easily be suspected of error. But, Sir, my perception of the right to inherit either the honors or the ta lents of an ancestor is so indistinct that we may very readily imagine that it might or might not happen. lam war ranted from history in stating a case— such I hope does not exist in our own country. Brutus, the first distinguish ed patriot of that name in Rome, in no long time after driving the tyrant into banishment, had to sit in judgment on his own sons for treason. The illustrious father is not unfrequently cursed with a degenerate son. He who has worn out his life in the service of his coun try, and by his wisdom and valor ren dered himself conspicuous in achieving her liberty and advancing her happi ness, is entitled to the most exalted niche in the temple of fame; nor less distinguished he who in the ensanguin ed field is sacrificed among a hecka tomb of victims on the altar of his coun try’s rights. Fresh leaves of martial laurel Shall shade the soldier’s graven Wh® dies with arm uplifted His country’s rights to save.” But the chaplet of flowers that adorn ed his silver locks would witherand de cay on the brow of his son, unless cherished by the same virtues. Could the spirit of the departed sire converse with his son, he would point to the most exalted eminences of his coun try’s promotion, and say, son, climb there by understanding and promoting your country’s weal, and ynu may gather laurels from those cloud-capt summits that will grow and flourish as long as you deserve to wear them. But, if you refuse to emulate your father’s example, the lustre of his character will only throw upon your conduct a shade of opprobium. Observation and history lead to this conclusion: that every one acts from his own judgment, and should receive the fame or infamy due to his own conduct. Sir, when we reflect that this nation is now engaged in war, the object of the early meeting of this session of Congress will immediately occur. The ways and means for carrying on the war are imperiously demanded of us— to meet that object should be our first duty and I had hoped no subject dis connected with it would have occupied the House; and much less could I have imagined several days would have been employed in investigating the causes that produced the war, at a period when it is a year since it was de clared. The arguments of gentlemen in the opposition might have been ser visable at the time that subject was on the tapis, and I believe they were then urged, duly considered, and weighed before our government acted. All ar guments should be no w applied to the present state of the Union, to the effec tual means of bringing this war to a hap py and honorable termination. Mr. S. said, he hoped at least we should all unite in feeling an interest in the for tune and happiness of our own country, and in adopting the means necessary to that end. C Debate to be continued.J Pittsburg, June 18. A detachment of upwards two hun dred men, of the 22d regiment United States infantry, and captain Cumming’s troop of Light Horse, under the com mand of Wol. Brady, marched from this place on Friday last to join the army un der Gen. Dearborn. General Harrison left Cincinnati on Tuesday the Ist inst. for Fort Meigs in consequence of important despatches received by express from Gen. Dear born. St. Francisville, June 8. The Mississippi has again swoln be yond the measure of its banks, and is still rising. Its average height is now greater than has been known since Louisiana has been a part of the United States, and the damage already sus tained is incalculable. There is reason to apprehend that the flood will continue to increase for ten or fifteen days yet— The situation of the delta of the river is alarming—the inhabitants in many places, are moving to the high lands for safety, and the banks of the river already exhibit a distressing picture of desola tion. WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, JUNE 28. Extract of a letter from Sackett's Har bor to the Secretary of the Navy. On the 16th Lieutenant Chauncey fell in with and captured the schooner Lady Murray, from Kingston bound to York, with an ensign (Geo. Charles Merce) and 15 non-commissioned offi cers and privates, belonging to the 41st and 104th regiments, loaded with provisions, powder, shot, and fixed am munition. Lieut. Chauncey arrived this merning with his prize.” Copy of a letter from Lieut. Chauncey to Com. Chauncey. Sackett’s Harbor, 18th June, 1813. Sir—According to your orders of the 14th instant, I proceeded off Presque Isle in the sch’r “Lady of the Lake.” On the morning of the 16th fell in with and captured the English schooner, Lady Murray, from Kingston bound to Y ?k, loaded with provisions and ammunition. Enclosed is a list of one Ensign, 15 non-commissioned officers and privates found on board, with 6 men attached to the vessel. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) Wolcstt Chauncey. Extract of a Letter Jrom the Surgeon of the Chesapeake, dated HALIFAX, JUNE BtH. “About 44 minutes past 5, when within pis tol shot of the Shannon, we received her broad side, which was returned, and at the first fire capt. Lawrence was wounded in the leg. Three or four broadsides only were exchanged, when the ship had her head topsail tye shot away, and her spanker brails fouled by cut rigging. Capt. Lawrence was wounded through the body mortally by a musket ball. Lieut. Ludlow was twice wounded by a musket or grape shot. Mr. White, the master, was killed. Mr. Ballard’s leg was shot from his body. Lieut. Broome and the boatswain were mortally wounded./ The ship being unmanageable, she fell on board the Shannon, when they immediately threw 200 men on our decks. Our boarders were called away, but the man whose duty it was to give the signal, from fright or some other cause, did not give it. Lt. Budd was informed by Mr. Curtis, the captain, that the boarders were cabl ed away; he instantly headed his and Mr. Cox’s division, sprung on deck, but was,severely wounded, having but a part of his men, the rest having followed a rascally boatswain’s mate in to the hold. I have not time to be more parti cular. List of officers killed and mounded— Lawrence mortally wounded—died the 4th of June. Lieutenants Ludlow and Cox wounded but doing well. Lieutenant Ballard died in 15 or 20 minutes after receiving his wound. The master, Mr. W. N. White, and midshipmen Livingston and Evans were killed instantly. Midshipmen Weaver, Nichols, Berry and Ab bot were wounded but are doing well. We lost from 40 to 60 killed and 104 wounded, 15 mortally Captain Broke of the Shannon is likely to recover.” New York, June 23. Under our marine head on Monday^ we mentioned the arrival of the schr. Loraon, having been captured on her passage to this port from Providence, and ransomed. Capt. Berrian has since favored us with some further particu lars, from which we extract the follow ing In 15 minutes after we had deserted the schooner, the barge men had her afloat, and stood for the squadron. They directed some fishermen, in a boat which they passed, to call on captain Berrian, and inform him that if he wished to have his vessel restored, he might come on board the Commodore’s ship. I re paired thither, when the purser informed me 5 could have the vessel for 1,500 do'lars, and gra dually lowered his price to 500, agreeing to put the schooner in the same state they found her,- and to give me a ransom bond and a pasa to New York, and allow me four days time to obtain the money. Having succeeded in pro curing the money at New London. I went on board the Ramilies, and had an interview with capt. Hardy. I expostulated with him on the extravagant demand made for the schooner mentioned the trifling worth of vessels at the present time, &c. He replied, that his orders were to distress the enemy; and that he was determined to punish the coasters, and leant them to vote differently, and turn out the pre sent administration; that the war was not of his seeking, &c. rinding I could not obtain the schooner for less, agreed to give the above mentioned sum. When in possession of its they refused to give the ransom bond, or event a receipt for the sarwe, but acknowledged it be fore a passenger and the mate. They returned, nothing except a barrel of pork, a puncheon, of water, and 1 compass took from us every individual article; would not sell us a candle., and left us in a bad condition. fc While on board the Ramilies, a person of genteel appearance came on board, with his ba S£ a ge, from a Swedish schooner from New London, who was recognized by nearly all the crew and passengers of the Loraon, to be the same person they had seen the day previous on the wharf at New London, railing against the British squadron, and who we all deemed was no other than an officer on board, and a spy on. shore. A small vessel (the name of which capt. B. does not think proper to give at present) which we saw standing directly for the Com modore s ship, as a pretence they fired a mus ket at, when she immediately rounded to under* the stern, and delivered a number of newspa pers, together with bread, as we were told by the officers.”
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