Daily National Intelligencer (Washington City [D.C.])
February 9, 1813
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AZr. fAHMADGe’s Sjiepch concluded. 4. I am opposed to this great encresse of our military establishment, because it is truly anti republican, and dangerous to the liberties of this people. The history of the wo Id, and the principles of our own government, call loudly for us not to jeopardize our safety by foreign conquests; for as this spirit prevails in any country, in the same proportion will be thede man 1 for armies, those engines of despotism. I canript too strongly reprobate the doctrine of foreign invasion, for the purpose of annexing' great districts of country to the territory of the S. If this spirit is not checked, my fears will be greatly awakened to the safety, if net to llw .existence of our present happy form of government, which should not be exposed to so severe a pressure. It surely cannot be amiss to call the attention of those who controulthe des tinies of this country to the situation and views of the northern states on the subject of this war. That my conscience and my conduct may be witin ut reproach, I take this occasion serious ly and solemnly to warn the friends of this bill and of the war, not to proceed with such rash and hasty strides, least the evils resulting from their measures should be discovered when it is too late. The history of other nations ought to afford a caution to us, that we do not endanger the li berties of (his country by encouraging large mi litary establishments. Would it be an unheard of event, that our ambitious military chief should lead his victorious army to redress their own wrongs Had the war of the revolution become so soon forgotten, that its closing scene can make no impr ssion on the mind of our countrymen or of this House Have not gen tlemin read (or have they forgotten) the inflam matory letters which were published at New burg, then the head quarters of the American army, artfully calculated to arouse the passions and excite the indignation of a suffering army against" their country, just emancipated from British oppression? Sir, the solemn and inter esting scene rises full to my recollection, and warns me of danger to be apprehended from a similar cause. Never can I forget the sober reflection of some, and the wild and extrava gant expressions of many others, produced by those insidious publications to the army of the revolution. The war was now brought to a closcountry at the French court to demand a full indemnity for the spoliations committed on American commerce by France, and to remonstrate against the violations by the French ruler of the treaty which subsisted between the two countries. These are the rightful objects, and none other, for which he was appointed. If he had not been successful at the latest French dates, it was neither his nor his country’s fault; it was the in justice of France that prevented success. The British government has no right even to speak on this subject, as long as it refuses to indemnify us for the millions upon millions of lawful A merican property which its ciuizers have plundered and its court condemn ed. It is false, that Mr. Barlow was tracking the progress of the con queror” to Moscow he was on his way to Wilna, to meet the French ruler for the purpose of negotiating an arrange ment between the two countries. It is false, it is basely false, that Mr. Barlow was going to Moscow ‘to sign a treaty against the liberties and inde pendence of mankind.” He was going to Wilna to sign a treaty infavor of the interests and commercial liberties ofhis own country, with whose conccrnsalone has he any right to intermeddle. When a member of the enemy’s government can thus openly and shamelessly pros titute his tongue to the most unblushing violations cf truth and decency, in the face of parliament and of all Europe, he must be dead indeed to every honorable, manly and dignified feeling of the hu man mind. He must be indifferent to the universal scorn and contempt of mankind. This man appears to have been ex tremely mortified, and not without rea son, that after six months open war between America and England, Ameri ca should boast the only naval trophy,, and that England could only say she had not been conquered I” He has learned by this time, that America can boast not of one only, but three great naval tro phies, while tbe mighty navy of Eng land,” which has not been asleep cither, can boast ofnone. Mr, Canning seems to think that the friends of the British in America are of no use” to the enemy he has no confidence in them. Let the leaders of feder lism ponder over this con temptuous language, this indifference, towards them and let them unite heart and hand in the vigorous prosecu tion of the war. He complains that the British cabinet has not given a public answer to the American declaration of war. The reason, is, perhaps, that the British premier, if such a being now exists, has less impudence that Mr. Canning. It would require extraordinary Audacity and hardihood for the enemy’s govern ment to attempt to justify their conduct towards America in the eyes of the rest of the' world. From the Democratic Dress. DKCATUR’S VICTORY. Yesterday was a proud day for Phila delphia—more so perhaps than all the perlormers in the pageant were aware of. In the unthinking, honest heart, it excited all the impulses to beat, which are set in action by love of country to the contemplative mind it caused the most agreeable reflections. When Gen, Stuart, on the plains of Maida, gained tne first victory over the French, achieved by British troops, on the con tintnt of Europe, since G Britain light ed up in 1793 the flames of that tre mendous strife she cannot now either extinguish or escajie, why were the
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