Daily National Intelligencer (Washington City [D.C.])
February 10, 1813
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CONGRESS. HOUSE OE REPRESENTATIVES. DEBATE ON THE BILL the regulation of Seamen on board the Public ■vessels and in the Mer chant service of the United States. Mr GRUNDY—Mr.Chairman, not withstanding'the unkind reception which the bill under consideration met with from a particular quarter, on its first ap pearance in the House, I am still its ad vocate, and solicit a calm and temperate discussion of its merits. I ask this not or. my own account—for the storm of debate has no terrors to me—but I ask it in order that justice may be done to the subject. We alt know, that when the passions are excited, or those prejudices which are incident to man in his most perfect ■*tate indulged, reason, the pride of our nature, is thrown from its place, uud errors of the most pernicious kind oh< n follow. Having requested that a mild temperament of mind shall charac terize the debate upon which we are now entering, 1 shall be the last to dis ■r, gurd it myself. Hoping that nothing which I shall say may produce a single unpleasant sensation, either in this House or elsewhere, I shall proceed to an summation of the principles of the t ill on vaur table—To these I shall con fine my remarks at present, believing that auy objections which are intended io be made to the various details, by those who are opposed to its passage, will be withheld until the opinion of the committee can be taken upon the main question. The propriety of this course i. strongly enforced by the considtra iion, that all amendments which m »y be deemed necessary to render the bill more acceptable to gentlemen can be t <T< red, and, if approved, adopted at a subsequent period. And, sir, permit j3ie_tCLa.ssn.re, vmu thaLthose mernh^nl the committee who directed the bill to be reported to the House will cheerful ly accede to any modification which is not calculated to defeat the objects in unded by them to be attained. We do not pretend that the bill is a perfect one the novelty and difficulty of the subject forbid us to entertain an idea of that kind: at the same time, they furnish an apology for any imperfections which may be pointed out. In order that I may be distinctly understood, I shall in the first place consider this measure as un connected with the present peculiar state of the country, and afterwards en quire into the time and circumstances under which it is offered. This, sir, is not intended as a tempo rary, short-lived expedient; it is pro posed to m kt it a permanent law of the country. If adopted, it is hoped that ex perience alone will point out its defects and apply tne nec< ssary remedies In considering this subject, gentlemen should divest themselves of narrow,sec tional views, and recollect that the wel fare of every portion of the country, however remote, must be consulted in connection with the particular districts which they more immediately represent. In casting our eyes over the U. S. we see in the eastern section an overflow ing population there, also, is found a great proportion of the tonnage—and there, too, is the spirit of commercial enterprize. There both the laborers and the labor to be performed are concen trated, combined with the proper skill and spirit to give direction to both. American citizens who adventure their lives and fortunes on the ocean, have as suredly a legitimate claim on their gov ernment foi protection—their liberty and livelihood should at least be securer) but, under existing regulations, neither is sufficiently guarded. In times of peace, the governments of Europe per mit their seamen to find employment in the merchant service of the U. S. upon the appearance of war, they claim the jight to withdraw them. What effect has this practice upon the seamen and commerce of this country When no war rages among the nations of Europe, swarms of foreign seamen flock to the U. S. in search of a livelihood by rea son of which, your own seamen are thrown out of employment, or their wages greatly diminished. This is, to my mind, a species of injustice against that class of the community which ought not to be tolerated. Look, sir, at its operation on the mercantile interests of the country. If on the eve of a war in Europe foreign seamen arc withdrawn, a deficiency of sailors to navigate Ame ricah vessels must be the unavoidable consequence. The fair trader cannot prosecute his customary voyages the wages of seamen are suddenly rais ed, and the difficulty of obtaining them at any price is often productive of se rious embarrassment It is true, that a total exclusion of foreign searften from our service might compel our mer chants to raise, in some degree, the wages of American seamen but for this they would be amply compensated by the uniformity of wages which would be established, and the certainty of be ing at all times able to ©btain the num ber of seamen necessary. For, sir, I have been assured by gentlemen on both sides of the House, acquainted with the subject, that, were foreigners excluded altogether, there would at all times be of native citizens a number of seamen equal to the prosecution of the various branches of commerce usually carried on between this and other countries, as well as our coasting trade. And when all who reside in our seaport towns con cur in this opinion, I presume no rea sonable doubt can be entertained of its accuracy and when it shall be known that the livelihood of American seamen is not to be rendered precarious by the contingency arising from the competi tion of foreigners, and that they will be exempt from the danger of impress ment, many will no doubt engage in that course of life who are at present deter ed from it. In a national point of view, how does this subject present itself According to existing regulations, when the U. S are engaged in war, wc must rely on fo reigners who have no attachment to our country. It may happen that they arc natives of the very country with which we are contending. If this bill shall be adopted, the country will be in safer hands you will have men to navigate your vessels and fight your battles who have their family connections amongst us, and whose feelings and attachments are purely American. In other respects this measure is important: It will di minish the points of collision between this and other nations; it may do away the necessity of future wars (for I wish it to be understood, that nothing I now say is intended as having any relation to the present controversy between G Bri tain and the U. S.) By this bill you will shew foreign nations the limits to which our claims extend it will mark out by a defined boundary the extent of our na tional rights, so far as they relate to the subject matter of this bill. They will see that beyond the indisputable rights of the country nothing is claimed and will know, of course, that should they entrench upon them, the people of the U S. will put forth their stength in op position to the invader. Further, sir, it will do away all doubt as w proprie ty of resistance among ourselves—if a Individual is then impressed, wc shall all know that a political brother has lost his liberty. And, sir, although we now divide in opinion, let this be re duced to such certainty as to be inca pable of contradiction, and we are an united people. If this bill goes into effect, it will be known by all, that none but an American can be taken from un der our flag. Then let a case ofim pressment occur, and no man will dare raise his voice against relieving his fel low-citizen from bondage, and punish ing the power which has deprived him of his liberty. By the bill on your table, is not every claim which any human being has on the American government secured To the native citizen, its language is, whether you inhabit the soil or visit the most distant climes, wherever you may lawfully be, the protecting hand of your government shall cover you. So long as you shail not attach yourself to another community, but retain your na tive character, to be able to say you arc an American citizen, it shall be your snield and safeguard. To naturalized citizens,and those who have commenced a course of naturalization, we are under obligations. They have claims on us which must be discharged. For myself, I can never consent that Punic faith shall be ascribable to the American na tion and although, from the other side of the House it is at some times inti mated, and at others faintly urged, that the same kind of protection is not due to naturalized as to native citizens, I doubt very much whether any member on this floor will hazard a declaration to that ef fect. As between naturalized citizens and this government, how does the subject of allegiance and protection stand The Constitution of the U States authorises Congress to pass laws for the naturaliza tion of foreigners In pursuance of this authority, Congress laid down a rule the terms and conditions were pre scribed it was published to the citizens and subjects of all nations. By this fo reigners were invited to come forward and form a part of the American family —many have complied; in conformity to your requisitions, they have re nounced their allegiance to their parent state, and have sworn allegiance to the American government. Are you not bound to protect so long as their duty of allegiance continues I cannot see how any man can bring himself to doubt on such a point. In other words, you have made the proposition—they have ac cepted and fulfilled the terms on their parts and you cannot be released from the obligation which the compact thus entered into imposes and any attempt to withhold full protection from this description of men would be a violation of the pledged faith of the government. To these men all the rights of native Americans attach, and the bill on your table places them precisely on the same ground. Are we under obligations to any o ther description of men As Chris tians and civilized men we owe the kind offices of humanity and hospitali ty to every member of the great human family; but 1 deny that we are under political obligations to others, than those I have enumerated. Sir, those who are citizens of other countries form no part of our political associa tion they have not consented to par ticipate in our dangers and difficulties; they form a part of a different commu nity. There they owe allegiance, and to that community should they look for protection. I intend not by this to contravene the sentiments expressed by that distinguished statesman, who declared, that America should form an assylum for oppressed humanity. Far from it; but I mean to say, that foreign ers who wish to enjoy the beaefits shall stay within the assylum according to the terms specified in the bill before you. Lot us now enquire whether any thing is conceded by the provisions of this bill to other nations which tends to degrade the American character We exclude foreign seamen of those nations from our service, who will reciprocrate that regulation—we also require that the American flag shall protect all who sail under it except those who may be in the service of ar. enemy to that nation which claims the right to seize on board the vessels of a neutral power. This it is believed is in con formity with public law, as acknowledg ed by all nations, until G. Britain in the confidence of her maritime superiority has attempted to innovate upon it. There is, sir, no regulation in this bill, except one, of which I shall presently speak, which is not required to be reci procal. On the point of our demand ing an exclusion of American seamen from foreign ships, in consideration of this country excluding their seamen trom our vessels, I feel a perfect indif ference. If it were made a question be tween this and another nation, 1 would yield nothing to its demands a perfect reciprocity should exist in all things But if I am asked to yield to our own citizens the right of unqualified locomo tion and to extend to them the privi lege of seeking employment wherever they choose, I am ready to grant it; the inducements to remain in the Ame rican service are so strong that no evil can result from permitting it. lam al so the more willing to surrender this part" of the bill, lest some gentlemen might think it abridged the rights of expatriation. Consuls and commercial agents are permitted by the provisions of the bill to claim the citizens or sub jects belonging to their respective coun tries and to be present when the inves tigation. takes place, and in this parti cular the Sams privilege is not secured in behalf of American consuls and agents. Two reasons had influence in preventing the committee from insert ing a similar provision as it regards American citizens—first, it might be deemed arrogant and presumptuous in us to attempt to make a regulation, which was required to be executed in another country precisely in our way, without giving to other nations an op portunity of suggesting or proposing a mode by which the objects could be ef fected in a manner more agreeable to them and as safe to this country In the next place it was and is still serious ly doubted, whether such rigor should be exercised towards American citi zens. I Jrust I have succeeded inoetablish ing the utility of this measure, as a per manent and lasting regulation, and will proceed to a consideration of the time and circumstances under which the pro position is offered. It is made and you are asked to adopt it when we are in a state of actual war with G Britain, and this I know constitutes the only objec tion which some gentlemen have to it. I ask them to reflect coolly and answer me with the same plainness and simpli city, in which I make the enquiry, this question— is it ever wrong to do right For my part, I think there is no period at which it is improper to declare to the people of the U. States and to the world the natnre of our rightful claims; how far they have been disregarded and up on what terms a settlement of existing differences can be had, and to perform any act which shall be deemed necessa ry to satisfy our own sitizens and other nations of the sincerity of our profes sions. Sir, you must not attempt to conceal from the public eye your senti ments on any great political subject—if you do, a degree of distrust unfriendly to the movements of the government will be produced. Sir, if I know any thing of the American people, the way to retain their confidence is to ask nothing unreasonable or unjust from other governments extend your claims so far as to include every American and no further have no contest lor any thing which lies beyond the true boun dary, but with firmness of mind and de termination of character protect every thing within. Sir, the people of this country are brave in defence of their rights; an unjust war they will not wage; is it not then important that you con vince every portion of them, that this war is not carried on wantonly, but to protect essential rights? Wiun they see you placing the American cause up on the true and just point, and declaring that you will never recede, they will support you, nor will they misconstrue your conduct, they will not mistake solid determination for timidity. No, sir, they think with him who knew how to ac quire glory in the field—that there are no laurels so estimable as those which are engrafted upon t e olive. Mr. Chairman, a Roman Senator up on an occasion not unlike the present, is represented as spying True fortitude is seen in great exploits, Thai justice warrants and that wisdom guides Jill else is towering frenzy and distraction.” And, sir, shall the counsellors of a great nation be so misled by a momenta ry passion or phrenzy, as to lose the op- portunity of doing an act, which will give strength to the American arm in the prosecution of a just and necessary war; a war which must and shall, so far as my voice will go, be carried on until every /American right is secured and every wrong redressed There are reasons which render the passage of this bill peculiarly proper at this time. What will give most vigor to the war? Union.— What will produce union Convince all men that you are disposed to act justly, th it you commenced and now prosecute this war from necessity, not choice. I know this is the case, the people I represent are satisfied of it and their conduct has proved it. But there are men who have deceived them selves into a belief, that you are not willing to see harmony restored be tween the two countries. I ask you to undeceive them, take the bandage from their eves, let them see their error, many of them will unite with us. Admit that there are men who hate this administration more than they love their country, and therefore will not Unite in the prosecution of the war, will not those who have been misled by their counsels leave them Yes, sir, with this manifestation of the rectitude of your intentions, I think I am safe in say ing to my political friends that the op position cannot stand before them—you sweep the ground from under their feet—you leave them nothing on which to stand. At present wc have truth on our side—adopt this bill and you disarm you adversaries of all pLu sible argument. In the effects to be produced by the passage of this bill, I think I cannot be mistaken. Have not the gentlemen on the other side of the House called for it repeatedly during the present ses sion H ive they not said, do this and you have peace or a union of all parties m the prosecution of the war The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Pearson) was explicit on this point Sir, I am willing to yield to their re quest the thing is right in itself and they have asked for it—as honorable men they cannot fail to comply with their former declarations. If, however, they should not, I would still grant their request—l would give it to them is a rod with which to chastise them For, sir, rely on it, that it is necessary to destroy the means of error and the effects of misrepresentation. And, sir, if we use well the means in our. power, the remainder will be done in our res pective districts. Sir, it is due to the opposition, that this step should be taken; many of them do believe, that a fair and equitable peace will be. the consequence. 1 differ from them in opinion, but I am still disposed to gratify them. If they are mistaken their error will be more mani fest—it will convince them that justice cannot be obtained from the enemy Slippose,-on the other hand, that peace should follow from the adoption of this measure, where is a man to be found who is unwilling to see a just, honora ble and reciprocal treaty between the two nations If such a ’feeling ex ists in any man, he will never venture to express it before the American peo ple. Any other treaty than such as I have described, I should contemn, and I feel confident that the Executive would not listen to propositions which would place the nation over which he presides on dishonorable ground. Other reasons than those already c numerated, dictate the propriety of now acting on this subject: we are in a state of war; we are a divided people. I regret that truth compels me to say this; but the fact is so. Much misre presentation prevails with regard to our motives so long as this is the case, the people wdl not go so heartily with us and render all that support which is desirable in the present state of the country. They have the right to know distinctly for what you are fighting and let me tell you how far I think they will support you. So long as you are con tending to protect native Americans or foreigners, to whom the U. States owe protection, they will be with you but let them suspect that the object is to secure deserters from foreign vessels, and they will tell you that their blood and treasure shall not. be expended for such an object, and in a voice which must be obeyed—they will command you to desist. Sir, we should not only do right, but avoid the appearance of evil—Let it be known to all men, that this contest is kept up for American rights, punly so, and a high-minded honorable people will never abandon us. Sir. I ask this demonstration of the sincerity of your motives in behalf of the people I represent; they have con fidence in you let it not bejimpaired I ask it in behalf of men who will not halt at the margin of a river—-men who will not stop to consult the constitution and geography of the country when the enemies of America arc in view. Pre serve the minds of such men free from deubt; if you do not, double the num ber required by government will not a gain rally around your standard at the call of their country, and that too with a view of encountering the severest seasons and the worst of climates in ad dition to the enemies of the land. By the bill on your table, is a single American right surrendered Nay, more, do you yield any thing which your government has ever claimed AU must answer in the negative. 1 would then ask all men of sober sense, how is this nation degraded? This is not intended as a mere stepping stone, to enable the Executive to make an overture for peace, but it will autho rise him, should the proposition come from the other party, to stand on even ground in the negociadon. Some gentlemen think this measure belongs exclusively to the Executive under the treaty-making power. Sir, they misconceive the subject. This is intended as a general law, not applica ble to G. Britain alone but suppose it were, they would gain by this nothing in the argument. Has not Congress the power to say, who shall navigate the vessels of the U States Has it not the right to regulate the navigation of the country Is it not its duty to pass naturalization laws? Surely, no man can seriously believe that we have not the constitutional power to act. And, sir, whatever may be the correct opi nion on the point so ably discussed on the adoption of the last treaty between the U. States and G. Britain, gentle men should recollect, that although the constitution gives to the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, the power to in dte treaties it also gives to Congress the right to pass laws for the naturalization of foreign ers. If then a treaty should be con cluded by the proper authorities, con taining provisions on a subject confid ed by the constitution to the Congress of the U. Stites, I very much doubt, whether a House of Representatives could be found, which would willingly consent to be used as a piece of mere machinery, to curry into effect stipula tions contrary to the judgment of its members. I wish to avoid a discussion on the question which occurred in the year 1796. It is not necessary to ena ble us to come tea correct decision on the subject now under-, consideration and, sir, nothing but necessity shall e ver induce me to advocate an opinion in which I differ from that man to whonj I owe the right of thinking and speak ing freely; him to whom I am indebt ed for the high privilege of addressing an American Congress him, for the honor of whose birth, not seven cities i aione, but more than seven nations would have contended, had not the title of America been unquestionable. Il is expedient to «ct at present on another account; the Executive has offered these terms; the British minis ter declined their acceptance, partly on the ground that Congress might not sanction the measure. I question the sincerity of the B uish minister on this subject; but, pass this bill, and you bring him to the test—if insincere, you put your enemy more in the wrong. The British nation, the American peo ple, and the whole world will see, that trie continuance of this war is not ow ing to any disregard to justice on our part. Mr. Chairman, I have been amused, when I have heard certain objections to the passage of this bill stated in con versation. It has been said, in opposi tion to it, that Lord Castlereagh, when discussing American affairs with Mr. Russell, used certain expressions Los tily. I will tell you, sir, what I think oi Lord Castlereagh’s conduct on that occasion. I view it as unbecoming, un dignified and rude. But it certainly is attaching too much importance to it, to permit the councils of those who have in charge the interests of seven millions of people to be moved by it. Sir, unaffected by his smiles or his frowns, we should pursue our object and not be driven from our purpose. By not passing this bill, will you not justify that distrust expressed by Lord Castlereagh? Whatever may be your .motives, will not your actions shew an unwillingness to accede to the just and equitable terms held out by your own Executive Sir, Ido greatly fear the consequences. Mr. Chairman, should this bill be re jected, I shall feel no other mortifica tion than that which arises from a con viction, that the true interest of the country has not been sufficiently con sulted. But for this I will not abandon my political friends on this floor; no, sir; I will go with them through good and evil report, so long as I entertain the same good opinion of their motives, which I now do ana of one thing leu ail be assured, that I never will con sent to surrender an American right, so long as a current runs in these veins. f Debate to be cuntinned.J Chihcothe, Jan. Extract of a letter from Gen. Harrison to Gov. Meigs, dated head-quarters, North Western army, Ra fids of the Miami, January 20, 1813. I have the pleasure to inform yon that the detachment under Col. Lewis, was completely successful in its attack upon the part of the enemy at the river Raisin. Tneir force there, consisting of several hundreds of Indians, and a company of militia which were placed behind pickets, were attacked by our troops, about 3 o’clock on toe 18th inst. The action lasted till night, wuen the enemy were completely routed. The Indians suffered considerably—. their allies ran off with a piece of artil lery in the commencement of the ac tion. Our loss is ten killed, two cap tains and twenty privates wounded
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Gen. Winchester marched yesterday witii 200 men to take the command at the river Raisin he will have 1000 eff 'Clive men. lam this moment dis patching five companies more of Gen Hopkin’s brigade. WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10. DISASTROUS EVENT. It is our painful task to lay before our read cis to-day the details, as far as they have reached us, of a most disastrous event on our frontu r, in which a detach ment of the North-Western Army has been entirely cut off, the greater part of it al least having been slain or taken prisoners by the British and their Indi an allies, who surprised them under the greatest disadvantages, with a force more than double their amount. The surprize is represented as having been so complete as to h >ve almost preclud ed resistance and the only consolation we can tender to our readers is, that it was no ignominious surrender without firing a gun. No; they fought to the last; and it is yet scarcely known whether any part ©f the force accepted heir lives at the hands of their brutal foe. Winchester, the gallant but unfortunate Winchester, is numbered with the slain! And many a noble spirit, waked into action by an indignant sense of his country’s wrongs, whose ardor had borne him to the field, has accompanied Ids commander to the shades of death Kentucky must long lament the loss of the flower of her youth, cut off in their early bloom—-for it appears that nearly if not quite the whoic of the detachment was composed of Kentucky Volunteers, and that many, very many, have lost their lives. Gen. Harrison’s letter exhibits the prospects on the North-Western fron tier which it appears are not blasted by the result oi the unfortunate catas trophe which his befallen Gen. Win chester’s detachment. We add also an act of the Legislature of Ohio predicated on this occurrence This act of the magnanimous young state of Ohio, while it puts to shame some of her elders, is not more that the recent gallant conduct of her go vernment and citizens authorised us to expect from her. Let all but imitate her example, and very soon would we expel from the continent the red and white savages who have so long infest ed our frontier, and menaced with out rage our western population. We understand the following are the officers attached to the frigate Macedo nian, most of whom left this city with in a day or two past, for N. York where that ship is now preparing for sea— Captain Jones .Lieutenants Rodgers, Carter, Booth, Claxton, Rapp Mr. Knight, Sailing Master; Mr. Wise, Purser. All the above officers, Lieutenant Carter excepted, were lately attached to the ship W; sp CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. It was en oneously stated, in our re port of Saturday’s proceedings, that Mr. Kober!son moved to strike out the Bth section of the bilk He moved to j st: ike out the last clause of that section (see below). Another gentleman, and not he, made the motion to strike out the whole section-. Tuesday, Feb. 9. Several bills of a private nature re ceived their first and second reading. The bill from the Senate, for encreas ing the salary of the District Judges of the Delaware and N. Carolina districts, having been read and opposition being made to the bill by Mr. Harper, The question was stated on the re jection of the bill; which was advocat ed by Mr. Harper and others, and op posed by Messrs. Burwell, Blackledge, Ridgely, and others. The argument for rejection was, that it would be par tial and unjust to raise the salary of one or two officers of the government with out raising all, and that this was not a prop.tr time for increasing the salaries of our officers generally. On the other hand it was contended, that it was no argument against doing justice in one case, that other cases existed requiring relief or remedy. The question was then taken on the rcj< ction of the bill, and decided in the affirmative. For rejection ,51 Against it 44 The bill authorising the appointment of additional officers in the territories of the U. States, was read a third time. The House divided on its passage but a quorum not having voted— A motion was made to lay the bill on the table, and decided in the affirmative. Mr. Macon, from the joint commit tee appointed yesterday, to ascertain and report a mode of examining the votes for President and Vice President of the U. States, and o r notifying the persons elected of their election, re ported in part the following resolution Resolved, That the two Houses shall assem ble in the Chamber of the House of Represen tatives on Wednesday next, at 12 o’clock. That two persons be appointed tellers on the part of this House to make a list ot all the voles, as they shall be declared. That the result shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall announce the state of the votes and the persons elected, to the two Houses assem bled, as aforesaid, which shall be deemed a declaration of the persons elected President and Vice-President, and, together with a list of the votes, be entered on the Journals of the two Houses.” The said resolution was forth with entered into. EXCLUSION OF FOREIGN SEAMEN. On motion of Mr. Grundy, the House proceeded to the consideration of the report of the committee of the whole, on the bill regulating the employment of foreign seamen in the armed vessels and merchant service of the U. States All the amendments of the commit tee were agreed to without objection, with the exception of the decision for striking out the eighth section of the bill, which is in the following words Sec. 8. And be it further enacted. That the provisions of this act shall have no effect or operation with respect to the employment,as seamen, of the subjects or citizens of any fo reign nation, which shall not have prohibited on board her public and private vessels the employment, as seamen or otherwise, of na tive citizens of the United States or who shall permit the commanders of her public ves sels to impress or take away from on board any vessel, sailing-under the flag of the U. States, any seamen or any other person, not being a soldier or otherwise in the employment of an enemy of such nation.” A division of the question was re quired by Mr. Grundy on this amend ment and The question was stated, on striking out the first member of the above sec tion, ending with the words United States.’ After considerable debate on this pro position, the question on concurring with the committee in striking out the first clause of the Bth section (as above) was decided as follows YEAS —Baker, Bigelow, Bleecker, Brecken ridge, Brigham, Butler, Champion, Cheves, Chittenden, Cooke, Davenport, Dawson, Desha, Earle, Ely, Emott, Fitch, Gold, Goldsborough, Grosvenor, Hufty, Jackson, K* y, Lacock, Law, Lewis, Lowndes, Lyle, M’Bryde^M’Kim, Mil nor, Milchill, Moseley, Newbold, Ormsby, Pearson, Pitkin, Potter, Quincy, Randolph, Reed, Ridgely, Robertson, Sammons, Sevier, Shaw, Stanford, Stuart, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Tracy, Van Cortlandt, Wheaton, White, Wilson.—s 6. YEAS—Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Ar?’ er, Avery, Bacon, Bard, Barnett, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Boyd, Brown, Burwell, Calhoun, Carr, Clay, Coch, an, Clwpton, Condit,Crawford, Cutts, Davis, Dinsmoor, Findley, Fisk, Frank lin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Gray, Green, Grundy, B Hall, O. IL.II, Harper, Hawes, Hyneman, Johnson, Kent, Kennedy, King, Little, Moore, M’Coy, M'Kee, Metcalf, Morgan, Morrow, Nekun, Newton, Pickens, Pleasants, Rhea, Roane, Roberts, Sage, Sawyer, Seaver, G.Smith, J. Smith, Strong, Taliaferro, I'allman, Troup, Turner, Whitehill, Williams, Widgery, Winn, Wright.—69. So it was resolved that this clause or member of the section be not stricken out. The question was then taken on strik ing out the remainder of the section, and decided as follows: YEA.S. —Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Archer, Avery, Bacon, Barnett, Bibb, Bigelow,Bleecker, Boyd, Breckenridge,Brigham,Butler, Calhoun, Carr, Champion, Cheves, Chittenden, Cochran, Cooke, Cutts, Dawson, Desha, Dinsmoor, Earle, Ely, Emott, Fitch, Gholson, Gold, Goldsbo rough, Goodwyn, Grundy, Hufty, Hyneman, Jackson, Johnson, Kent, Key, King, Lacock, Law, Lewis, Lowndes, Lyle, Moore, M’Bryde, M’Kee, Milnor, Mhchili, Morgan, Morrow, Mosely, Newbold, Ormsby, Pearson, Pitkin, Pleasants, Potter, Quincy, Randolph, Reed, Ridgely, Robertson, Sammons, Sevier, Seybert, Shaw, G. Smith, J. Smith, Stanford, Stuart, Strong,Sturges,TaggartjTahafcrro, Tallmadge, Tracy, Turner,Van Cortiandt, Wheaton,White, Williams, Wilson.—B4. NAYS.—Messrs. Bard, Basset, Blackledge, Brown, Burwell, Clay, Clopton, Condit, Craw* ford, Davenport, Davis, Findley, Fisk,Franklin, Gray, Green, Grosvenor, B. Hull, O. Hall, Harper, Haw s, Kennedy, Little, M’Coy, M’ Kim, Nelson, Newton, Pickens, Rhea, Roane, luber.s. Sage, Seaver, Troup, Whitehill, Widgery, Wright—37. So the latter clause of the Bth section was stricken out. Some other verbal amendments hav ing been made— Mr. Pitkin moved to strike out all the first section of the bill, except the en acting clause, and insert in lieu there of the following: “That from and after the termination of the war in which the United States are now engag ed with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (which termination is to be ascer tained and taken from the date of a proclama tion to be issued by the Pres dent of the United States, declaring the same) ail the officers, and three fourths at least of all the persons who shall be employed as seamen or sailors, on board any public ship or vessel of the United States, or any ship or vessel owned by citizens of the United States, shall be natural born citi zens v the United States or citizens thereof at the termination of such war, or servants of citizens of the United States, or persons who being residents in the U. S. shall at the time of passing this acg have declared their intention to become citizens of the U. S. according to the provisions of an act passed on the 14ih day of April 1802, entitled “An act to establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and to repeal the acts heretofore passed on that subject,” and shall have been admitted as such accord ing to the provisions of said ac i Provided hotv ewr, that during the continuance of the war, now existing between the United Kingdoms of Great Britain nd Ireland and France-, no per sons, being natives of either of said countries, shall be employed as officers, mariners, seamen or sailors, on board of the public ships or ves sels of the U. S. or the ships or vessels of ci-i zens of the U. States, unless such persons shall be citizens of the U S. at the termination of the war in which the U. S. are now engaged as aforesaid, or, being resident in the U States, shall at the time of p ssing of this <ct have declared their intention to become citizens of the U. S''and shall have been admitted as such according to the provisions of the act before mentioned. And none but ships er vessels na vigated according to the provisions of this act and otherwise qualified according to law, and continuing to be wholly owned by citizens of the U. S. shall be denominated and deemed ships or vessels of the U. S. entitled to the be nefits and privileges appertaining to such ships or vessels.” The House adjourned without decid ing the motion. A message was received from the Senate previous to adjournment, in forming the House of their agreement to the resolution this day reported by the joint committee. Erratum. —ln our last paper, in Mr. Tall mage’s speech, for our ambitious military chieff read “an ambitious, CcP Chilicothe, February 2* HORRID DISASTER. Late last evening an express arrived in town, bearing letters from gen. Har rison to gov. Meigs A number of let ters have also been received from offi cers in the army, which contain the me lancholy account of the total defeat of the advanced detachment under the com rnand of gen. Winchester. Ot the en gagement at the river Raisin, on the af ternoon of the 18th Jan. and the taking possession of that place by the force un dcr col Lewis, the public are already informed. Gen. Winchester reinforced c©l. Lewis with about 250 men on the 20th. On the morning of the 22d, at day break, the American force was at tacked by the British and Indians. The line was formed as expeditiously as was practicable, from the irregular manner in which our troops were encamped. To the centre were opposed the British, with from 3 to 6 pieces of cannon—the Indians on the flanks. The Americans are said to have fought bravely until they had exhausted their ammunition, of which gen. Winchester had not taken the precaution of supplying the troops and they were scarcely able to lire five rounds. Those who surrendered on the field of battle, are said to have been made prisoners by the British, while those who attempted to make their es cape were pursued by the Indians on horseback, tomahawked and scalped. The slaughter was great, and Kentucky has lost many valuable citizens and brave soldiers. About 40 only have arrived at the head quarters of gen. Harrison The opinions are various as to the force of the enemy—they are generally sup posed, however, to have been 1600 strong. Gen. Winchester was killed and his body mangled in the most horrid manner by the Indians. He is said to have lodged three fourths of a mile from camp the night preceding the engagement, and his officers were principally at private houses. The reinforcement sent forward by Gen. Harrison, had not arrived at the river Raisin, at the time of the defeat and were ordered back to the Rapids of the Miami, where they arrived on the evening of the 22d. On the morning of the 23d, at 2 o’clock, a retreat was or dered by Gen. Harrison. The troops have retired back as far as the Portage river, at the crossings of Hull’s road, where they are well supplied with pro visions. The movement of Gen. Win- Chester to the river Raisin was to secure a considerable quantity of provisions, and to protect the inhabitants—it was with out orders from Gen. Harrison. Altho’ this defeat may, for a short time, retard the progress of the army, the country may, notwithstanding, safely confide in the exertions of the Gen. Had not his well arranged system been partially frustrated by the precipitate movement of Gen. Winchester, it would, to all human probability, have insured suc cess. ADDITIONAL INFORMATION. Since the above was issued, another express has arrived in town, bearing a letter from Gen. Harrison to Governor Meigs, who has politely favored us with the following extract, dated Head-Quarters, Carrying River, 24 h Jan. 1813. Dear Sir—The event of which I ex pressed so much apprehension in my letter to you, from Lower Sandusky, has happened. The detachment under col. Lewis was reinforced by Gen. Win chester with 250 men. lie attended it, and took the command at the river Raisin on the 20th, and on the 22d, he was attacked at reveille, by a considera ble British and Indian force with six pieces of artillery; the troops being surprised and the ground unfavorable, had but little opportunity of forming to advantage. They were surrounded and broke in 20 or 25 minutes. A majoi and captain and about 25 privates were all that effected their escape. I had but 360 men with me, about 3 miles above the Rapids, where the news first reached me. I immediately order ed them to prepare to march, and set out with my staff to overtake a detach inent of 300 men that had set out that morning for the river Raisin. I over took them at the distance of 6 miles, but before the other troops (colonel Andrews’ Ohio regiment) came up, it was ascertained that the defeat was complete, and it was the unanimous opi nion of generals Payne, Perkins, and the field officers, that we should return.— A detachment to the amount ©f 170 of the most active mtn, was sent forward with directions to proceed as far as pos sible to assist those who were fortunate enough to escape; there were however but few; the snow was so deep that the fugitives were entirely exhausted in running a few mile^; those that did get off effected it by turning down to the lake and secreting themselves. I believe there were not more than 40 o r 50 that got a mile from the scene of action, and the greater part of them were overtaken. Never were the affairs of any army in a more prosperous situation than ours before the unfortunate step of marching the detachment to the river Raisin it was made, not only without any authority from me, but in opposi tion to my views. Every thing in my power was, however, done to prevent any disaster, and reinforcements were pushed on with as much rapidity as possible (major Cotgrove’s batt’.lion, the first in the army) was within 14 miles of the scene of action, when he heard of the defeat, and 300 regular troops were 'also on their way. I re mained at the Rapids with one regiment only. In justice to general Winches ter, I must observe, that I have under stood that the measure (marching the detachment to the river Raisin) was forced upon him by his officers but, whatever may have been the caute, and however great the calamity, both us it regards the nation and individuals, it is certainly not irreparable. By the unanimous advice of the general and field officers, I took this position yes terday, for the purpose of forcing a speedy junction with the troops in the rear, and to cover the very valuable convoy of artillery and stores that are coming from Upper Sandusky. Unless the weather is very unfavorable, 1 shall be at the Rapids again in 4 or 5 days, shall certainly give the enemy an op portunity of measuring their strength with us in another contest. For myself I feel no doubt as to the result, and if I can judge of the disposition of the troops, from the manner in which they received an address from me yesterday, a desire of avenging their lost compa nions and retrieving their country’s dis grace is the predominant passion that occupies their minds. I know not what proportion the pri soners of gen. Winchester’s late troops bear to the killed; some of the French who have come in report the latter at 500 and others at 800. The detachment amounted to near 1000. I am, with much regard, dear s*r, Your humble servant, WM H. HARRISON. His Exc. Gov. Meigs. [The following is an extract of the letter alluded to in the commencement of the above letter of gen. Harrison. It was dated Lower Sandusky, January 19, 1813.] Gen Winchester has been at the R .pids since the 10th —he has pushed a detachment to the river Raisin. I have not learned the precise object, i shall set out this morning, and reach his camp this night. I have strong fears that coloneis L ;wis and Allen may be overpowered.” LAW OF OHIO. An Act for the encouragement of Volunteers in the^North Western Army of the U. States. Whereas inconsequence of the la mentable disaster, which has happened to that part of the North Western Ar my of ihe United States, lately under the command of Gen. J<.s. Winchester, it becomes indispensably necessary that prompt and efficient measures should be adopted, to carry on the expedition contemplated by the army under tne command of Gun. Wm. H. Harrison; whereas it may be impracticable to recruit 8c organize an adequate corps of the militia of this state, at so early a period as to reinforce the North Wes tern Army, prior to the expiration of the term of service of tne brig ades under the command of General Tupper and Gen. Perkins; and notwith standing their valor and patriotism, yet considering the privations and suffer ings those men have endured, it is un reasonable to expect or require of them to continue in service, alter the expira tion of the term aforesaid, without mak ing them an additional compensation Therefore, Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the state f Ohio, That in case the term of service of any ol the militia of this state, now under the command of General William Henry Harrison, should expire prior to his receiving a sufficient rein forcement, he is hereby authorised to accept their services for any longer period not exceeding two months and provided the whole or any part of such militia shall volunteer, and sub ject themselves to the orders of the commander in chief of the North Western Army, to perform such ser vices as he may require of them, a bounty at the rate of twelve dollars per month, shall be paid out of the treasu ry of this state, to each non-commissed officer, musician and private of the mi litia of this state now m the service of the United States, who shall volunteer and continue in the service aforesaid, in their respective corps and the boun ty so allowed, shall be apportioned and paid to such voiunteeis, for and according to the time they shall respec tively continue to serve after the ex piration of their present term of ser vice. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That a sum not exceeding forty thousand dollars is hereby appropriated* to be paid out of any money in the treasury of this state, not otherwise appropriated, for the payment of any non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates, who may serve asvolunteers, agreeably to the provisions of the first sec. of this act; 8c the paymaster of any detachment of such volunteers, shall be entitled to receive hills from the auditor of public accounts, payable at the treasury and the audi tor is hereby required to issue the same, on such paymaster producing t* aim the pay rolls of any such detach ment, duly certified by the comman der in chief of the North Western Armv. JOHN POLLOCK, Speaker of the Ifeuse of Representatives. THOMAS KIRKER, Speaker of the Senate February 2, 1812. POSTSCRIPT. We have the following confirmation of the dreadful battle of the Miami Ra pids. The slaughter is even greater than our first apprehensions. We wait with impatience for the official ac count. From the Albany Gazette, Thursday, Feb 4. We stop the press to communicate to our readers the following extract us a letter from Buff-Joe, jnst put into our hands, conveying the melancholy intel ligence of the defeat of the American army, under gen. Winchester, at the Miami Rapids. Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Buffaloe, to his J riend in this city,da ted on Wednesday last L is with extreme pain I inform you, that on Saturd.y last a flag came across fr<#m the Eng lish side, with captain Fitzgerald of the 43ji regiment, informing the commanding officer on our side, that g< n. Winchester, and about 1000 men, were killed and taken prisoners, at the Miami Rapids. That it was a dear bought victory for the British. lie added that 600 of our men were killed and 400 taken prisoners. An express has been sent t<» general Dearborn, with this distressing intelligence,! by col. Por ter, commanding at this post/’ Extract of a letter from Norfolk, dated February 5, 1813. Yesterday our troops were all un der arms there are now two 74’s acid three frigates anchored near the Plea sure House, supposed to be after the Constellation, who is now lying between our two forts, anchored there last night about 10 o’clock, after getting aground in the day between Sewall’s Point and Craney island, when there was great apprehensions here that the British would get up to and take her.” Mercer, P Jan 30. Some time since, 4 or 5 American prisoners who were compelled to work as mechanics in the Royal George at Kingston, which h id been shattered by Com. Chauncey, on lake Ontario, made their escape in an open boat, with an Irish soldier, who had been placed as a centinel to pr vent their elopement, and after being three days thus exposed on the lake, without provision, they arrived sJb on the American shore. One of these men p ssed this place 4 few days since, and states that a regi ment of Irish soldiers had been landed at Quebec and marched to K a.. Mon that a detachment of about 5 or 600 British, and about 1000 Indians was preparing to march for fort Malden, with an intention to cross the river and oppose the progress of Harrison’s ar my. He adds, that part of the detach ment had actually marched lor M id m and that an express was sent on to G n. Harrison, apprising him of their inten tion. NOTICE. Depahtbiext of state, February 6, 1813. Alien enemies arriving within the limits of <he United States from foreign countries, are, immediately on their arrival, to report them selves to the Marshal of the United States, or to his deputy, for the district within which they may be landed. No Alien enemy can hereafter proceed from a port or puce wiihin one district of the Uni ted States, to a port or place within another district of the same, by land or water, without a Special Passport from the Marshal or from the collector of the customs, as the case may be Alien enemies permitted to travel from one district of the United States to another district thereof, are forthwith on their arrival to report themselves to the Marshal, to whom they are to exhibit theii- passports. The Marshals and the. Collectors of the Cus toms of tie several districts of the U States, are particularly charged with the execution of the provisions of this notification. dT Printers authorised to publish the laws of the Union, are requested to insert the pre ceding notice three times in their respective papers. JUST PUBLI HED, ALLEN’S MAP OF CANADA, accompanied sr A PAMPII LE T, Describing that Country. For sale bv Joseph Milligan, Buokstller. Georgetown, (Co’umbia,) Price Three Dollars This Map is allowed to be one of the beat de lineations cf the British Possessions in this country* which Las been yet offered to the public. They may also be had by application at the Book store and Lottery Office, Bridge street. February B——
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