Daily National Intelligencer (Washington City [D.C.])
March 12, 1813
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VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PUBLISHED BY GALES AND SEATON, Daily, at Ten Dollars per annum PAID IN ADVANCE. No subscription will be taken for less than twelve months. he subscriber from whom such reduction shall have been made. 2. No subscriptions will be received for a sum less than one hundred dollars, nor for a fractional part of a hundred dollars. 3. For every hundred dollars which may be subscribed, theFe shall be paid at the time of subscribing, twelve dollars and fifty cents, and a like sum of twelve dollars and fifty cents on the first day of each of the ensuing months of April, May, June, July, August, September and October, one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, respectively. Each subscriber, at the time of paying any of the above insl a! ments, after the first, may pay all or any num ber of the. subsequent instalments, and will be entitled to receive interest at the rate ol six per centum per annum on the amount thus paid, from the time of actu il payment. 4. Oa the failure of payment of any instal ment of the sums subscribed, according to the tenor of the third article, the next preceding instalment of twelve dollars and fifty cents, which shall have been paid for every hundred dollars subscribed, shall be forfeited to the United States. 5. Each subsequent instalment must be paid at the same bank at which the original subscrip tion was made, and where the first instalment was paid. 6 The cashiers of the respective banks where subscriptions are received, shall, within twenty days after the time of subscribing, give certificates stating the sums subscribed and payment made, and on which the paj ments o the subsequent instalments, when made, shall be respectively endorsed; which certificates shall be assignable by endorsement and delive ry of the parties in whose favor they may be issued, until the completion of the payments required by the tenor of the third article. 7. After the completion of the payments aforesaid, the proprietors of the certificates of the cashiers, on which such payments have been completed, on surrendering the same at the loan office of the state in which the sub scription and payments shall have been made, shall be entitled to receive from the commis sioner of loans, certificates of funded capi tal stock for the amount thus subscribed and paid, bearing an interest of six per centum per annum from the time when the said instal ments shall have been paid respectively, and payable quarter yearly at the several loan ot fices, or at the treasury of the U. States, where the same may stand credited And stull, more over, receive from the commissioner of loans, a certificate entitling such proprietor to an an nuity oi annual cum, payable quarter-yearly, for thirteen years, commencing on the first daY of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, of one ollar on every hundre dol lars thus subscribed and paid which ce/ ifi cates of annuity shall constitute a separate and distinct stock, and may be sold, assigned and transferred to and fr-m the hooks of the trea sury, or of the several loan offices, separately and distinctly from the aforesaid funded capital sixper cent, stock And the said funded capi t 1 stock, and the said annuities shali.be trans ferable by their respective proprte’ors in person, or by their attornies duly constituted, in the same manner as the present funded debt of the United States, and in pursuance of the rules which have be in, or which may be estab lished relative to the t'ansfer of thesa d debt. 8. After the payment of the fifth instalment, such of the proprietors of the certificates of the cishiers, of two hundred dollars and up wards, as may then be des rotis of funding the same, may, on presenting them at the loan office of the state in which ;iie subscription and payments shall have bee made, receive from the commissioner of loans, certificates of funded capital six per cent, stock, for the amount of the four first instalments, or one moiety of the sum expressed in the certificates of the cashiers and also certificates for one moiety of the thirteen years’ annuity of one dollar on the hundred dollars subscribed But no certificate of funded capital sixper cent, stock including a f actional part of a hundred dollars, or certificate of annuity including a fractional part of a dollar, will be issued. 9 After the last d.«y of December, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty five, and after reansouable notice to the credi tors, which shall be given by an advertisemen in some pubbc newspaper, printed at the seat of the government of the United States, the said capita! six per cent, stock shad be redeem able at the pleasure of the United States, by the reimbursement of the whole sum which may at that time stand credited to any proprie tor on the books of the treasury or of the loan offices respectively. And the payments of the said annuities for thirteen years, shall cease and determine on the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-six, when the certificates oi the same shall be surren dered up and cancelled. 10. So much of the funds constituting the annual appropriation of eight millions of dol lars for the payment of the principal and inter est of the public debt of the United States, as may be necessary for the regular payment of the interest and for the reimbursement of the principal of the stock, and for the regular payment of the annuities to be created under tins contract, together with the fdth of the United States for its due fulfilment,are hereby pledged in pursuance of, and according to the terms and conditions of the .act of Congress herein before recited. Given under my hand and the seal of the Treasury of the United States, at Wash l s.) ington, t.h s twentieth day of February, one thonsand eight hundred and thu* teen. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. February 24—eo< 9t NOTICE. THE hn<dprs of n tes issued by the President Directors and Company of the Bank of the U. S. whether payable at Phitadelpnia or at any of the Branches of that Institution, are herey re quested io present the same for repayment at the office or the Trustees in Philadelphia, on or before the first of September next, or a dividend of the Trust Fund will be made without reference to them. By order of the Trustees, G. SIMPSON, Cashier. Late Bank of the United States, Feb. 16, 1813. Feb 20—tS THIS IS I'O LIVE A(JTICE~~ Thit the subscriber of Washington city, hath obtained from the Orphans’ Court of Washing ton county, in the district of Columbia, Let ters of Administration, cum testamento annexo, on the Will Personal estate of John Smith, late a clerk in the Treasurj- and of Washing ton county, deceased—All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber oa or before the 25t1» day of August next, they m^y otherwise, by aw, be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under my hand this 22d February. A. D. 1813. CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. February 24—3 w LAW BOOKS. Just received and for sale by JOSEPH MILLIGAN, Bookseller, George Town, Bacon’s Abridgment 7 vols. got) 00 Chitty’s Law of Nat ions 2 25 to 2 50 Cornyn on Contracts, 2 vols: 12 00 Cranch’s Reports, 4 vols. 20 00 Dallas’s Reports, 4 vols- 20 00 Laws of United States, 10 vols. 20 00 January 28— NEW BOOKS FOR SALE. By B. C. WEIGHTMAN. Tales by the Rev. George Crabbe, l. l. d. 2 vols. price gl 75. The Infiuence of Literature upon Society, from the French of Madame de Staal Holstein, 2 vols. pr'ce g Also a Map of the seat of war in Russia, price 37 1-2 cents. March 9—3 t ""TEJV DOLDdIIiS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber, living with in three miles of Ellicott’s Mills, on the 26th of February last, an apprentice to the Black smith’s business, named PERIGRINE JOHN SON, about 17 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 in chess high—had on when he went away, a wool hat about half worn; dark grey coat and pan taloons; lace boots, and black stockings. Whoever takes up said runaway, and. brings him home, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable expences paid by AQUILLA HITCHCOCK. N. B. all persons are forbid harboring or employing said apprentice at their peril. March s —2aw2w. A. H NOTICE AS Attorney for Messrs. Livingston Fulton Pa’entees for Steam-Boats in the U. States and the territories thereof, I will receive subscrip tions to form a stock to complete a line of Steam Boats through the North Carolina wa ters, &c. to the E. Florida line, and will appoint suitable and respectable persons through the different states to receive subscriptions, of which when appointed I will give due notice. JQHN D. DE UVA NO. 01
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CONGRESS. HOUSE 07 REPRESENTATIVES. DEBATE ON THE NEW ARMY BILL (continued.) Mr. STOW—Mr. Speaker, I aui aware of the delicacy and novelty of my situation, as well from the indul gence of the House, as from the neu tral course, which I mean to pursue. He must have been indeed an inatten tive observer of mankind, who proposes to himself such a course, without being exposed to difliculties and dangers from every side. Our country has experi enced them too long from the great bel ligerents of Europe, and an individual will quickly find them here. For even this House is not exempt from its great party belligerents,' who issue their con flicting decrees, and orders in council; and, in imitation of the hostile Europe ans, it is sometimes a sufficient cause of condemnation, to have been spoken with by the adverse side. Yet, notwith standing all these dangers, I mean to launch my neutral bark on this tempes tuous ocean, conscious ot the rectitude of my intentions, and humbly hoping for the approbation of my country and my God. The proper extent of the discussion, growing out of this bill, seemed to be confined to these enquiries: Can the force contemplated be obtained If ob tained, will it accomplish the end pro posed And lastly, will the force be an economical one I If the discussion had been confined to these limits, I would have listened, and.not have spoken; but, sir, it has-taken a wider range, and assumed a more important aspect. It has embraced the present, the past, and the future. The causes of the war, and the mode of conducting it, have been investigated, and even confident predictions have been made as to its end. The history, and the state of our ntget iations have been careiully ex amined —and the Presidential order of succession has been scrutinized, by the light ot experience, as well as that of prophecy. We have sometimes been forced into the scenes of private life; and, at otherjtimes, we have been chain ed to the car ot Napoleon. In short, sir, the discussion has ranged as wide as existence, and not concent with that, the speakers have exhausted worlds, and then imagined new.” Ido not pre tend to censure this—it may be well for the people to have their political con cerns thus splendidly dressed, and pass ed in review before them. But still, I w ill attempt to call the attention of the House from the regions of fiction, of fancy, and of poetry, to the humble, but I trust no Its profitable sphere of reality a nd qfprose^ PassingLbv_manv of these things wTucTThayc amused by their ingenuity, or surprised by their novelty, but wl ch do not deserve a serious answer, I will endeavor to state distinctly the grounds taken by the op ponents of this bill, or rather the oppo nents of furnishing the means of pro secuting the war:—Firstly, It is alledg eu that the war was originally unjust.” Secondly. “That if the war was origin ally just, it has become unjust to con tinue it in consequence of the revoca ticn oi the British orders in council.” Thirdly. That it is inexpedient to pro secute the war, because we have no means oi coercing our enemy, or en forcing our claims.” Fourthly. “That we are unable to support the war.” And fifthly. That in consideration ot all these circumstaaces, the House ought to withhold the means of further prosecuting the war.” First then it is alledged that the war was originally unjust. Here let me call on the House to distinguish between un just anu inexpedient. Nothing can be more important, than to have clear and distinct ideas about those words which lie at the bottom ot a science, or enqui ry. This is happily illustrated in ma thematics —there every word, by the help of diagrams, is carefully defined and the consequence is, that there are uo disputes among mathematicians, while their labors have done honor to mankind. A tiling may be just, and yet inexpedient: the justice of an act relates to the conduct of another, the expediency to our own situation. It may be just for me to sue the man who withholds from me the smallest sum and yet so inexpedient, as to be even ridiculous. Thus a war may be per iectly just, and at the same time highly inexpedient. This, ii I mistake not, was the ground generally taken the last year by the opponents of the war, par ticularly by the gentleman from Virgi nia before me, (Mr. Sheffy) who point ed out the distinction which I have en deavored to go, though with more abili ty and success. 1 hope the House will bear this distinction m mind because it is of the greatest importance in the investigation which I intend to make. Before I enter further on the argu ment, I ask the House to indulge me for a moment, while I explain my views relative to the commencement of the war. I never saw any want of provoca tion on the part of G. Britain. I never for an instant doubted the justice of the war, while I urged its inexpediency with all my might. I considered man, placed here by a beneficent Providence, on a fertile soil, and in a happy climate, enlightened by science, and protected by the wisest of laws. By our revolu ti^n cut adrift, -as I may say, from. the old world, before the storm which was about to desolate Europe arose—l fond ly hoped, that this new world would furnish one fair experiment of what science, liberty, and peace might achieve, free from those corruptions which have eternally attended on war I hoped to see the country improved, and bound together, by roads and ca nals, to see it adorned by literary insti tutions, and by every establishment which reflects honor upon man. Nor do I yet believe, that this was an Uto pian vision, or an idle dream. I still believe it might all have been realized by a different course—but the nation has determined on war, and, though it was not my choice, I still maintain that it is not unjust. I will not go into a minute account of all those injuries, and outrages, the bare mention of which was last year de clared sickening to the soul. I will on ly recal the most prominent to the re collection of gentlemen, who seem al most to have forgotten them. First, then, the revival of the rule of ’56, re lative to the colonial trade, which pro duced one universal burst of indigna tion, and called forth those unanimous resolutions in the Senate, not to endure it. Was that no just cause of war The numerous blockades, against which all ®ur ministers in England, and every administration, have remonstrated —the repeated insults of our cities by their ships of war-—the murder of one of our citizens in our own waters, (I mean Pearce) the shameful trial, and subsequent promotion of the officer, by which insult was added to injury—in all this do gentlemen see nothing to render war just? I pass by numerous other injuries, and come to the orders in council—those orders which have swept millions of American property from the ocean. But, sir, we have been told, that France was the aggressor—that if we had compelled France to do us jus tice, Great-Britain would have followed in due time the example, and thus war would have been prevented. What has this to do with the case, suppose it cither true, or false What has the justice of the war to do with the order in which we have received the injuries from France or England Have we not the right to resist the one, who in jured us last, as well as the first Who ever dreamed, that to determine whe ther it was lawful to repel an injury, he must examine the history of his life, and see if he had not been injured be fore Have we lost the moral sense or have we been so long accustomed to receiving injuries, that we have ceas ed to know them that after a patient endurance of fifteen years, and after deliberately resorting to war, we are gravely about to examine the chronolo gy oi our wrongs to see if we have the light to resist? X omit die cuUjeet of impressment; not but what it was one of the just causes of war, but because I intend to speak of it in another place. After a candid review of the past, can any person then maintain, that America has no just cause of war Sir, to my mind it appears impossible. I shall now examine the second pro position, that if the war was original ly just, its further prosecution is un just.” On what ground does this rest? It is this, that the orders in council were the cause of the war, and, those orders having ceased, the prosecution of the war becomes unjust. Here again justice and expediency are confounded. It was never maintained, that the orders in council rendered war more just, than many other outrages, though they went farther to prove its expediency, and even necessity. It therefore follows, that their repeal does not affect the jus tice of the war; unless accompanied with compensation for the spoliations committed under them, and atonement made for other wrongs. Neither of these, is it pretended, has been done except so far as relates to the affair of the Chesapeake, and which I purposely left out of the catalogue of grievances. An injury, which was a just cause of war, remains a just cause for its continu ance, till atonement is offered, or till it is settled by negociation. But, sir, an ample justification of war remains in the impressment of our seamen. The claim on our part is not, as has been alledged, a claim to protect British sea men—it is a claim to protect American citizens. Nay, more, as respects the justice of the continuance of the war, it is a claim only, that they will cease from the practice during the truce, that it may be seen whether it is possible to arrange it by negociation. Is it unjust to continue the war, till this demand is complied with or does any American wish to see his country prostrated still lower Having thus far explained my ideas relative to the justice of the commence ment, and continuance of the war, I will now proceed to answer the third objec tion, namely That it is inexpedient to carry it on, because we have no means of coercing our enemy—of compelling him—to what barely to a just and hon orable peace for that, is all we demand. And have we no means of doing this Better then to surrender the charter of our independence confess we are in capable of self protection, and beg his most gracious majesty to again take us under his paternal care. Such a doc trine, air, is as unfounded, as it is de grading to the American character. We have ample means of compelling Great" Britain to do us justice they are to be j found in the value of our commerce in the enterprise of our privateers in the gallantry of our ships of war, and in the conquest of her provinces. Our cus tom (considering her in the light of a mechanic or merchant who supplies) is of vital importance to Great-Britain. It is not to be measured by its amount, in pounds, shillings and pence, but by the strength and support she derives from the intercourse. For while I admit, that Great-Britain does not send half her exports to the United States, I do maintain, that the custom of this coun try is of more importance to her, than that of the whole world beside. It is with a nation as withan individual, if he exchange luxuries for luxuries, or su perfluities, such as ribbons for ribbons, which he consumes, he adds nothing to his wealth; but if he exchange his luxuries, or his ribbons, for bread, or for such materials as give scope to his industry, he is then benefited, and en riched by the interchange. Such is the situation of Great-Britain with regard to America. She, and her dependencies, receive more of provisions, raw mate rials, from America, than from all other parts of the world together. Our trade exactly gives effect to her industry, her machinery, and her capital. And it is this, which has, in a great degree; ena bled her to make such gigantic efforts in the awful contest in which she is en gaged. Our privateers will they have no effect on Great-Britain Will she learn nothing from the loss of three or four hundred ships And will she be insensible to the efforts of our little navy Can they touch no nerve in which Britons feel? Far different are my conclusions, from what I have seen in British papers—they show; that she is tremblingly alive to that subject. Sir, I will now consider her provin ces, about which so much has been said. I too will speak of that wonderful coun try, called Canada, which unites in itself all contrarieties Which is so cold and sterile, as to be not worth possessing and so fertile, that if, by any calamity it should become ours, it would seduce away our population—Which is so un happy under the British government as not to lure our inhabitants; yet so happy, that it is criminal to disturb their felicity—Whose inhabitants, if united with ours, would destroy us, be cause they have none of the habits of freemen and who, well knowing the privileges of their free government, will defend them to the last. A country which is of no importance to Great Bri tain, and whose loss would not make her feel—-a country which is so valuable to Great Britain that she will never give it up. A country so w^ak, that it is inglorious to attack it; and a coun try so strong that we can never take it. But, sir, leaving these, and a thousand other contradictions, the woik or of spleen, I will present to the house what I believe to be a true view of the subject, drawn from a near residence and much careful examination. Ca nada is of great importance both to G. Britain and the United States. It is important to Great Britain in the a mount and kind of its exports. In the last year preceding war, its exports amounted to between seven and nine millions of dollars, an amount almost as great as the exports of the United States preceding the revolutionary war. And had the most discerning statesman made out an order, he could not have selected articles better adapted to the essential wants of Great Britain. It has been said that Canada is of less value than one of the sugar islands of the West-Indies. Sir, in the present state of the world, Canada is of more impor tance to G Britain, in my opinion, than the whole West India islands taken toge ther. In danger, as she is, of being shut out from the Baltic, and fighting for her existence she wants not the lux uries, the sugars and the sweetmeats of the West-Indies—-she wants the provi sions, the timber, the masts and the spars of the north. Canada is also of the greatest impor tance to the United States, in a com mercial, financial and political point of view. I have in a great measure ex plained its commercial importance al ready by stating its exports a large portion of which were the products of the United States. Let an attentive observer cast his eye for one moment on the map of North America; let him bear in mind, that from the 45th de gree of latitude the waters of Canada bound for a vast extent one of the most fertile, and which will become, one of the most populous parts of the United States; and he will readily perceive that the river St. Lawrence must soon be the outlet for one third of all the pro ducts of American labour. Tiie same circumstances will enable it t® lay an impost on one third of our imported articles. Nor will the evil to our re venue end here. Great Britain will be enabled to smuggle her goods through this channel into all parts of the Union. It will be in vain that you attempt to counteract hex’ bylaws from the great length and contiguity of her posses sions, she will for ever evade them, un less by your laws you can change the nature of man. But its greatest impor tance is in a political point of view foi although not as happy in its govern ment as the United States, it is sufficx ently so to draw off multitudes of ou. new settlers, when the intermediate lands of the state of New York, which separate it from New England, shall be fully occupied. From this circumstance it will divide the American family and by the commercial relations which I have pointed out, it will exert a dan gerous influence over a part of our country for the transition from com mercial dependence, to political allegi ance, is too obvious to be insisted on. Having endeavored to shew the im portance of Canada to both of the con tending nations, I will only add that it is within our power. The fourth objection is that we can not support the war—that we have not the ability to carry it on. Before I pro ceed to answer this objection, permit me sir, to notice a singular inconsisten cy of the gentlemen by whom it has been urged. Is is this—in one part of their argument, they represent the peo pie as too happy to enlist, and in ano ther part, as too poor to pay 1 Both of these propositions, I presume, cannot be true. Not to dwell longer however upon this contradiction, I do maintain, sir, that the nation is fully able to prose cute the war. On what does the ability of a nation depend A person who will give himself the trouble of examining things rather than words, will find that it is proportioned to the number of la bourers and the productiveness of their labor. Wherever from soil, climate or improvement, the labor of a country will produce more than a supply of the necessaries of life, it is evident, that the surplus time may be devoted to idle ness, to the production and consumfi don of luxuries, or to the carrying on of war. To illustrate this farther— spppose the labor of a person for five days will support him six, then it is clear, that the labor of five men will support the sixth man in idleness or in war. Now, sir, there is no where that the labor of seven millions of people will produce so much, as in this coun try consequently, no where have seven millions of people so great an ability to carry on war. The quantity of circulat ing medium, whether made of paper or of silver dollars, has very little to do with the subject. If it is made of paper and to a great extent, it only shews, that the people are in their habits com mercial and that the faith of contracts is well supported. The real ability of a nation lies in what I have stated and he must be a weak politician who cannot call it forth. Mr. Speaker, I will now consider the last, and by far the most important ob jection of all and one, without which, I certainly would not have spoken. It is, that in consideration of all the cir cumstances in which we are placed, it is the duty of this House to withhold the means of further prosecuting the war. It will not be denied, I trust, that this is a fair statement of the scope »x»cl object Of most of the rerseoninge, which have been employed and that without this construction, they would be irreconcilable with common sense. This doctrine, in my opinion, goes not only to the overthrow of our constitution, but to the destruction of liberty itself. The principle of our government is, not only that the majority shall rule, but that they shall rule in the manner prescribed by the constitution. So that if it could be proved that a majority of the people were in favor of certain measures, it would not be sufficient till they had pronounced that decision through the constitutional organs. In short, It must have been a principal ob ject with the framers of our constitu tion to suspend, at least for a limited time, the effects of populai’ opinion. The constitution has committed the le gislative power to three co-equal branches and to the same hands has it intrusted the power of declaring war; while it has expressly confided the treaty making power (and which alone can make peace) to two only of those branches. The claim now set up, goes to invest that branch which has no au thority in the matter, n®t only with the treaty making power, but also with a complete control over the other two branches. Thus one branch of the gov ernment forcing the nation to desist from doing what three, including itself, had thought best to perform. Let us test the correctness of this principle by applying it to another co-equal branch of the government. Let us suppose the President has made a treaty of peace, which is disapproved of by the Senate—and suppose upon this he should say, the war ought not to be further prosecuted and refuse to em ploy the public force, would you not impeach him Most unquestionably you would. I expressly admit that cases may be imagined, where such a course would be proper—-where it would be not only the duty of this House to withhold supplies, but where it would be the duty of an individual to resist the laws but such are extreme cases, not provided for by any organi zation of government. What, sir, has been the practice of the British House of Commons Have they ever refused supplies because a war was unpopular, since their revolution Did not the same parliament, which resolved that they would consider any man as an’enemy to nis country, who would advise his ma jesty tothe further prosecution of offen sive war in Ameriea, still vote the means for carrying on the war A similar case occurred when Mr. Fox came last into power—he disapproved of ths com- mencement and conduct of the war, and yet he called for and received the neces sary supplies. Let.us examine our own history: In the case of the British treaty, the House by a call for papers, attempted to superintend the treaty making power, before it would make the necessary ap propriations. The encroachment was instantly resisted by the great man, who then presided over the government; and his decision was approved by the nation. Is not the duty of furnishing the necessary supplies stronger, now we are engaged in war And that, too, declared by all the branches of the go vernment 1 Sir, these temporary sacri fices of our own wishes to the constitu tional decisions of our government, are the price we pay for liberty, and all that is dear to us. Once withheld, anarchy and tyranny ensue lam one who ar dently longs for peace. I see in it not only the present prosperity of the coun try, but a long train of republican vir tues and I would spring to embrace it on the first fair occasion. But much as I desire it, I would not purchase it by submission to the enemy of my coun try, or by the smallest violation of the constitution. I think the people of the north were against the war, and I think they have shewn it by the change of many of their rulers but I much mis take their chaiacter if they would seek peace by disarming and prostrating themselves before the enemy. They know how to practice the double duty of freemen, to select their rulers, and fight the enemies of their country. Much, sir, has been said about French and British influence. There is no such thing in this House, or in this na tion—unless by British influence i» meant, what has been derived from an inheritance of her excellent laws, from her language and her writers, who have done honor to mankind. Who is there that feels in his own breast this French or British influence And where is the man who dares to ascribe to his respec table fellow citizen, feelings which in himself he would abhor No, sir, the evil is of another kind it is party it is the magic of names, by which men of equal intelligence, who have the same ties to society, and the same interest in the welfare of their country, are torn asunder. We take our sides like boys for a game and in the ardor of compe tition too often forget our country 1 In the great contest which is now going on in the world we are all of one side—. our country is the stake, and the last republic on which the sun shines! Here man enlightened and free is placed as it were in a second garden the fruit of life is union, and near it grows the fruit of disunion and death. Th^ at tempt to divide us jmust have been ori ginated in Pandemonium by the great enemy of mankind and his first effoits must have been to instigate us to call each other by opprobrious names. Should he at last succeed in producing our downfall, and the expulsion of re publicanism from America, Earth” would once more tremble from her entrails as again in pangs, and nature give a second groan.” But, sir, I will not indulge the melancholy idea: I will not anticipate a time when this splendid hall shall crumble into fragments, and this fair republic, reared by the immor tal Washingtons, Franklins and Clintons of our country, shall itself become a more deplorable, a more melancholy ruin! I will hope that there is a re deeming spirit in the land, and that a guardian Providence will still watch over the destinies of our infant country- BY AUTHORITY. AN ACT Vesting in the President of the United States the power of retaliation. BE it enacted bij the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assem bled, That in all and every case, where in, during the present war between the United States of America and the Unit ed Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire land, any violations of the laws and usages of war, among civilized nations, shall be or have been d@ne and perpe trated by those acting under authority of the British government, on any of the citizens of the United States or per sons in the land or naval service of the United States, the President of the U nited States is hereby authorised to cause full and ampn. retaliation to be made, according to the lawsand usages of war among civilized nations, for all and every such violation as aforesaid^ Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That in ail cases where any’ outrage or act of cruelty or barbarity shall be or has been practised by any Indian or In dians, in alliance with the British go vernment, or in connexion with those acting under the authority of the said government, on citizens of the United States orthose under its protection, the President of the United States is here by authorised to cause full and ample retaliation to be done and executed on such British subjects, soldiers, seamen or marines, or Indians, in alliance or connexion with Great Britain, being prisoners of war, as if the same outrage or act of cruelty or barbarity had been done under the authority of the British government. 11. CLAY, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Wm. 11. CRAWFORD, President of the Senate, pro tempore. March 3,1813. Arraovsn, JAMES MADISON.
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X z^^£^£K WASHINGTON CITY. FRIDAY, MARCH 12. It has been stated, we have observed, in some of the factious prints, and may be believed by some of their credulous readers, that the mediation of the Emperor of Russia, between the Unit ed States and Great Britain, had been offered to our government some time ago, and had been rejected. We state it as a fact, of which we have entire be lief, that our government had received no intimation of such intention oh the part of the Emperor, directly or indi rectly, until since the adjournment of Congress; and that it was then prompt ly accepted, on the part of our govern ment, with the same frankness with which it was tendered by the Russian sovereign. CLASSIFICATION OF THE MILITIA. Our readers will all recollect that we some time ago announced the passage, in the H®use ©f Representatives of the United States, of a bill for rendering the militia efficient, by dividing it into three classes, the minor, junior and senior. Some of them no doubt have felt anxiety as to the fate of this bill, as well those who favored as those who disapproved the plan. The bill, we are sorry to say, came to its end in the Se nate, the tomb of several other import ant projects of the House of Represen tatives. It shared the same fortune with several bills which, to use a Galli cism we have somewhere seen, were so unfortunate as to have died before they were born. It was twice read, referred to a committee, reported by that com mittee without amendment, and then suffered to die a natural death, not having thereafter been taken up in the Senate. Yesterday, about 2 o’clock, in pursu ance of the sentence pronounced on lum by the Court, was executed near, the goal in this city, a negro slave nam ed Patrick, who received this punish ment due to his crimes, for an outrage ous and violent assault on a very re spectable female in the neighborhood, with intent to commit a rape. This is the first public execution which has ta ken place in this district for several years; indeed, the execution of the law has been so very lenient, and pardons so frequent, as to rob the law of half its terrors, and, as some think, in a great measure to deprive our penal statutes of their salutary efficacy. SACKETT’S HARBOR We are happy to learn is in a com plete state of defence, and fully capable of resisting any attack which can be made from the opposite shore. An of ficer lately from there, informs that he left a considerable force, in high spirits, and fearless of an attack; among which were about 900 sailors. The reinforce ments from Utica, Albany, &c. will, however, put the security of Sackett’s Harbor beyond doubt. Whig. FROM THE BALTIMORE WHIG. RUSSIAN MEDIATION. Although our government will doubt less accept of the proffered mediation of the Russian government, yet we can not for* a moment anticipate a favorable result, without, indeed, Great Britain should view the passage of the bill re specting foreign seamen, as a conces sion. Some persons are much animat ed with the prospect of peace for our parts, we have no such expectations. Our government has taken a stand, from which it cannot recede, without entail ing upon itself an eternal disgrace. To botch up a treaty n_w, with less than half our object gained, would be to open the door to future wars. The rights for which weare fighting being clearly ascertained, the indignation of the peo ple would fall [and justly tooj on the ad ministration which should treat for less than the whole. The offer of Russia ahould not slackon the nerves of go vrenment, nor lessen the exertion of the people, [nor will it.J The extensive preparations of the Bri tish government do not intimate a speedy termination oi hostilities they are con tending for a privilege, the relinquish ment of which would materially affect their navy we cannot therefore expect that any offer of ours which interferes with their pretended right.of search and impressment, will be readily acceded to. (By Authority.) AN ACT Allowing further time for delivering the evi dence in support of claims to land in the territority of Missouri, and for regulating the donation grants therein. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That every person or persons who had filed a notice of claim to any tract of land lying within the district of Louisiana (now territory of Missouri) with the recorder of land titles, according to law, and have not exhibited any testimony or written evidence in support of the same, and whose claim has not already been con firmed, shall be allowed until the first of January next, to deliver to the recor der of land titles for said territory the written evidence, or produce other tes timony, in support of his or their claim, notice whereof had been filed as afore said and the written evidence deliver ed to the said recorder within the time limited by this section, in support of claims filed as aforesaid, shall be by him recorded in the same manner, and on receiving the same fees allowed by former acts for recording written evi dence of claims to lands in the said dis trict, and the rights of any such person neglecting to deliver the evidence of their claims within the time above men tioned shall beeomc barred and void, in so far as the same was derived from the United States, and the evidence thereof be incapable of being admitted in any court whatsoever. Sec. 2. And be it jurther enacted, That the recorder of land titles for the said territory shall have the same pow ers, and perform the same duties in every respect, in relation to the claims, whereof notice had been filed as afore said, and the written evidence in sup port thereof shall have been delivered, or other testimony produced within the time limited by this act, as the board of commissioners for ascertaining the rights of persons claiming lands in said district would have had or should have performed if the evidence of such claims had been delivered before the first day of July, one thousand eight hundred and eight, except that his decision shall be subject to the revision of Congress. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted. That it shall be the duty of the said re corder to make to the commissioner of the general land office a report of all the claims which had been filed, and in support of which evidence shall be re ceived as aforesaid, with the substance of such evidence, together with his o pinion, and such remarks as he may think proper, which report, together with a list of the claims which in the opinion of the said recorder ought to be confirmed, shall be laid before Con gress at their next session for their de termination thereon. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That every person whose claim to a do nation of a tract of land in said district has been confirmed by the board ot com missioners appointed for ascertaining the rights of persons claiming lands in said district, and is embraced in their report transmitted to the Secretary ot the Treasury, or which has been con firmed by the recorder of land tßi es under the third section of the act, en titled “An act making further provi sion for settling the claims to land in the territory of Missouri,” approved on the thirteenth of June, one thousand eight hundred and twelve, shall be en titled to a grant for six hundred and forty acres, notwithstanding a less quantity shall have been allowed to him by the decision of the said commission ers, or recorder of land titles: Pro vided, That in no case shall the grant be for more land than was claimed by the party in his notice of claim, nor for more land than is contained within the acknowledged and ascertained bounda ries of the tract claimed. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted. That the principal deputy surveyor for the said territory shall survey or cause to be surveyed, under the direction of the surveyor general, a tract of six hun dred and forty acres of land, to each claimant of a donation tract, whose claim has been confirmed as aforesaid, except as provided by the last preceding sec tion, where the quantity claimed by the party was less than six hundred and for ty acres, and where the ascertained boundaries of the tract claimed does not include six hundred and forty acres, in which cases the survey shall contain only the land claimed, and the tracts thus to be surveyed shall consist of un appropriated lands, and shall in every case contain the improved lands, by vir tue of the settlement on and cultivation of which the claimant’s right to a dona tion has been confirmed, and in all cases where, by reason of adjacent prior cleims, or the contiguity of the improve ments of the persons entitled to dona tion grants, each claimant cannot ob tain a tract of six hundred and forty acres, the vacant lands applicable to the object shall be divided between the claimants in such manner as shall ap pear to the principal deputy surveyor most equitable and whenever plats of the surveys shall have been returned by the principal deputy surveyor to the office of the recorder of land titles, it shall be the duty of the recorder to is sue for each tract, according to the sur vey returned to him, a certificate in fa vor of the party to each person entitled thereto, which shall be transmitted to the commissioner of the geneial land office and if it shall appear to the sa tisfaction of the said commissioner that such certificate was fairly obtained, according to the true intent and mean ing of this act, then in that case pa tents shall be granted in like manner as is provided by law for other lands of the United States. Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the said recorder of land titles, in addition to his salary as fixed by law, shall be allowed fifty cents on each claim which had been filed, and in sup port of which evidence shall have been received, according to the first section of this act, and on which he shall make a decision, whether such decision be in favor 01, or against the claim, a further allowance of five hundred dollars, which shall be paid after he shall have made his report to the commissioner of the general land office, which allow ance of fifty cents for each claim decid ed on, and five hundred dollars on the completion of the business, shall oe in full compensation for his services, in cluding clerk hire, respecting the claims to be decided on according to this act. H. CLAY, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Wm. H. CRAWFORD, President of the Senate, pro tempore. Approved —March 3, 1813. JAMES MADISON. AN ACT For the better organization of the general staff of the army of the United States. B E it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the adjutant general’s inspector gene ral’s and quarter master general’s de partments shall consist of the following officers, that is to say: an adjutant and inspector general with the rank, pay and emoluments of a brigadier general, and not exceeding eight adjutants general, sixteen assistant adjutants general, eight topographical engineers, eight assistant topographical engineers, eight inspec tors general, sixteen assistant inspectors general, eight quarter masters general, eight deputy quarter masters general, and thirty two assistant deputy quarter masters general. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be and is hereby authorised, if he shall deem it expedient, to assign one of the brigadiers general to the principal army of the United States who shall in such case act as adjutant and inspector gene ral, and as chief of the staff ,of such army: and the quarter master .general attached to the principal army shall as heretofore have the brevet rank and the pay and emoluments of a brigadier general. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That all the other adjutants general shall have the brevet rank and the pay and emoluments of a colonel of cavalry; all the other inspectors general and quarter masters general shall have the brevet rank and the pay and emoluments of a colonel of infantry the assistant adjutants general, assistant inspectors general, deputy quarter masters gene ral and topographical engineers shall have the brevet rank and the pay and emoluments of a major of cavalry and the assistant topographical engineers, and assistant deputy quarter masters general shall have the brevet rank and the pay and emoluments of a captain of infantry. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the assistant adjutants general, the assistant inspectors general, and the as sistant topographical engineers shall be taken from the line. The adjutants general, inspectors general, quarter masters general, deputy quarter mas ters general, topographical engineers and assistant deputy quarter masters general may be taken from the line or not as the President may deem expe dient. And officers taken from the line and transferred to the staff shall receive only the pay and emoluments attached to the rank in the staff; but their trans fer shall be without prejudice to their rank and promotion in the line accord ing to their said rank and seniority; which promotion shall take place ac cording to usage in the same man ner as if they had not been thus trans ferred. Sec. 5. And be, it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Secre tary of the War Department, and he is hereby authorised to prepare general regulations better defining and pre scribing the respective duties and pow ers of the several officers in the adjutant general, inspector general, quarter mas ter general, and commissary of ordnance departments, of the topographical engi neers, of the aids of generals, and gene rally of the general and regimental staff: which regulations when approved by the President of the United States shall be respected and obeyed until al tered or revoked by the same authority. And the said general regulations thus prepared and approved shall be laid before Congress at their next session. Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the number of assistant deputy commissaries of ordnance shall not ex ceed sixteen, and that they shall respec tively be entitled to the brevet rank and to the pay and emoluments of a first lieutenant of infantry. Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That for the better superintendence and man- agement of the hospital and medical es tablishment of the army of the United States, there shall be a physician and surgeon general, with an annual salary of two thousand five hundred dollars, and an apothecary general, with an annual salary of eighteen hundred dol lars whose respective duties and pow ers shall be prescribed by the President of the United States Sec. 8 And be it further enacted, That the forage, waggon, and barrack masters shall be appointed as hereto f re but each quarter master general, attached to any separate army, com mand, or district, shall be authorised, with the approbation and. under the di section of the Secretary of the W D partment, to appoint as many sue my opinion. A. DASCHKOFF. Washington, March 7- 1813 Copy f a note fem the Hon. Richard Rush, Comptroller of .he Treasury. I haw frequently been in rooms in (he city of Philadelphia, as well in public edifices as private houses, that were wanned on Mr Da niel Pettioone’s pian for introducing warn a r into rooms, and wa. always struck with he equal and comtor able degree of heat w ich pervaded them Ris plan was aproved, as ar as I was inlormed, by all who n acie tria’ of it. rjchar.. rush. Washington City, March 8, 1813.” Copy of a letter from Mr. Ceo. Magruder, to the Tus tees oj the Lancastrian ^cadr.my. "March 6, 1813. Gentlemen, Being informed that you have caused one of Daniel Pettibone’s pa.ent stoves to be erect ed in the Lancaster School House, under JA superintendance of the said Pettibone I the favor of your opinion relative and the utility of the improvement or private buildings I am, gentlemen, &c. GEO MAGRUL Answer of the Trustees to Mr. Magr-d t ‘Georgetown, March 8, ißi3. Dear Sir, Mr Pettibone’s invention is now in use in the Georgetown Lancaster School We approve highly of it, and consider it the best mode of warming a room we Lave ever seen. We are, yours, respectfulh, F.S. KEY JOHN OTT, DANIEL BUSSARD, JOHN ABBOT, WM Morgan. [March 11—31] TO BjE RENTED, Several very convenient DWELLING HOU ES, Two of which are in very good repair, and the others may be rendered tenantable before the Ist May next. Also a range of BRISK HOUSES, well calculated for a Spinning or Weaving Factory, or for the Bread Baking usiness on an extensive scale, here being six large ovens constructed therein with extensive flues and other conveniences for that purpose. Apply to the subscriber at Tomlinson’s Hotel, or in his absence to Mr. Nathaniel P„ Bixby at Greenleaf’s Point. JAMES GREENLEAF. Washington city, March 8—• Iff To encourage the supply of the Mar kets, a few enclosed LOTS, and several open Squares of Ground, of rich soil, in a fit situ ation for immediate cultivation, will be rented for a term of years on very easy terms Apply as above. Dpeod—Nle«3w JUST RECEIVe.D, And for Sale by Joseph Milligan, High Street, and at the Book store and Lottery Office, lindge street, George-'f own, —Price 87 12 cents— MENTORIAL TALES for the INSTRUCTION OF YOUNG LADIES Just leaving School and entering upon the Theatre of Life, I By Mrs. Pilkington. —Also, price 75 cents— THE ECONOMY OF HUMAN LIFE, Translated from an Indian Manuscript, written by an Ancient Bramm, 2 o which is prefixed An account o. the manner in which the said manuscript was discovered, in a letter from an English gentlemai. residing in China TO the earl of WUh 32 elegant Cuts i by A. ANDERSON March 10.
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