People's Party Paper (Atlanta, Ga.)
October 14, 1892

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J?A.RTY P A PER VOLUME 11. WATSON AT CEDARTOWN. WHAT THE DEMOCRATS DID WHEN THEY HAD A CHANCE. The Seventh District Well Represented in the Audience, but no Demo cratic Speakers Present. Cedartown, the county seat of Polk county, is a beautiful little city, situated midway between Cartersville and Rome, on the East and West Railroad of Alabama. What promised to be a discussion of unusual interest between the lion. Thomas E. Watson and Judge Mad dox, turned out to be an address by the former gentleman to the people of the Seventh District. Why? Simply because the wary Judge chose to let his friends, Go seek for some abler defender of wrong, He’d array himself not against reason and right; At least when the foe was a champion so strong, ’Twas the part of discretion to shun such a fight. Os course, the learned Judge did not word his declination in the words above. I believe that he posed on a point of etiquette. Fling ing the gauntlet at his feet did not warrant his Judgeship in throwing his own targe upon the ground- His esthetical taste called for such a challenge as the following: Hon. Thomas E. Watson presents his most respectful compliments to his Mighty Highness, Judge Maddox, R. C. D. P., and requests his presence at Cedars town, September 21, 1892, at 10 o’clock a. m., to engage in an animated chinning bee. Well, well, I congratulate the Judge on his discretion. I believe the common sense definition of the word conservative is, let well enough alone. The Judge is, I believe, a conservative. If he should be elected he would, doubtless, assume the conservative course in the inter est of his masters, the monopolists. KN .route, courage -^tlan 4 to Cedar- 4own was was on the train that your repeater. To the ordinary looker-on in Venice, there was considerable in terest token in the coming elections and the great issues now engaging public attention. To him who had passed through the fiery ordeal of a Tenth District campaign, with its baggago-car bar-rooms and movable gangs of thugs, it was common-place enough. Some gentlemen approach ed the train at Cartersville and asked for Mr. Watson. The train pulled out, however, before an opportunity was given to see him. On our arrival in Cedartown we were taken in hand by Mr. Miller Wright and right royally entertained at his beau tiful residence, across from the court house, which may be very aptly called “the white gables.” The genial hospitality of the host, the gentle amiability of his wife and the graceful loveliness of his daughter leave a lasting impression upon the guests. Morning’s dawn disclosed the fact that rain had fallen copiously during the night. Roads were heavy and clouds lowering. It would seem that the hand of Providence, and J udge Maddox, had thrown a wet blanket over the arrangements for the day. At eight o’clock, however, the sun showed his face and the day was still young. At nine the streets began to show quite an animated ap pearance. At 9:35 we took up the line of march to the place of meet ing. ON THE GROUND. The railroad at the depot runs through a beautiful grove. The railroad authorities, more generous than the Georgia road, tendered the use of a flat car, which they run in on a side track, for a stand. It was at least substantial. No danger of this breaking down, like the stand at Crawfordsville. The grove extend ed to the side of the road, and the audience were sheltered from the rays of the burning sun. Not so, however, ths speaker, the reporters, and the emi nent citizens on the platform; but then who would not suffer for the honer of being a speaker, a reporter, or a distinguished citizen When everything was in readiness or the speech to commence, it was “Equal Rights to A.ll Special Privileges to None." found that there were about two thousand present, and during the first fifteen minutes, it swelled to about twenty-five thousand. Every meeting has its own characteristics. This had three. 1. It can be safely said that there were not more than twenty-five or thirty Democrats present. Whether Judge Maddox’s slump bad anything to do with producing this result, I know not. 2. The earnest attention of the audience at large, and the respectful manner in which the few Demo crots interrogated the speaker, in contradistinction from the brutal idiocy of the clacquers of Atlanta, Augusta and Hancock county. 3. The conspicuous absence of the young men of the press, who let out for hire their words, their sarcasms, and their falsehoods. FLITTING. The meeting had not progressed more than ten minutes when it was discovered that a mistake had been made. A railroad employee came up and gave notice that some men, who had taken seats on two passen ger cars adjoining, would have to vacate, as they were going to move them. An engine approached, too, and the noise was so great that it was deemed advisable to adjourn down in the grove. A wagon was improvised for a stand, the trees were soon filled with agile youths, and the meeting proceeded uninter ruptedly. Mr. Watson, as on most other oc casions,began without any formal in troduction: Mr. Watson. Fellow citizens, in this campaign I have endeavored to discuss the issues, and not the per sons concerned. I have endeavored to make it a campaign of measures, and not of men. I think that is best for myself and best for you; because the character of any person can only be a matter of temporary intesest, at best. Measures, however, affect the future as well as the present, affect the happiness of generations yet un born as weH as th# 1 happiness of peo o i... ti been almost impossible, aayw n r the enemy, to discuss these 4 without indulging m perßonalj and that abuse has been specially aimed at myself everywhere. If the Democratic party can show that I am a bad man, they chiefly upon that proof to perpetuate their power, no matter what they may be. If they can show that I am a bad man, they chiefly rely upon that to block tne progress of the People’s party, no matter how sound the platform or how pure the leaders may be. Now, a compaign like that is absurd, is it not It treats you not as intelligent reasoning beings, but as instruments of passion or prejudice, not to be controlled by facts, by reason, by any appeals made to you as sensible creatures—as cautious, calculating members of society. Men with whom, in Washington city, I was on the kindest terms of personal intimacy, commenced vilify ing me the moment their feet hit the soil of Georgia and yet, there is not a thing they know about me to-day they did not know then. Visitors at my house, receivers of the hospitality of my home—men who gave me every reason to suppose that they were my friends, so far as personal relations were concerned, have stop ped at no abuse however vile. No limit to their vituperation except their own command of language. Now, if there was any man I had kind relations with, it was my friend, R. W. Everett, who was frequently at my house, and a recipient of the hospitality of my home. If there was any one man whom I supposed could discuss the issues of the hour without abuse of myself, it was my friend, R. W. Everett. (Reads.) Hon. R. W. Everett said in a speech at Lime Branch, Ga., September 22d, that Tom Watson was a smart man—a very smart man—and that he knew better than to deceive the people, as he was do ing but that Watson would deceive any man that he would deceive the devil. Now, were any of you there Is that a correct statement of what my friend said at Lime Branch A voice. Here is one that was there. Mr. Watson. There are two re sponsible names on the back of this; names that I will furnish, if neces sary. I have sent an open challenge to every Congressman of every district in Georgia to meet me at these ap pointments. If I have deceived the people so badly, am I not giving them a good chance to show it? Voices. You certainly are. (Ap plause.) Mr. Watson. Ain’t I facing the music in coming here to the people whom he told I was deceiving, and would “deceive the divil?” When I AlD' GA., FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1892. come to the home of that man, does not it seem that what I say, I believe to be true, and give them a fair op portunity to Reply to it, to expose me before the people. If R. W. Everett thinks that I would deceive the devil, he owes it to you as a truth ful, fair man to come and show it. A voice. Ido not reckon he knows where he is at. (Laughter.) Mr. Watson. I say here and now that the man who is a Congressman from this district, and who will remain a Congressman until the 4th of March, who is within a few miles of this city, if unfortunate circumstances prevented him from being here, should have at least asked Judge Maddox to be here and show me to be* the infamous deceiver I am, ac cording to his statement. Judge Maddox is not sick. Mr. Hargrave saw him yesterday evening. I be lieve that there is no claim that he is sick, or that there is any providential hindrance to prevent him from being here. He is a man of great ability so much so, that he was judge of this district for a number of years. If I am as bad a man as that, why cannot Judge Maddox come here and show that to be a fact, and if he cannot, that I may show that I am slandered A voice. He cannot show it. Mr. Watson. No, and none of them can do it. There is only one theory on which I can excuse Judge Maddox’s ab sence, and that is, that my scalp has been taken so often according to Democratic reports there is not enough left for him. Mr. Black took it five difierent times. Judge Lawson took it one time, and Judge livingston one time, so as a matter of course, Judge Maddox thinks there is not enough left to bother wuth. (Laughter.) Let me tell you one thing that is a fact, my friends, there are facts in this record that these men dare not face. I will tell you all the scalping in these debates. I have never had a chance to reply to these Congress men. The man they were to down has been met by an organized effort to prevent him from replying. What sort of an opinion have you of a party that doos not dare to have its issues discussed? What sort of an opinion have you of a case in court which does not allow the lawyer on the other side to be heard. Suppose you were a juror in such a case, what would you think? Would you not think the re was a good sized nioroor in tha’ww’ where? -K! (It before m Now, ou* the demonetization/ silver. We are going to the record. The Atlanta Constitution wrote to each member of the Geor gia delegation, wanting to know the views of each on that subject. It is interesting to know what Mr. Liv ingston said. Let me read a lit tle. “In the Bankers’s Magazine, 1873 we find the following on this subject, viz: The demonitization of silver. “A capital of five hundred thous and dollars was raised, and Ernest Seyd, of the city of London, was sent to this country with this fund, as agent of the foreign bondholders and capitalists, to affect the same object, i. e., the demonitization of silver, which was accomplished.” Mr. Ernest Seyd, of London, a distinguished writer and bullionist, who has given great attention to the subject of mintage and coinage, having examined the first drafts of this bill, made various suggestions which the committee adopted and incorporated in the bill.” So says Mr. Hooper, who at the time was chairman of the committee on coinage. Thus you see that the British capitalists sent here a man to make laws for the American peo ple. (Murmurs of indignation.) That is what Mr. Livingston charged, not Watson. I charge it now. The demonetization of silver in 1873, added to the value of gold in New York, and contracted the vol ume of currency in the interest of the capitalists and gold bugs. That is a formidable indictment against the Republicans. It is partially true in regard to the Democrats. Ought they not to be judged by what the record shows? They tell you that the record is silent in regard to the demonetization of silver. The record ought not to be silent. You there to break the silence when it is necessary to pro test against the schemes of these London bankers. You sent men there to contest every inch of the ground in your behalf, when the bondholders seek to contract the cur rency and hold the power over the commodities of labor. That silence itself condemns the Democratic party. What were they doing when you were seeking information as to the cause of depression The record shows that these men were acting together in Congress; that the demonetization of silver was accomplished by the act of the two parties, acting together, under the influence of that half mil lion dollars which the London bank ers sent over with Mr. Seyd, accord so Col. Livingston and the Congres- tional Record. Perhaps that is one of the things I have been deceiving the people about. (Laughter and applause.) Perhaps that is one of the things Judge Maddox could ex pose if he was here. (Renewed laughter.) No party can pass a law, in secret, without the concurrence of the other. If either one said that the other slipped an unjust law through without its knowledge, it would be putting itself in the position of a sentinel whom you put on duty to watch the movements of the army of invasion and came back with the confession that he was asleep on his post of duty and the enemy came upon your slumbering companions without warning. These men, at the very best, show that they were slip ped up on. lam going to show you that they were not slipped up on. I am going to show you that it was done deliberately, and partly by the Democratic party. How was the demonetization of silver accomplished? You will re member that up to 18771 silver had been coined freely and without limit, just as gold had been coined, until there was $140,000,000 of full legal tender silver, exchanging the pro ducts of labor, doing the service of money, and allowing the people to exchange their commodities for fair prices. Well,|the bondholders and gold bugs wanted to strike it down. Why? The less money you have the more power the combination of men who have that money. Why You have to swap the products of your labor for that money, and the less money there is in circulation the more of your labor or your products it will buy—the more of your pro ducts or labor it will take to get it, and when you do get it it does not pay any more of your debts. There fore, the man who holds the larger amount of your obligations has a larger amount of your wheat, of your corn, of your cotton, and it takes two bales of cotton to pay a debt that before could be paid with one. Who has stolen that bale of cotton —not one year but every year, reaping where they did not sow? Why, it was the bondholders and goldbugs who struck down your cur rency, and besides getting under their control every branch .of industry and every field of labor. Now, they struck down the silver dollar, how By the act of 1873, saying that no more standard silver dollars should be coined. The next year they did wlinf-- They took the legal tender Z from $14O,0iOO;OOO, and as the second and closing act rain a and the crime was com pt. If tneic Is the Democrats charged the Republicans more strongly with t,han -another, it was the demonetization of silver. If there ever was anything that the Democrats promised Jto; right more than another, it was the wrong of 1873. What are the facts about that crime of 1873 When the bill de monetizing silver was on its passage, the House disagreed to it, and thus there was a deadlock between the two houses—the Senate on the one side saying that the coinage of silver should be stopped, and the House on the other side saying that it should not be stopped. The two houses had to get together. To do that they ap pointed a conference committee, and that committee reported to the Senate on the one hand, and to the House on the other. Now, when you get a law in that fix, neither can dodge the is sue. Why? Because both parties are put on notice. The highest con tract which the nation knows is when the Democrats appoint their man on the one side, and the Republicans the other, and when the Demo erats ap pointed their man to represent them, they were bound by his action. The same is true of the Republicans. Now, fellow citizens, U liold in my hand the record which: shows that the Democrats and Republicans ap pointed a committee of conference, John Sherman acting for tbelßepub licans and Thomas FI Baysrrd (who became Cleveland’s >-Secretary of State), acting for theeiDemocrats. The House appointed., a I committee man representing the Democrats and a committeeman representing the Republicans, also, and these commit tees from the two houses formed the conference committee. 1 This confer ence committee, charged with the re sponsibility of adjusting the difficul ties between the two houses, agreed among themselves that the standard silver dollar should be stricken down knowing that it was a crime against the people. Here is the record. I will give you the page, and date and I respectfully my 1 friend, Judge Maddox, to deny it in this dis trict.—[Congressional Globe of the Session of 1872-3. Part 3d Ses sion, page 1150.~iJ The House disagreed to amend ment No. 16, proposed by the Senate. This amendment proposed strik ing down of the standard silver dol lar. The conferees, both Demorates and Republicans, agreed that this amendment should be adopted. The amendment, No. 16, -was the dagger, according to the Democrats, that struck home to the vitals of the [At this point an attache of the railroad came up and announced that they were going to move the cars off on the adjoining track, and ordered the men off them. An engine was puffing and blowing, too, ■which added to the annoyance.] Mr. Watson stjid: My friends, let us go down in the grove, where we will be free from the noise and con fusion of the moving trains. This suggestion was carried out, and a wagon was improvised for a stand, when Mr. Watson proceeded. Mr. Watson. Now, fellow-citizens, I have shown you that the Demo crats and Republicans demonetized silver. I have given the Democrats the benefit of the page and the date where the proof is contained, and I challenge anybody, now or hereafter, to dispute this proposition, that the Democrats were represented on the conference committee when the two houses had disagreed, the Senate hav ing agreed to demonetize silver and the House disagreeing. I have shown you that John Sherman acted for the Republicans, and that Mr. Bayard (Cleveland’s Secretary of State in his subsequent administration), acted for the Democrats, and that Mr. Hooper acted for the Republicans in the House, and Mr. Stockton for the Democrats, and that report was con curred in by both houses. The proof will found in the Congressional Globe, part 2,3 d session, 42d Congress, 1872 and 1873, page 1150. Let Democrats go there and see if the proof does not convict them. If so, let the People’s party hurl the charge at both the old parties and say, “A plague o’ both your houses, you are both guilty of this crime against the people.” A voice. They are going to do that, sure. Mr. Watson. The functions of gov ernment ought to interest every citizen. Your material welfare de pends upon your understanding the principles of government, the influ ences controlling legislation, the laws and the whys and wherefores, and the effect of the laws after they are made. You have been studying these questions. You understand them better every year. You have had information and it opened your eyes. You are dissatisfied with the way your representatives have managed your affairs, as those representatives have gone away and neglected your business and then come back and told you lies about it. Misrepresen tations have been made and they say, “We are not guilty as charged in the indictment,” In the South the Dem ocrats say that it is a conspiracy to break up the Democratic party. In the North the Republican party say that it is a conspiracy to break up the dear old Republican party. Down here the Democrats say to the far mers, “We can’t help you; we have not had a chance.” In the North west, where the farms are all plas tered all over with mortgages, the farmers are told by the Republicans, “We cannot relieve you; we have not had a chance we have not had control of the finances of the govern ment.” Down South, when the Democrats talk to the farmers, they say that every act which burdens them is the act of Republicans; or else, as my friend Major Black says, they are greatly exaggerated. These are the answers you get to your complaints of the burdens which bring bankruptcy to your doors and misery to your homes. I propose to show that the Democratic platform offers you no relief, and takes no recognition of your troubles; while the People’s party platform honestly and plainly deals with every phase of these evils, and pledges you its honor to remove them. If I can show you that, then without favorit ism, without fear and without affec tation, you ought to do your duty as citizens by upholding that party which recognizes that you are in trouble brought on you by bad laws, and which proposes to repeal those bad laws. You ought to support it out of selfish interests if not from patriotic motives; because the wel fare of your homes, the welfare of your wives, the welfare of your children depends on whether those bad laws are repealed or not and good laws enacted in their place. Os late years it is the rarest thing that both parties have had control of both houses. The Democrats had charge of both houses in 1879-80 and they did not repeal the national bank act. They did not reduce taxation. They did not give us an income tax. They did not add to the volume of cur rency. In nearly every session since 1873 the Republicans have had one branch and the Democrats another. Therefore, what Each has been in a position to say, “I have not had a chance, because the enemy have had the other branch.” And in this last year, in this Congress to which Mr. Everett and myself went—ele vated by this great reform move ment—the Democrats had a majority of 148. They were able to do any thing they chose to do. They went there pledged to economise. They went there pledged to give you more currency. They went there pledged to right the wrong in reference to free silver. That Congress has ad- NUMBER 3 journed, and I say here and now without fear of contradiction from any man that the session just closed has spent more money than any Congress that ever sat in the United States. I know they say that 879,- 000,000 ought to be credited to them because the Republicans put it on them. What -were the items the Republicans put on them? Have they made any effort to remove those items? Not one of them, and they every one stand there binding the people in the future. Then have we any right to complain of these bur dens which w r e did not remove Surely not. Forty-eight million dol lars, which the Democrats say they ought to have credit for, were put there by the Republicans for pen sions. Did the Democrats repeal them, or pass them over to the next Congress They passed them over to the next, and the next Congress has the same right to say that we passed the burden over to them. What else The sugar bounty of $10,000,000. What is the sugar bounty A tax of two cents levied on the cotton laborers, on the wheat raisers, on the corn raisers, and on the laborers of the country and put into the pockets of the men who raise the sugar. What does he do to get it He simply makes sugar as you make cotton. Who are the sugar planters The millionaires of the Louisiana and Texas valleys and the Florida Everglades. Are you going to indorse by your silence this fraud and pay ten millions of dollars just in order that the others may have encouragement to make sugar Now, ain’t that a sweet thing A voice. We all get the price off; we all eat sugar. It’s very cheap. Mr. Watson. Well, how does anybody get the price off by eating it If sugar is cheap it is for the lack of something to buy it with. Do you not know, my friend, that you would get it for two cents less but for this tax In other words, the man who raises it would get two cents less of your money. Then, if it is cheap would it not be two cents cheaper (Laughter and applause.) Any one who wants to see it can see it, but we have a class of people in the country who make up their minjgjiot to see anything. (Laugh ter.) And it takes that kind of a man to make a real old genuine moss back Democrat. (Renewed laugh ter.) What else do the Democ??ats say that they should charge the Republi cans with Why, the appropriation for the Chicago fair. Because the last Republican session of Congress passed a bill and gave the managers a million and a half, they say they are warranted and excused for giving two millions and a half. Did not they have as goed a chance to give it to you as to the managers of the Chicago fair Did not they have as good a chance to work for you as for the Louisiana sugar raisers When they say they had no chance, ask them what chance they had to give your tax money to the Chicago fair. Ask them what chance they had to tax you two cents on every pound of sugar for the benefit of the sugar raisers. Why can not you treat us as fairly as you did the oth ers —no fairer, but just as fairly That is not all. We passed the river and harbor bill of $21,000,000. We entered into a contract to the extent of $31,000,000 more, there fore that ought to be charged up against us to rebut the $79,900,000 which they say the Republicans put on us. Then there were $5,000,000 for a war ship which was ordered and not paid for. Add up all these items and you will see that the $79,000,000 is outbalanced by these enormous sums of money which will have to go on the next Congress. Therefore, I say that this Congress, pledged to economy, did not economize. Where is the Democrat who can success fully deny it Voices. It is a plain case; they can not do it. Mr. Watson. Let us discuss the currency again. I have shown that the Democrats struck down free silver as well as the Republicans. Let us consider in the light of reason. I appeal to your judgment, not to your prejudice or passions. I appeal to sound logic and facts that can not be disputed. Some people think that money was born mysteriously, or born of God that it happened so at some time by some miraculous power. There never was a greater mistake. Just as the wagon was made as a better way to carry cotton than in hampers, so money was made for the purpose sf exchanging one commodity for another. You may say that God made this wagon. He did not do so. God made the materials and man made the wagon. God did not make the money; he made the materials just like he made the ma terials that go into the wagon or the hat or the pair of shoes. Man made the money for his convenience; for certain purposes. Now that is a thing everybody ought to under hand. I think that public speakers frequently fly above the heads of their audiences. There may be

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their audience that these questions, but there be one-fourth that do not. They may be tied town in the field, the marble quarry, at the loom or at the factory. The man best serves his people who starts at the bottom and brings his audience along with him. Why? The speed of society is the speed of the average member, just as the speed of a fleet is the speed of the slowest vessel. It takes the entire force of society to make laws. It takes the entire force to make policies, and it is the interest of every man to ‘quicken the speed of the slowest ship in the fleet that the entire force of that entire fleet may be utilized. Now as I have said money is made by man to take the place of barter and exchanges. Before money was made, you cairied your cotton to the store and swapped it off for goods, but as the world be came larger, business diversified, and the necessities of man increased, men agreed that we should have repre sentative for money—a representa tive of value for that horse, for that cotton; and that representative should be such as can be carried in the pocket, shall circulate instead of of the mule, the horse, or the cotton. You made the money to take the place of the commodity in order that you could trade with your neighbor on easier terms. How much money ought there to be? Enough to make these ex changes without trouble and without loss, and the moment you have to pay premium]! for the use of common money, then society has not enough money, and the money becomes an instrument of oppression. Do not misunderstand me. I have a right to borrow your horse and pay you for its use. That horse is your stored up labor. I have a right to hire your land and pay you rent. That also represents so much of your stored up labor. 1 have a right to go and borrow your money and you have a right to charge me for the use of it, because money represents your stored up labor, just as the horse or the land represents your stored up labor. In any of these cases it is your stored up value. That is legitimate, right and fair. That hurts nobody. But the moment you pay a royalty for the use of money which is to effect your ex changes, then at that hour the tyran ny commences, and the finances of the country come to the point where the man that has the money has the advantage over those who have the produce with which to pay for that money. Let us illustrate. After the war we had eighteen hundred millions of paper money. That is denied by the Democrats. I stand ready to prove it. These eighteen hundred millions were out in circulation amongjhe people affecting exchanges of cotton, mules, horses, store clothing, store supplies, work ing mines, -running factories, etc., etc. What occurred? Why, they went to work and destroyed most of that money. Some Democrats deny this. The Democrats who admit it, lay it on the Republicans, but lam going to show you that where one has a soiled spot on his finger, the other has a spot to match it. I am going to show you that the people suffered from the legislation of the Democrats and Republicans alike. Now let us take a glance at the way it happened. You know that a few years ago the bale of cotton was worth fifty dollars. To-day it is worth twenty-five. Did you have to work just as hard to make it? After you did make it, what? The debt you contracted then, and which one bale of cotton would pay, now takes two. Suppose that I show you that this does not result from any natural cause, but was de liberately planned that you should be robbed and your labor be swept into the coffers of men, who reaped where they have not sowed and be came your masters? Will you sup port men who deliberately do that? Cries of No no, no! Mr. Watson. In 1886 what was the circulation? National bank notes, $280,000,000, in round num bers. State bank notes, $9,000,000. Legal tender and other notes, $908,- 000,000. 7.30’5, $830,000,000. Un der the sanction of law this money ■was burned until about $1,300,000,- 000 of it was gone. How does that strike you for rob bery that should make Alexander blush at his own puny spoliations; the most stupendous robbery under forms of law since the morning stars sang together. I am going to show you by solid proofs that these are truths. I read from the official report of George S. Boutwell. Have you not heard that it is untrue about the money being burned up? They belong 'to the same class as those who say that they know the earth never did turn round, because they laid a little knot on the top of a stump over night and it was right there the next morning. (Laugh ter.) It would take a sledge ham mer to drive a nail of truth into their skulls. (Renewed laughter.) They are hide bound, and you cannot loosen them up with a curry comb brush. 1 am addressing myself to fair minded men who are anxious to know the truth. I would not get up here and abuse a man who is absent. I would scorn to do it. I think the times are two critical to waste breath in mere abuse. I think that the country is in one of the greatest crises of its history, and within the next ten years we will decide whether we will have [a democratic govern ment based on Jefferson’s ideas or an aristocracy based on the power of the dollar over the man. PEOPLE’S IWW PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1892 Voices. That is right, as sure as you are there. Now, here is the report of George S. Boutwell, Secretary of the Treas ury. This destruction of your money was begun in 1867. Official report to Congress, December, 1862, by the Secretary of the Treasury shows that the money taken in at the Treasury and destroyed and bonds issued in place of them exceeded thirteen hun dred millions of dollars. Now what do you think of these figures from the Secretary of the Treasury. [Ap plause and signs of dissent from two of three.] Now, if there is anything that makes a Democrat run it is a little truth, and the more truth you give them the harder they run. A voice. Hit ’em again, Tom. (Laughter.) Now, mark you, in 1867, I have shown you that there -were eighteen hundred millions in circulation. When you made your debt the mar ket gave you the idea that you could pay that debt with so many bales of cotton, or so many bushels of wheat, or so much labor. Possibly you mortgaged your home with the ex pectation of paying that debt with so much produce or so much labor. The prices were fixed with reference to the money in circulation. You would bave been all right if they had left the money as it was. Why? Because you would have swapped the mules, the cotton or the labor for the money, would you not? That is clear enough even for a Democrat to see, is it not? Suppose that you burned up all but $400,000,000 of that $1,800,000,000, then the people at large would have to swap the cot ton, the corn, the wheat, and the horses and the mules for that. $400,- 000,000 instead of the $1,800,0'00,000. Don’t you see that you have so much less chance to get your share when so much is burned up;? Don’t you see that the men who had that left had that much more power over your labor and your products than before? Don’t you see that it is harder to get money to raise the mortgage on what was left than if the whole amount had remained in circulation. Then that was a crime to the extent of sl,- 300,000,000 according to Boutwell’s report. In whose interest? In the interest of the bondholders. They issued bonds in place of it, and said to the man who had the wealth, “we will give you in exchange a thousand dollar bond, and that bond shall pay no tax, and that bond shall receive six per cent interest. The people shall pay interest at the same time that you are not paying taxes.” Do you see the scheme to mortgage the fruits of your labor in behalf of the man who had the gold? Av ho was responsible for it! A voice. How was that money destroyed Mr. Watson. By act of Congress. Now, my friend asks about the proof. The same voice. No; I only asked for the vote. Voices. Go on with your speech, Mr. Wui son. Mr. Watson. That is a proper question. It would be improper for to make a charge without sustaining it by proof. When was that thing begun Away back yonder in the sixties. Secretary McCullough in his annual report says—this was De cember 4th, 1865—that the green backs should be retired. Now, lam going to show you that Mr. Cleveland said the same thing. That their de struction should be commenced with out delay, and that the gold standard should be adopted. To return to the first step in the work of destruction of the green backs. On the 6th day of December, 1865, the following resolution was offered in the house: Resolved, That the House cordially concur in the views of the Secretary of the Treasury in relation to the necessity of a contraction of the currency. How many men voted for that res olution 144. How many men against it? Only six. Now, if you say that every one of these six was a Democrat, you are in a hole. As a matter of fact all these were not Democrats. And such distinguished Democrats as Samuel J. Randall and Dan Voorhees voted for it. Now I come to where they carried that out. I tell you that when these financial fellows, the Wall Streeters, these bankers band together and pro pose to do a thing, they generally go forward and do it. They propose now to start a great combination in the State of Geargia in which every bank in the State of Georgia shall be a partner, and it shall be hedged by many other trusts, controlling the put ting out of money, and the drawing in of values. If you are wise you will keep your eyes on them. I put you on notice of it to-day. Notice in your papers and you will notice that your Georgia bankers are forming a trust to control this State currency, just as W all street is controlling the na tional currency. Well, the act of 1866, which des troyed your circulating medium, passed the House by a vote of 83 yeas to 53 nays. In the Senate the bills passed by 32 yeas to 7 nays. Now in the Senate and in the House how many Democrats voted against the crime? One single Democrat, named Hubbel. A voice. Hurrah for Hubbel. Mr. Watson. Yes, hurrah for Hubbel. “May his tribe increase” until the whole land shall be filled with righteousness. In the House there was a body of splendidly equipped Democrats charged with the guardianship of yourj| rights. In the Senate there was.a similar body, charged with the guardianship of rights, and -when this question of burning up a thousand or fifteen .hundred millions of your money came up there was only one man who said it ought not tb be done. The Democrats ought to preserve Hubbel’in amber. Gentlemen, you are the jury. A voice. Was that the vote of 1873? Mr. Watson. No; 1866. The truth of the matter is the Demo crats have tried to cover up these votes. ’They are not Willing to go back to .the original votes which are the cauSe of trouble. They try to blind by referring to liter votes, but the fact is that there was only one Democrat who voted against the policy of contraction. Now I come to where Cleveland had recommended the same policy. Mr. Cleveland, by the report of his comptroller of the currency in 1886, said what? Why he said that all the balance of the greenbacks that have not been retired ought to be destroy ed, and that this cheap money of the people should not be kept out among the people, and in’ place of it, we should have, what? National bank money 'that the people have to pay from eight to twenty per cent to get use of. A voice. You are skipping; I asked for the vote 6f 1873. Mr. Watson. Under this act of 1876—here is the report of Voice. (All these questions were from an old gentleman with an ear trumpet.') I want the vote of 1873 in the House and Senate, about burning up the money. Mr. Watson. It all originated in the act of 1866, and I am giving it to you consecutively. Same voice. No, you are dodg ing because I asked you for the vote of 187*3. I passed Through battles of this* kind before, in the Know No thing contest, and this is a contest like it. Mr. Watson. It seems to me that Mr. Maddox, who is a young man like myself, should come and discuss these matters. I do not want "to be disrespectful to this old gen tleman, but 1 think it is but fair to say that I see no similarity between this and the Know 'Nothing contest. The Know Nothings were pledged against a certain religious sect. One of its fundamental ideas was “America for Americans.” It was on that scheme that Stephens led the fight against it. I see no compari son between this struggle of the people, out in the open air, asking only for all to have equal rights. We propose to give equal rights to all alike, white and black, rich and poor, and special privileges to none, and I do not propose to be side tracked. Now this burning up of the cur rency started*in 1866, consequent upon the resolution of 1865. My friend seems to have lost sight of the fact that in 1868 the burning was stopped by act of Congress. Here is the act of 1868, declaring that the authority "of The secretary of the treasury to reduce the currency by cancelling shall be and is hereby suspended. Therefore, what I am talking aLffit was the crime of 1865, followed up the act of 1866, and the point I make is that DennMßfe want to get away from it, wmflßM reality there was only one DejO who had the courage it. 1’ A voice. Was the South rep resented in Congress at that date? Another vdice. Yes; by carpet baggers. k Mr. Watson. Suppose that the South was not represented at all, does that help' the Democratic party North'and fcaA? We are making the fight on th'e national banks, and not on the Democratic party of the the South. In that fight the masses want to come our way. Why? Be cause the Northern and Eastern Democrats vote them and control them in caucus. A voice. That is just what they ought tb do. Mr. Watson. Now, that march of contraction, destroying your money for which you try to exchange your products, bad the effect of lessening the price of your produce. Don’t you see how it takes two bales of cotton to pay the bill that one would have done before. Congress passed the national bank act in 1863? The Republicans passed the ’act and the Democrats voted, mailfly,‘against it; just as the Republicans passed the greenback act and the Democrats voted against it. In that national bank act, Con gress reserved the right to repeal it at any time. Any party has a right to introduce bill to repeal it at any time, desitoyipg the system. If the Democrats are so anxious to show their obposflidh to national banks why did 1 they hot introduce such a plank ifi their I defy any Democrat *whow me where any DeraocHttidßplatform has since the creation of Actional banks said one word agiinst the system which Jack son fought and Jefferson denounced. By the terms of the act of 1882 Con gress also Reserved the same power to repeal the law. Some of our most distinguished Senators voted for it, though they did not in a body. Ransom, of N orth Carolina, and Sen ator Hampton, of South Carolina, voted for it. Whe£ that act of 1882 was on its passage; Call, of Florida, a green backer, offered an amendment which would have prevented a contraction of the currency by reason of the re tirement of the national bank notes, and the Democrats helped the Re publicans to kill it. What Demo cratic plhtform has ever attacked it since What Democrat has ever tried to get his party committed to the policy of destroying the national banks? Not only that, I can show my venerable friend that as late as 1884 Congress passed a law increas- ing the power and privileges of the national banks, and that the two Senators from Georgia, Messrs. Col quitt and Brown, voted against the people and for the banks. (Great applause.) A voice. Why did not you make these charges two years ago Mr. Watson. I did and I have the speeches here in my satchel to show it. It is well known in my district that although I ran as a Democratic elector, in every speech I made I de nounced the national bank system. I denounced the bond purchase. I denounced the Democratic financial policy as wrong, and said that unless the Democratic party liberalized its policy there would be trouble. You all know that the Democratic papers jumped on me on that account last year. Lots of these things we only find out by an examination of the record. I tell you that I had no conception the Democratic record was so bad on these issues until I went to Congress and examined the record. It is better to find out the truth and try to correct it than to go forward and be deceived. Truth hurts nobody but the wrong doers. Now, the Democrats have a chosen spokesman for this District. He was invited to here to meet these attacks. I have not slipped up on anybody. Why did not their man come to meet me on fair terms of debate A voice. They are afraid to. Tell about Cleveland; that is what they want to dodge. Mr. Watson. On page 543, there was a bill introduced to give the national bankers ten per cent more national bank notes upon the depos its of their bonds. You know that they now get 90 cents on their bonds, and the Democrats thought that they ought to get a softer snap. Who were some of the Demcrats that voted for that bill, introduced and passed in the Senate, 1884. Here are some of the names. Bayard, who was instru mental in the crime of 1873, Beck of Ky., Brown, your uncle Joe Brown (Laughter.) Colquitt; (Renewed laughter) Butler, Call, Camden, Hampton, Harris. These are some of the names. In the House it was not considered. There were yeas 43, and 19 of these were Democrats. I simply state that to show you how the Democrats tried to help the nat ional bankers. What is the national bank system I have shown you that the Republic cans established it, and the Democrats did not fight it. I have shown you that they attempted to increase the pow’ers of the national banks. In 1886, Congress passed a law of this sort. “Resolved that any national bank may, by furnishing proof to the Comptroller of the Treasury, increase its stock to any sum approved of by said Treasurer,) notwithstanding the limit fixed upon in the original art icles of incorporation.” Mark you, the bank might have a charter which only allowed it to issue $50,000, but by this act the )ank couh (free to in That was largely, and among the Democrats who voted for it were Allen D. Candler and Chas. F. Crisp. How is that for high (Laughter and applause.) What did Thomas Jefferson say about the National banking system? He saidthat the national banks were a dangerous institution to the coun try. That the concentration of wealth had a corrupting influence in politics. That it was at war with the best spirit of Republican institu tions. Andrew Jackson said the same thing. The Democratic plat forms, up to 1860, always denounced them. What is the national bank system The government established a ware house and said to one class of citi zens “If you will bring your bonds and deposit them in this warehouse, I will pay you interest on those bonds in advance, and issue you money on these bonds.” In the last Congress I introduced a bill to stop paying the interest in advance, and they would not even let it be reported. Don’t they want a chance (Laughter and applause.) Not only that, the government says I will take your property and pay you your interest in gold, and issue you ninety dollors on every one hun dred dollars you deposit, and you can lend it out and you only have to not make any more interest than the laws of the State call for. In the State of Georgia the legal interest is 8 per cent. Now, whose money do they aet? Yours and mine as much as theirs. Why should they not have issued that money so that it would come to the people direct, and let them have the benefit? Why not let the man with cotton have some of this money as well as the man with the bonds Why let the bondholder have it at one per cent and give him the privilege of charging you 8 per cent Not only that; the government said: I will let you have sixty mil lion dollars out of the taxes of the people, and you can take that money for nothing, and lend it to the people and make them pay you as much as you can get.” Ain’t that sweet (Laughter.) I know it has been denied. A voice. Hurrah for Black. Mr. Watson. You say hurrah for Black. Mr. Black was talking about the subtreasury the other day at Thomson, and he said he doubted whether the government could float its own indebtedness at 2|per cent. Yet the government has actually floated bonds at 2 per cent, and he did not know it. The 4| per cent bonds -were continued at 2 per cent. (Renewed laughter.) Now, here is the report of the Sec retary of the Treasury, and I want you Democrats to hear it: The amount of public moneys deposit ed with national banks on the first day of January, 1865, was about $20,000,000. During the year 1887, the deposit in creased until in October it was $31,- 000.000, and in December it had swollen t0|552,000,000. The highest point was reached in April. 1888, when the amount deposited was $61,921,293, since which time it.has decreased until on the 31st of October, 1889, it was $47,000,000. Now, that is not what I say, but what the Secretary of the Treasury says. He further condemns the “favoritism which grants to certain individuals such enormous sums of money while it is paying 4 and 44 per cent on its own bonds. Is it not manifestly unfair to give the banks the use of such money?” Whose money The people’s money. The banks have the privilege of charging you 6 to 8 per cent on your own money. (Cheering.) The national bankers not only get interest on their bonds in gold, but they have the use of sixty millions of your money which they can lend to you again and exact interest to the extent of 6 to 8 per cent. I have heard it denied that the bankers get that money at 1 per cent. I have the law in may hand and dare any Democrat to deny it. By the report of Cleveland’s Sec retary the 1 per cent which they paid for the use of the money from 1863 to 1886 amounted to $67,000,- 000. How much circulation did it take to yield $67,000,000 Six bil lion seven hundred million dollars. Therefore they got $6,700,000,000 at 1 per cent and loaned to you, or to others more favored, at 8 per cent. How much did that amount to Five hundred and thirty-six million dollars. Now, take the $67,000,000 from the $536,000,000 and you have got 8469,000,000 as clear profits that the bankers made off the people. Is it not a shame A Voice. Scandalous. (Applause.) Do you wonder that you have grown poor when over a thousand million of your money is stricken down at one stroke and four hundred and fifty millions given away to na tional bankers to be compounded every few months and loaned again to the people And when I show you that Democrats and Republicans are alike responsible the question for you to decide is whether you will continue in power men who have been so false to your interests. A voice. They must go. (Ap plause.) Mr. Watson. When the People’s party comes and says, “We will strike down this national bank rob bery we will give free silver at the ratio of sixteen to one we will give more currency to the people,” how can you hesitate to align yourselves beneath the flag of tne People’s party and march to victory? (Great ap plause.) They say that pur plans are wild, are visionary andycan never be accomplished, jpfrYheaj theysay that res Wh re cri<T jjSHHfijfijjf®MC&Teft'ereonian De have shown you that Jefferson denounced national banks. 1 have shown you that he was in fa vor of the free coinage of silver. I have shown you that he denounced State banfag 'as a Scheme of shavers to swindle the people. I have there fore shown you that Jeffersonian Democracy cannot be found in their platform but can be found in ours— and in ours alone. Now, let us discuss the real reason that you can never expect relief from the Democratic party. They tell you that you can never have a 2 per cent loan on your cotton, your wheat or your land. Why The national bankers get money at 1 per cent. The Democrats never said that was wrong. They have re peatedly, in the meantime, put up national bankers for the highest offices in the gift of the people. Na tional bankers are in control of the machinery of the Democratic party. What is a bond? A paper prom ise to pay. How is it made good The government levies a tax on your clothing and mine, or everything that you consume and I consume, to pay interest on that bond until it be comes due, and then pays the princi pal. That is the reason. Its value is derived from every acre of land, every bushel of wheat, every bale of cotton, every stroke of labor. Why should the bonds have all the cream and these things that give value to the bonds have none of the cream (Laughter.) Why shonld not the owner have as good a chanee as the agent; the thing have as good a chance as the thing representing The bonds are good only by reason of the property behind them. So you ought to say to the owner of that property, whether white or black, rich or poor, that he is entitled to as fair a chance as the bondholder who only holds something based on it. In a word, you should demand equal rights to all, special privileges to none. (Great applause.) Our fun damental idea is that there ought not to be any favored class of bank ers or any other individuals standing in between the government and the people, making them pay for the privilege of using their own money. We say that every citizen ought to have the use of the money of all the people on precisely the same terms. Is not that true Is not that fair Cries of, Yes, yes. Hurrah for Watson. (Cheering.) Mr. Watson. The national banks ers are aTavored class to-day, using the government’s money on terms which you and I do not share. What would the State banks be A favored class doing the same thing. What is State bank money Simply due bills of the man who sings them. They cannot be made a legal tender; will not pay a tax fi. fa.; will not pay a judgment. Take it out of the State and it is not good. Do you want a currency that may be good, here to-day, and not be good in South Carolina? Do you want a currency that is good only at the pleasure of the bankers and speculators? Not only that, you have to pay eight per cent for the privilege of using my due bill, as a banker, by means of which I will be getting rich out of what I owe you or the community. That is what is proposed by offering you State banks. The men who have the privilege to pile up a collossal fortune because they owe the com munity, and have the privilege of charging interest on that indebted ness. Ain’t it a shame that in this age of material advancement in elec tricity and all the arts and sciences, we should do the crawfish act in fi nance, and go back thirty years to wild cat money What will be the effect? The State bankers will get what is left after the national bank ers have squeezed you to their content. The State bankers will get what the national bankers leave. The na tional bankers will be the reapers, using the State bankers as their hum ble gleaners in the fields of the earth, and the sun will not have gone down before you will find the Boaz who hires the reapers making love to the Ruth who does the gleaning, for their interest are the same, and their hearts will be one. Voices. The God’s truth. Mr. Watson. They say we must have a currency which must stay at home. In other words, Democratic imbecility has reached a point where it says they will give you a currency that is so very feeble that it has not got the strength to drag its weary bones across the State line. (Laugh ter and applause.)HA currency that the great centers ofcommerce scorn fully refuse to receive, and they are going to make you take it here at home just because it is not good enough to go abroad. Ain’t that statesmanship (Laughter.) Ain’t that a brilliant method of dealing with the vast problems of the day (Renewed laughter.) Here they are doing the Lot’s wife act. It is no w onder B they are turned into pillars of salt, (luproareous laughter.) We say we do not want any money kings. We say let the government do what the national banks have been doing. Let the sovereign peo ple be the sovereign. Let the people decide what shall be the money, and how much shall be the issue, taking the Jeffersonian idea, that money shall be issued directly to the people from the Treasury. We say that all the people cannot get the benefits of that money unless you recognize the fact that there are such things as cotton, wheat, and other staple com modities, entitled to recognition, keep spindles running, fatories in operation, Now, know, or care, whetheilW? white or black, I know his story. He starts in and pays twenty-five dollars for a mule, 1,000 pounds of cotton rent, and two bales for supplies. By the time he pays for that mule, and the store account, and the guano, he has not enough money left to buy a bottle of laudanum, and not enough of cotton to stuff his old lady’s ear. A voice. How did you find out? Mr. Watson. I’ve been through the mill. I have been between the plow handles as well as in office, and be fore I would live off the poverty of my fellow men I would go back to the plow handles again. (Great ap plause.) I want no special favors under the law. lam willing to take equal chances in the office, in the court room, or in the field with my fellow men. (Applause.) The landlord grows poorer year by year. Why? Because by the time that he pays an occasional shortage for the provisions account, and pays for repairs and accounts for washing away of his land, he has nothing lef:. The land gets poorer year by year, and the landlord has no money to improve it—the tenant has no money to improve it. Thousands of your Georgia homes are going to de cay. I have witnessed it, and it makes my heart ache with sadness. It is a bad thing for the landlord in another respect. He cannot com mand labor. Why? Because by the time he pulls out a pencil to write an order the laborer is mad. Why? He knows what an order to the stores means. He knows per fectly well that he is at the mercy of circumstances. He knows that he cannot get the goods as cheap as for the cash. He knows that there is another profit to come out, and that takes away a part of his labor. N ow, that farmer is as much displeased to see you displeased as you are. Why? It makes dissatisfaction on the farm. Dissatisfaction among the laborers. He knows that he cannot give a fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work. Why? He cannot get the cash to pay his hands. It hurts him as bad ly as it does you. He goes into the house and tells the old lady with tears in his eyes that he will have to mortgage the place to get supplies. He tries and cannot get the money because it is not in the country, and he has to struggle all the year with dissatisfied labor and suspicious mer chants, and he loses his little home just as you lost the remainder of your wages. Why, cannot he get that money from his merchant? He has got to put that money in goods. Why? to get his profits. He has got

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to have some reward for his labor. He must have profit on his money after paying eight per cent. He is obliged to charge you profit. So you see that the banker gets the money at one per cent. He charges the merchant eight per cent. The farmer and the laborer have to pay the merchant his per cent, and still the farmer and the laborer have as much right to that money as the banker or the bondholder. There you see one class of men are granted the right to tax the farmer, the mer chant and the laborer. Now, what do you propose to do? The tenants are increasing. Home owners are decreasing enormously. We propose that this money of the people shall be issued in sufficient volume to do the business of the country on a natural basis, allowing the commodities of the people to bring their full value as decided by the requirements of the world for that article and the amount of labor expended on it. That is the natural price of any article, and the price will gravitate to these natural require ments as naturally as the needle grav itates to the pole. Here is a man who has more land than he can han dle. It is run down. You say Boss, I want thirty acres of land. I can get a little money on the cotton when it is made. I can borrow from the government at 2 per cent.” You sell the land. Both are benefited. AVhy? You can pay off laborers in cash. The storekeepers will not boss that man any more. That man will boss the storekeeper. Why? He will make competition between mer chants. (I did not say that in an of fensive sense.) Why The mer chant will do a quick business with certain profits, instead of a slow busi ness with uncertain profits. There fore, the man who buys thirty acres of land by means of a government loan, instead of paying two bales of cotton rent, he will pay half a bale as interest, and save a bale and a half of that cotton. In less time than you can shake a rabbit’s foot he will have that place paid for. The cer tainty of reward inspires him. There never was a thing that will jerk gold and silver out of these hills so quick as to fill them with men and women working with a knowledge that they are going to have a chance in the race of life for home and happiness. The happy home taking the place of the rented cabin. There will be the golden fruit hung in the orchard, flowers at the door, the outhouses carefully kept and filled, and every thing bright and happy. Why It will be inhabited by the man whose toil has produced it—a man who will say, I am monarch of all I survey.” It is under the care of some good woman, under whose roof her children born and reared. That is our 'X <lO HVv SivJMcr.C to v vrn it anywhere. It is our policy to en courage the people to buy the land and establish homes, and give them a fair opportunity to pay for those homes. (Applause.) Now you boys here are told that the Australian ballot system will keep the illiterate man from voting. At present it is well known that the Democrats want to prevent any one from voting who will not vote with them. Why, down in the Tenth Dis trict they make no hesitation in say ing that Watsou has the votes, but we will do the counting. Now we want every voter to go into a little voting booth where he can select whatever ballot he pleases and go out and vote it, and there is not a man who can interfere -with him by persuasion., or threats. But they say that if you cannot read, you cannot vote. That is a mistake. Each political party will be represented on the board of managers, and if you are a Democrat, you will ask the Demo cratic manager to select your ballot, and if you are a People’s party man you only have to ask the People's party manager to do the same thing. The law can be so made as to pro tect the ignorant. It is the same way if you are a Republican or be longing to any other party. The voter,say in the approaching election, can get any man to explain which the Cleveland, the Harrison or the J. B. Weaver, electors are. I will wager that there is not a white or colored man in this crowd, but can tell the difference between Cleve land, Harrison and Weaver by see ing the name on the ticket. A voice. Hurrah for Cleve land Mr. Watson. And burning up the greenbacks. Why did you not yut that in (Laughter.) Not only that, I believe that the man who cannot read and write would be willing to go to the trouble of learning if by that price he could get an absolutely free ballot and fair count. Why? Because the greatest possible gratification to any one is to know that his ballot will be counted. There is no doubt about that. Are there any other questions that you world like to have discussed? A voice. AV hat about the frac tional currency? Mr. Watson. Both the republi cans and the Democrats took $23,- 000,000 of fractional currency and held it out of circulation, and Cleve land did just as much of that as Hayes, Arthur or Garfield. (Ap plause.) There is no use of talking abuut it. It is a regular case of pot and kettle. There is no difference between the Republicanism of John Sherman and the Democracy of Grover Cleveland, on the money question. Nobody denies that up North. I have heard it claimed that the Democrats ought not be blamed for killing free silver. The New York World,spokesman for the De mocratic party said that they had de feated freq silver, just as it claims PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1892 that Northern voters ought to vote for Cleveland because he dished out more pensions than any Republican president. A voice. Yes, and he vetoed more pensions, too. Mr. Watson. Yes, and he signed more, too. (Laughter and applause.) Why, according to my recollection of the figure President Grant signed between four and five hundred of these private pension bills, while Cleveland, during the same period, signed over twelve hundred. The New York World also show, that Cleveland paid out $34,000,000 more for pensions during three years than any Republican president ever paid, and asked the votes of Northern soldiers on that account. Do you deny it? Old gentleman with the ear trum pet. Was he not compelled to pay that out? Mr. Watson. This gentleman asks me if he was not compelled to pay that money out. Let me say that he was compelled to pay it by virtue of laws passed in Congress; and I answer in that connection, that Democrats and Republicans passed those laws jointly. (Great ap plause.) Same old gentleman. Will you give the vote? Mr. Watson. I will say this, that the Democratic national platform took credit for that act, and those laws were passed by the almost un amimous vote of both parties. (Ap plause.) I say further, that the arrears of pensions act passed in 1879, giving $26,000,000 to these pensions as back pay, reaching back to the time that they left the service, and Gen. John B. Gordon and Benjamin Hill voted for it. Old gentleman, (peevishly). I knew you would dodge it. Give the vote, and that would place the re sponsibility where it belongs. Mr. Watson. Oh, yes; the truth hurts. We understand that. I an swer you farther that the Democrats of the North and East stand pledged !to these very pension laws. A voice. lam a Northern man, and I do not see how a Southern man can be anything else but a true I Democrat. Mr. Watson. All Southern men ought to be true Democrats, but the man who goes back on Jeffersonian Democracy, whether Northern or Southern man, is a false Democrat. I have said this, and maintain it, that every principle of our platform is founded on Jeffersonian Democ racy, and the trouble with our mod ern Democracy is, that it has’ not a particle of Jeffersonian Democracy in its platform. Jefferson favored our land plank. Jefferson favored the direct iskue of the money to the peo pffi Jriffergon favored our antagon ism to 'State banks, mid if he were alive, lihave n<L the least doubt but he would favor the income tax. A voice. Would he favor the rail road plank Mr. Watson. I rather think he would. In the very fundamentaljlaw of this land, the framers of the consti tution said that navigable streams never should belong to the States or to private persons. Why was the State of Georgia never permitted to own the Savannah River or any other navigable stream within her bounda ries Simply because it was a water highway, a national avenue to travel and merchandize, and the fathers who formed our government said that they ought to be kept for the benefit of all the people. That [they should not be allowed to go into the hands of private parties, corporations or of the State. Would you be willing to vote for a law that would turn your roads into private property of individuals or corporations A voice. They used to be owned by private parties, and they were good roads, too. Mr. Watson. But would you do that to-day Same voice. Oh, no. (Laughter.) Mr. Watson. Now, by the evolu tion of modern’society, the railroad takes the place of the river. That railroad is the public highway over which traffic is conducted. Now, does not the same argument apply to keeping of the rivers open Voices. Yes, yes. (Applause.) Mr. Wstson. Now. I want to ask my Democratic friend over here, if he would be in favor of keeping the dirt road, which accomodates him, out of the hands of monopolists; and if so, why the same should not apply to the iron road Voice. How will you buy the railroads [The audience began to impatience at the interruptions.] Mr. AVatson. My friend is asking fair questions, and I am going to knead him into People’s party dough. (Laughter.) Same voice. You will never knead me into AA T eaver dough. Mr. Watson. We will see. He says, how will we get the railroads The government gave much of their lands to them by the law of eminent domain. AVhen you foot up the first cost of all the railroads in America, and balance that with the amount of the donations -which the States gave them, which the counties gave them, and thedownships gave them, the rail roads have not cost the corporations one cent. How did they get your land when you did not want to sell it They go to the legislature and invoke the right of eminent domain, and say, “you will have to accept so and so" for your land, for public necessity requires that we should have it.” They have a commission, appointed to go there and map out your land, assess its value, and when the rail road pays that assessment the land goes from you. That is what the law calls taking land by the right of eminent domain. Now, what the railroads got by the right of eminent domain from the people, the govern ment can get by eminent domain from the railroads and restore to the people. Do we propose to get them, and pay nothing? Not at all. We purpose to make the same rule apply by which they got these lands. Ap point a commission. Let them as sess the real value of the roads. Let them squeeze out the fictitious value. Every man, Woman and child in America is taxed at present to pay interest annually on five billion dol lars of watered stock. The Democrat from the North. That is right, Mr, AA’atson. Mr. Watson. Now, that is a very clever fellow. It is a pleasure to argue with him. (Laughter.) He owns up like a little man. (Renewed laughter.) Now, we -would get these roads and pay for them by issuing legal tender notes. That would do what? Relieve the people from paying trib ute on the five billion watered stock. AVe would save fifty million dollars on the salaries of fellows who do nothing only sit in their offices and look pretty. Same Northern Democrat. That is right. Mr. Watson. What is the form of abuse under the present system It makes the community at large pay enormous salaries to a few favored individuals. Some of the Democrats who denounce the railroad plank in our -platform are going around with free passes in their pockets. Voices. That’s so, as sure as you live. [Laughter.] Mr. AVatson. Don’t you think it is right when a man is speaking against the government ownership of railroads that the people should know that he has a two hundred dollar free ticket in his pocket? I do not say that because a man takes a free pass he is necessarily bought, but I do say that when a man is arguing for the railroads the people ought to know that he has got a free pass in his pocket. A voice. AVho passed you here Mr. AVatson. I paid my own way. Ain’t it a pity that the men who are traveling around speaking in the in terest of railroads and against the interests of the people could not say as much? [Applause.] I say that the Congressman who takes the twenty cents per mile that the gov ernment allows him and puts it in his pocket and accepts a free pass from the railroad is not in a position to speak as a disinterested servant look ing to the interests of his constitu ents. I say that he is not the proper man to argue against the man who pays his own expenses. AVe have already shown what you on the payment of five billion dollars -watered stock. Don’t you know that we could run the rail roads on practically the same equip ment and in fifteen, twenty or thirty years give the people the advantage of all the savings. Don’t you know that Thomas Jefferson bought 757,000,000 acres of land at one trade Voices. Yes; hurrah for Jeffer son. Mr. AVatson. AVell, that was a bigger trade for the country at that time than for the country to buy the railroads to-day. Now, do you know this, that some of Jefferson’s friends admitted that he violated the consti tution when he did that I do not say that we will be violating the constitution. I say that we will be keeping both within the letter and spirit of the constitution in buying the railroads and restoring them to the people. Don’t you know that the railroads can destroy your town or build it up at their sweet will and pleasure A voice. So far as monopoly is concerned, you know as much about them as I do. Mr. Watson. AA T ell, that is a gen erous concession. lam very thank ful for it, my friend. [Laughter.] Now, he admits that this is one of the worst features of the railroads to day. Don’t you know that if the railroads were under the control of the government that your town, and every other town, would get fair play. AVhy It is not the postmas ter’s interest to build up this town at the expense of that* Remove the motive and the crime disappears. Put the railroads where they are operated at no man’s individual pleasure. I could go further and show you many other benefits to ac crue from the government ownership of railroads. Colonel Livingston said down here at Conyers Monday, “Suppose you got a leg cut off, or had a horse or a calf killed, how are you going to get paid for it by the government AVell, every man knows, I suppose, that there is such a thing as a Court of Claims at AVashington, where any citizen can present a claim against the government, and the jurisdiction of that court can be extended to these cases. But they say that if your railroads go into the hands of politicians you never can get that party out of power. Where are they now? They are in politics and control politics. Is it possible for the legislature to deter an illegal railroad combination Who de terred it in the case of the Central Railroad? AVhy, it was Judge Emery Speer, who took the thing by the nape of the neckj and shook the life out of it. And even then he could not do it until the Wall street combination destroyed the railroads of the State. Then he says that if the govern ment runs the roilroads of the State it will put in all the engineers, con ductors, etc. Well, my friends, if you put one man in office do you not leave five outside wanting it? Aly opinion is that you would have as much chance against his influence as to-day. The same argument stands against the railroads ashman aged now. A voice. Does not the People’s party indorse the one term idea Mr. AVatson. That is true, but I was going upon the broader idea than that. AVe are arguing, like the early fathers, that there should not be more than one term for the president, so that he would not be using the pa tronage of the government for his re-election. A voice. If we get a good Presi dent, why not keep him Mr. AVatson. In a government of sixty millions of people there is no man so much. Yetter than, all others thathe must be continually selected for the high office of President. AVe do not rule on the.kingly idea, AVe say that the civil Service law ought to be enforced. AVhat is that?. The ap plicant must come before, a beard and be examipyd. He must be qual ified to fill the position or he cannot get the place. Therefore, ihen of one political party could not get all the railroad jobs and offices.; I cannot talk to you greater length. I appreciate your attention, and unless you have some questions which interest you, I will A voice. AVq will elect Cleveland. AVell, let us see. This is the first time that I have looked ipto your faces. I have talked to you to-day the same doctrine I have talked to my own people.. I am glad to see that you have received it as you did. Now, I want to see how many of you people, white and black, ladies and children, indorse the position that I have taken to-day. As many as do, hold up your hands. [The vote gave, to all appearances, a unanimous show of hands.] Mr. Watson. Now, I am going to take the other side. As many as are opposed hold up your hands, f About twenty-five hands wfent up.] Mr. AVatson. ..Now, I want to say this the People’s party is pledged to unity and reconciliation of, the two sections. The grandest speech Ben Hill ever made -was when he pleaded for the restoration of good feeling between the North and South. The grandest act of Henry AV.. Grady’s life was when he gave his life as a sacrifice to a reunited country, and pleaded for friendly relations between the sections. The grandest thing that the Alliance ever claimed was through the mouth of such a man as Livingston, up to this year,[that they had finally buried hatred too deep to resurrect. (Great ap plause.) To-day these men are wav ing the bloody shirt as determedly as the Atlanta Constitution and the At lanta Journal did two years ago, to rekindle the embers of sectional hate. (Great applause.) In? .the name of th? |Prince of [Peace, I say, let us have peace. Let preach and act the doctrines of reconciliation between the sections.;, Let us put the seal of condemnation upon that man, or men, who seek to array us in hatred against our brethren across she, Season and Dixon’s line. (Renewed applause.) Let us say to every man who will help us; come. If /he be, from the East, let him come. H lf hq be from the AVest, let him cpme. If he be from the North, let him come. If he be from the South, let hjm come. If he be a black man, let us say, come. If he be a brown man, let us say, come. If he be a white man, let us say, come. Let all come and help us to redeem this people and this land to rehabilitate and reestablish the principles of “equal au 4 exac t justice to all men.”., Alices. That is, right; we are in for that. Mr. AVatson. They say that lam in for social equality between the whites and blacks. I most emphatic ally say that it is untrue. I have never said anything, to the blacks except in the presence of the whites. I have never said anything to the whites except in the presence of the blacks. I say here and now that social equality is not a good thing for either race. Yo,u colored people, as well as the whitbs, are better apart. You go to,.your churches, without any interference, and we will go to ours. I have said that what, injures the black tenant injures -the white tenant. AVhat injures the Ifiack farmer in jures the white farmer. That we should live under a of just laws where the (he farmer, or the mechanic will.be.treqted right. That the farmer, the mqqhanic, the tenant or the laborer ought to be treated with the saipe consideration as the national banker or bondholder; the railroader or th er,capitalist. Thus I said that this new spirit infused by the People’s party had, great things for you black men;as,, welt as for white men. 0 The infamous laws, must be chang ed. Our people are being oppressed. The hand of ruin is on thousands to day, and will be on thousands more to-morrow. The Democracy makes no promise to help you. Distress is here as well as in Europb. If we do not change them, 1,. for one, believe that the people will be driven to conflict which I would deplore. Be earnest in this work, my friends. The appeal to duty was never plainer than to-day. Every man who loves home, let him follow. Every man who loves what is fair ami, true, let him follow the People’s party. On with the fight to-day. On with the fight to-morrow. On with the fight this week. On with the fight next week. On with the fight, in victory or defeat, in sunshine or in shadow; until we see the day which will bring dease, contentment and happiness. A DEMODRATIC DISSENTER. Judge George Clarke, candidate of one of the branches of organized Democracy of Texas, dissents from the demand for the repeal of the 10 per cent tax on circulation. He discusses economics in advocating his claim to be Governor, and states his position as follows: The tenth plank of this platform proposed and adopted by the car stable convention, is as follows: “We oppose the national banking system, we demand the repeal of the federal tax on State banks and favor an amendment to our State constitution permitting the incorporation of State banks under proper restrictions and control for the protection of depos itors and the people.” Evidently the author of this plank of the platform is scarcely out of his teens; other wise, he would have known what old er men know, that the greatest curse to this country anterior to the war was the existence of State banks, which Hooded the country with irre deemable private paper and subjected the citizen to enormous discounts in the transaction of his business. These banks promise well on paper, hut al ways disappoint in performance. Their history is one series of finan cial blunders and calamities, result ing alway s in the robbery of the peo ple. Evidently it, too, is a part of the system of vote catching inaugurated under the roof of that car stable in Houston, by which it is proposed to Hood the country with wildcat money with a vain hope of appeasing the clamor of the people for a redress of financial grievances. The consti tutional history of Texas should have admonished them to a different line of political declaration, for Texas has always been inexorably opposed to the incorporation of banks even of discount. An inhibition to that ef fect was contained in her constitu tion of 1855. It was never super ceded except during the existence of the constitution from 1870 to 1875, and in 1876, the same fundamental declaration was again inserted in our organic law. Clearly there must have been some reason among our fathers in Texas for their unalterable opposition to State banks, and one acquainted with the financial history of our country anterior to the warneed have no diffi culty in determining the reason for the inhibation. We can recur again with profit to the utterances of Mr. Jefferson as a test of the Democracy of this State bank declaration in the street-car sta ble platform. In terms of absolute severity and denunciation he repro bated the system of State banks and did not hesitate to stigmatize them as public robbers and swindlers. He even went so far in his condemna tion as to urge most vehemently and continually that in the interest of the public welfare the States should sur render this right to charter banks, claiming that it was a blot left in our State constitutions, which, if not re moved speedily, would end in their destruction. I quote some few of his many expressions upon this sub ject. Bank paper must be suppressed and circulating medium to be restored to the nation to whom it belongs. The State legislatures should be im mediately urged to extinguish the right of establishing banks of discount. Most of them will comply on patriotic princi ples, under the convictions of the mo ment; and the non-complying may be crowded into concurrence by legitimate devices. The system of banking (State banks) we have both equally and ever repro bated. I contemplate it as a blot left in all our constitutions, which, if not cov ered, will end in their destruction, which is already hit by the gamblers in corrup tion. and is sweeping away in its progress the fortunes and morals of our citizens. Everything predicted by the enemies of banks (State banks) in the beginning is now coming! to pass. We are to be ruined now by the deluge of bank paper, as we were formerly by the old conti nental paper. It is cruel that such revo lutions in private fortunes should be at the mercy of avaricious adventurers, who, instead of employing their capital, if any they have, in manufactures, commerce, and other useful pursuits, make it an in strument to burthen all the interchanges of property with their swindling profits— profits which are the price of no useful industry of theirs. I am an enemy to all banks discounting bills or rates for anything but coin. These quotations from the great expounder of Democracy could be ex tended at great length, but there is no necessity for further evidence as to his views. Every prediction he made as to the inherent rottenness of the State bank system was complete ly verified by their subsequent ca reers, and multiplied calamities came upon the people because of a disre gard of his prophetic utterances. We are invited back to this feast of ruin by the platform of the Hogg follow ers. We are asked to forget the teachings of our past experience, to ignore the solemn warnings of our greatest Democrat, and to assist in embarking our State and country upon the treacherous sea of financial disaster, in order that a sufficient number of People’s party people may be gulled into voting for Hogg to elect him. Every true Democrat in Texas will decline to join in such criminal carnival. Every conservative and sensible business man and citizen must realize from this declaration the desperation which prompted its utterance. Not content with the prostration of our industries and the destruction of our values and our prosperity, these people now invite us to the ghost dance of State banks in the vain hope that amid howling dervishes we may forget the gospel of true Democracy. The hope is a vain one. The invitation will be spurned and true Democracy and conservative business methods will join forces in the patriotic task of saving our State from the hands of such buccaneers in finance and such adventures in politics. No sane man desires to see this country again flooded with wildcat money, producing a mania for specu lation, paralyzing legitimate industry, destroying confidence and finally cul minating in the financial ruin of the people periodically almost every decade. We want more money per haps, but we want good money, money coined and issued by the only sovereignty in America capable of making money, the National Govern ment, free from control by private corporations or associations of indi viduals, and of sufficient volume to satisfy the demands of commerce and the necessities of the people. State banks of issue are a long step back ward in the proguess of civilization. They will prove a snare and delusion to the people, and instead of lighten ing their burdens, judged by their past history, will bring periodical ca lamities upon them and destroy their substance and their accumulations. If 50,000 votes are to be secured only by this method our friends of the street-car stables will pardon me if I suggest that they abandon their present fraudulent organization and go over “body and’ breeches” to the People’s party. Honesty is the best policy, even in politics, and I com mend the aphorism to them for leis urely digestion. Presidential Campaign. Jonesboro News. The question every Southern and Western man may now ask, is, Will Cleveland and the Eastern Democrats change their policy or must the South and West and North-west sacrifice, the principles the right for which they have so gallantly stood. The free coinage measure and the bills pending in congress known as the Hatch bill and Washburn bill affects directly the interest of the producers of cotton and grain to such an extent that if fully under stood would be with these sections paramount to all other issues. That Mr. Cleveland was untiring in his efforts to stop the coinage of silver no one could doubt who will read his message, and study his public and private record. That the policy represented by Mr. Cleveland and his confederates are inimical to that demand and need ed by the South and West cannot admit of an honest doubt. As he stands committed upon a platform of principles more injurious and damag ing to*the debtor class than that of Gen. Sherman, who advocates the gold standard with limited coinage as now in vogue. Mr. Cleveland and the Democratic party at Chicago have repudiated* silver as money, have undertaken to stamp a falsehood upon the silver money, which is not true and which the American people cannot afford to iidmit, or endorse, and which forces the South and SVW tv either repudiate Cleveland and his financial policy or endorse the declaration that one-half of the money of the country is dishonest money. Will the South and the West join Mr. Cleveland and say that it is dishonest and depre ciated currency, palmed off upon the people by the government as such. Will the Democratic party persist in a policy that repudiates it? If so then silver should be driven from commerce and the present circulation contracted to one-half its present volume. Until 1873, if the history of com merce is true, there was an unlimited demand for both gold and silver at the mints, and as a result no such thing as a contraction of the currency was known, business prospered, com merce flourished. Why not restore silver to its legitimate value upon the proper rate of value and let the price at the mint control, then its full market value will be realized as it was before it was striken down by the conspira tors of honest money and the people. With this campaign will rise or fall at least two or four years, the correct and truthful representative of that system demanded by the people. The competition of parties, the contending of factions, devoted to the fortunes of their leaders may obscure the real issues involved and for a time subordinate principles and problems that demand a solution. But the avowed principles of the common people, the producers of the wealth, will furnish an unmistakable basis for future success and p) os perity of the American people. For a party to nominate a candi date, adopt declarations of principles opposed to our interest and our views on these questions is simply to for feit the right to our votes and as to Mr. Cleveland and the policy of the present democratic party. We could under no circumstances support either. We hope to see a pure and aggressive policy with a higher regard for methods and principles inaugurated in the south, then and only then will it meet with public favor. Neither the Associated Press nor the special correspondents of the great dalies sent out accounts of the infamous events in Atlanta last Thursday night and Friday. The party of high morality in the South depends more on “the better art o’ hidin’ them on freedom from sin. To-day the People’s party has a good third of the popular vote. Brothers, will you stick until the sun sets November 8, and skirmish for converts, or will you return to your old party bondage 3

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4 PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE PEOPLE'S PAPER PUBUSING COMPANY. 117 1-2 Whitehall St. THOS. E. WATSON, President. D. N. SANDERS, Sec. Treas. R. F. GRAY, Business Manager. T' This Paper is now and will ever be a fearless advocate of the Jeffersonian Theory of Popu lar Government, and will oppose to the bitter and the Hamiltonian Doctrines of Class Rule. Moneyed Aristocracy. National Banks, High Tariffs, Standing Armies and Formidable Na ives: -all of which go together as a system of oppressing the People. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. TERMS— SI.OO PER YEAR. 50 SIX MONTHS. 25 THREE MONTHS. Bend Money by Postal Note or Money Order. DO NOT SEND STAMPS. CLUBS In clubt. of 10 wo will send the Paper at 75c. OUR OFFICE tip stairs in thfe elegant new McDonald building 117 1-2 iiiteliall street, where our friends will always find the latch string on the outside. Get Up” Clubs. Wewantf n e Industrial Classes! to feel that this Paper i a THEIR FRIEND. It is conduct ed by men who are intensely interested in the Reform Movement, and have been battling for It many years. The price shows that the Paper is not being tun for money. If the People support it lib erally it will pay expenses. It cannot do taore. As long as I am President of the Company, the Paper will never be found on any other tne of policy than that which I sincerely be eve is best for Georgia, best for the South, ind best for the country at large. TIIOS. E. WATSON, President People’s Paper Publishing Co. ten, 1 APPOINTMENT. Mr. Watson will speak at Jewells, Hancock county, on Saturday, the 15th instant, at 7 o’clock p. m. A CHANGE. The appointment of Mr. Watson to speak in Macon on the night of Oc tober 17, has been changed to Octo ber 15, at night. NOTICE. Mr. Walter IL Lowe’s connection with this paper having ceased, all subscriptions and all sums due for idvertising will hereafter be paid to the undersigned. D. N. Sanders, Sec. and Treas. People’s Party Paper Company. THE SUPREME COUNCIL. The Executive Board of the Na •tional Farmers Atliance and Indus trial Union have decided to hold the aext meeting of the Supreme Coun sil at Memphis, Tenn., on the third Tuesday in November (15th). Ap plications have been made to all rail ways for special rates. THE MACON TELEGRAPH HOWLS. For every statement contained in ray article on Gen. Weaver’s treat ment in Macon, I had the authori ty of credible testimony. The facts were given me from sources I believed and still believe to be reliable. I have not the slightest doubt that every statement in the article is strictly true. Thomas E. Watson. ENGAGEMENTS CANCELLED. Hon. T. B. Cabaniss having noti fied Mr. L. A. Ponder that he w r ould not meet Mr. Watson at Smarr’s Station that engagement is can celled. The same is true with the Dublin appointment—Judge Turner not be ing certain he could be there. The Macon appointment is also cancelled. Mr. Watson recognizes that the combined forces of the democracy are now fighting him in the Tenth, and that all his time is needed there. The Australian ballot law is badly needed in Georgia. Last week thous ands of men had to vote an open ticket before employers and land lords, or meet the certainty of having to lose their employment or their homes. The secret ballot would have remedied all that. Mr. Moses argues that whereas tho Senate proposed to lend $5,000,000 to the Chicago fair, and the House only consented to make a gift of $2,500,000, the House saved half of the misappropriation. A loan upon a good bond is certainly a better asset to the tax-payers than a gaping hole where half the sum disappeared, leaving no consideration. The truth is that the Democrats wanted to make the loan but feared that they could not meet the argument of the financial reformers, that the country can safely money on personal security. Apprehension that they could not meet the farmers in debate after making the loan cost the people ju«t $2,500,000 in that instance. PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1892 STEADY MEN, AND FORWARD! Did you join this movement for a holiday campaign, thinking that there was no work to do and no trials to bear Did you merely want an office, and did you choose our side simply because you thought it the strongest side? Were you only a sore-head, seek ing a vantage ground from which you could best wreak your ven geance on the Democrats for having slighted you If so, my friend, you will at once leave us—and 3-011 will be better off, and so will wc! But if you enlisted in the war for good reasons: if you became one of us because you honestly thought this country was badly governed, its laws shamefull} 7 unfair, its people suffering from unjust burdens, and liberty itself well-nigh extinct under the crushing despotism of class rule, then, my brave comrade, you are fuller of light to-day than on yester day. You now know that the Demo cratic leaders have deceived you, mocked you, and defrauded you. A’ou now know that every species of force and corruption which th told you the North practiced as against Democrats, they, the Demo crats, have practiced against you. Your presidential candidate and his aged wife were shamefully in sulted. Your speakers have been silenced. Bribery of the most fla grant sort has been practized under your eyes by the men who de nounced Quay and Dudley; whisky has been copiously measured out around the polls by the good Demo cratic apostles of prohibition pistols and knives have been used to drive our workers away from the polls, and the victory which in many coun ties we won in spite of these meth ods, has been taken away from us on flimsy technicalities by Demo cratic managers who have for twenty five years denounced the same acts when committed by Republicans. All these things you have seen. They will sink deep into your minds. If you were w’ith us from principle before, you will be with us now more earnestly than ever, more aggressively than ever, more hopefully than ever, for none of us can think that the people of the South are going to tolerate the infa mous plans which have won the Democrats the State election. The preliminary brush with the enemy is now over. The Novem ber election looms up ahead. Bend down to the task, men, and work as you never worked before! The People’s party sentiment is here, and it is here to stay. Help to organize it. Help to get it into fighting shape. Help to infuse life and purpose into it. The individual voter must be taught that we will protect him in the exercise of his franchise. He must be made to understand that this is an issue upon which depends his future, his home, his liberty. Comrades, show that you are worthy of a place irt our ranks. Show that you can be constant, and brave, and true. Show that you can throw off the gloom of repulse and compel a victory by your indomi table pluck. Remember that no re form movement ever went to success save through the grim ordeal of re peated failure. Remember that those privileges which we hold most dearly to-day cost the blood of the brave men who struggled for them through years of discouragement and defeat. Here is one man who means to fight for the sacred cause until they fold his exhausted hands over his breast. Who will follow? T. E. AV. DEMOCRATIC FRAUDS. In AVilkes county the managers threw out every precinct which gave Ramsey a majority. This was done on the slimmest and most absurd technicality in the signing up of the returns. The Tyrone district went for Reese. The returns had the very same alleged defects. AA ere they cast out? Not much. Such are Democratic methods. A crime committed in behalf of De mocracy is a virtue.

In Wilkinson county the registrars (mostly Democrats) examined the individual voters, and being satisfied with such examination, gave a cer tificate of registry. On the day Mr. Watson was to speak at Gordon, the county com missioners summoned 360 of these duly registered voters to Irwinton to show cause why their names should not be stricken from the lists. Those summoned were inostly colored peo ple of the People’s party. Without any legal testimony the Democratic bosses struck off 116 names from the lists—9o per cent of whom were our voters. Such are Democratic methods. A free ballot and a fair count is meant for Democrats. The People’s party must make out the best it can in the face of frauci, tyranny and suppres sion.

In Hancock county Rev. IL S. Doyle, a prominent colored leader of the People’s Party, was assaulted and barely escaped with his life. The Democratic county officials led the crowd .of assailants. The Demo cratic County Judge and the Demo cratic Ordinary were, prominent in the use of knives and pistols. This colored preacher has had to leave his parsonage and come to McDuffie county for protection. Hancock county is Governor Nor then’s home county. He has claimed to be a friend to the negro. He evi dently means Democratic negro. A People’s p&rty negro hide out. He must be shot at, ’threatened with opened knives, and flee for his life. The Governor was in Hancock county at the time. He did not lift his finger to protect this colored di vine from homicidal assault or to secure to him the safety of his home and parsonage. Such are Democratic methods. Yet they talk to colored people of ku-klux!

Mr. Black is the apostle of pure politics—of Arcadianisni. That’s the reason so much Democratic money and whisky flooded Jefferson county the day of the election. That’s the reason so much intimidation, bribery and repeating were practiced in the city of Augusta. Democratic Arcadianisni means to get the vote in any way known to man. The dirtiest method is com mendable because it keeps in power the dear Democratic bosses. T. E. AV. MR. BLACK’S BACK-OUT. It will be remembered by our readers that when Mr. Watson reached home he challenged his com petitor to a joint debate in each county. Because claimed the right,how ever, to first go over the district and give an account of his steward ship, the Democratic papers were full of sneers at what they called his fear of Air. Black. Only five meetings out of the eleven to which Mr. Black was chal leged did'he accept. The refnaiiiin’g six were postpen ed upon Air. assurance that they would be arranged at some future day. m That promise he has violated. He now refuses to redeem his word and have Air. Black meet Air. Watson in the remaining counties. A completer back-out has never been seen. 17 Air. Fleming knows quite well that we have the proofs of the frauds and briberies practiced by his gang at the Stats election, and he knows that Air. Black w T ould not dare to face the proofs. So they run—being ashamed to confront the evidence of their dis honest and corrupt methods. If the Tenth wants to be repre sented by a “white feather” man, they will now know who he is. O{ T. E. AV. This is Air. Fleming’s answer to Judge Gross’-request that the bal ance of the debates he had: Augusta, Ga., Oct. 8, ’92. Judge B. M. Gros?, Thomson, Ga., Dear Si,i^: Yours of yester day to hqnd, in reference to further joint between Air. Watson and Mr.;slack. In reply I beg to say that Mr. Black considers that the issues have been fully discussed in tne meetings already held, and ffe,;se£S no good to be ac complished for tjie public by having further joint debates, especially since the election tp£ October sth shows that there is practically no People’s party iu State, thus making the issue more than heretofore personal to yourself. Air. Black and his friends think that under the changed condition we should avoid the con tentions and asperities that attend these joint debates,and do what we can to assay the that has been aroused, and restore as far as possible among the people of the dis trict the. peace and harmony which all good citizens desire. Very respectfully, Wm. li. Fleming, Acting for Air. Black. JI I» The law of Georgia closes every bar-room on election day. The Democrats of Georgia provide th.ir whisky over night, and on election day there was more drunkenness than on any other ten in the calen dar year. j LETTER FROM COL. PEEK. Editor People’s Party Paper: After so much has been said of the recent election we still have much to be proud of in Georgia. Our party has grown to fully one half of the white voting population of the State in less than eight months, and no one dares dispute the fact that it is composed of the best citi zens of the Empire State of the South—men who have the courage o of convictions and tenacity of pur poses, men who, under all circum stances, dare to advocate and main tain the doctrines and principles upon which our government was founded and established. It is amazing to know that, in this land of bulldozing, hoodlums, suppression of free speech and plutocratic in tolerance, the determined advocates of equal rights have been successful in pushing their army to an equal division of the white voters of the State. A victory for the people has been achieved, a principle establish ed planted by the river of waters eternal in the South; this, too, when the Democrats,with the whole money power in all departments, were com bined against us. White men in debt were threatened, tenants were intimated, employes in many in stances were refused time to vote, to others it was said, you will get out or vote the Democratic ticket. They wined, dined, breakfasted and even penned the poor negro the pre ceding, night and with blue ribbon and brass band the proud merchant, aristocratic doctor,and their captains, lieutenants, sergeants and corporals marched the negro to the polls and voted him against his convictions. Fired by the whisky ring,social equali ty was established. In my own county the above tactics were also resorted to to defeat me. They went so far as to rob the poor-house of its in mates, hauling them to the polls and voting some who on account of lunacy cannot find their way back W’hen a hundred yards away from the poor farm. Such are competent for Democrats to use to defeat the will of the wealth-producers. To what extent these frauds were prac ticed, we have only to say that this little county of Rockdale, with a voting population 1028, cast 1154 votes. A noted hall was filled with negroes, who were made -yy by mean liquor, locked in for the night, breakfasted the next morning and headed by the leading moneyed men of the city, were marched in a line to the polls and voted as soon as they were opened. It was also cir culated that if I was elected Gov ernor of Georgia I should not take my seat, but should die the death of Lincoln and Garfield. AVith boodle, bulldozing and in timidation, they used the 103,567 colored voters in Georgia, and did what the refusal to divide managers at the different precincts indicated to all intelligent people they would do to save the glorious old party from negro supremacy. AVhen the color ed voters could not be bulldozed, bought or intimidated into voting the Democratic ticket, they were driven from the polls, only a few be ing allowed to cast their ballots for the People’s party, though the large majority would have done so if al lowed. Despite all this we have made a most wonderful move for our cause and have burnt the bridges behind us with orders to the front. No revolution was ever started with such force. No people ever fought under such disadvantages as we have. We have met the enemy on every field with his old political generals in command, equipped with boodle for buying, munitions for in timidating, counting and stuffing. Ours was a campaign of poverty. AVithout a dollar, without an ambu lance to carry the weak who fell by the wayside, without trained po litical generals, we have fought a good fight and have enlisted in our army for relief and reformation more than half the white voters of Georgia. The fight is on, and there will be no grounding of arms, no white flag raised, until our demands are granted. AA'e never expect to kiss the hand that is smiting us, or to lap like a dog; neither do w'e intend to heed that satanic voice crying “come back.” AVe have nothing to regret, but much to be proud of. AA’e have no personal war to make, but our political sword is unsheathed and crossed with parties of promises and nd not of deeds. On the Bth of November I, with the many thous ands of other Georgians, will say to the world that we know no North,no South, no East, no West, but one common country with equal rights to all, by voting for our People’s party Congressmen and AVeaver and Field. W. L. Peek. TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA. The State election is over, and now let us look over the field and see the result. Less than six months ago the cam paign opened in this State. Not un til the fourth of July was the new party fully formed. From that day the fight has been on, and the result has been grand to the reform forces. In three months of debate we have succeeded in marshaling into the armj 7 of reform over 70,000 sturdy, honest voters. Never did a new movement accomplish so much in so short a time in the history of the world. This has been accomplished in the face of the fact that the new organi zation lacked that compact and close organization that the old parties have. This was accomplished in the face of the bulldozing and proscriptive policy of the aristocratic Democracy in the face of the mortgages and the debts which were flaunted by the merchants in the face of the people who owe them. The tenants were threatened that if they voted the People’s ticket they would be driven from their homes, and in many parts of the State their threats have been carried out and the men who dared to vote their convictions are without a home and their families are out of doors on the charities of the world. The colored voter, w T hose every interest is with that of the laboring white man, was bulldozed, intimi dated, driven from the polls, and in some instances shot for attempting to exercise the rights of citizenship and vote as they pleased. By intim idation, by bribery, by the use of whisky, by force, the larger part of the colored vote was either c? s st for the Democratic ticket or kept from the polls. In some places Democratic officers had professional witnesses to swear out warrants against innocent colored people to prevent their voting for the People’s party at the State elec tion. There is no doubt but the working classes, white and black, would have voted with the People if left unin fluenced by the bulldozing jmd in timidating process outhe Democratic party. The frauds that were committed in the name of Democracy at the ballot box were many throughout the State. In some places reports state that parties watching saw the mana gers change the ballots put in for the People’s ticket to Democratic before they were put in the box. This is the reason why Chairman Atkinson and AV. J. Northen refused to request their party in ths several counties to divide managers of the election. It was a premeditated plan by the leaders of the Demo cratic party. The orders were sent out for 70,000 majority accompanied by at least $200,000 of boodle to bribe the voters of Georgia. With all the bribery; with all the bulldozing and intimidation; with the merchants and money pow T er threatening the people with foreclos ure with the shot-gun brigade driv ing the colored people from the polls, the Democrats on a fair count did not secure over thirty thousand ma jority. There can be no question that the honest sentiment of the State is with the People’s party, and an hon est, open ballot would have given the election to the reformers by a good majority. There is nothing to discourage the movement in Georgia. AA r e must meet the desperate and dastardly means of the enemy with back-bone and determination. At the approaching November election let us have a fair election or none. AVe don’t need men with cotton strings for back-bones in this fight. AVe want men who will stand up for their rights to the finish. Let no set of men bulldoze you from doing your duty. You have the methods of the opposition; now meet them, and meet them successfully. Let every reformer in the. State go to work, and let Cleveland and his rotten-egg crew go down in November. See to it at every polling place in the State that there is a free ballot and a fair count. Maintain your rights, and allow no set of men to conspire and defraud the people of a free and unintimidated expression of the majority. The farmers and working people are in this movement. In every in stance where either of these classes vote against the reform it is because of a want of proper knowledge upon the great questions of the day. AVhen these people stop and think, they will join the reform and fight for their own relief instead of that of their enemies. “Keep in the middle of the road,” and let the fight go right forward for principle and right. The people will repudiate such methods as that of our enemies at the last election; they will repudiate the action of that party that promises and never ful fills. Stand by your colors, and relief will come through victory. M. D. Irwin, Ch’m’n People’s Party of Georgia* HANCOCK COUNTY Is Billy Northen’s home county. He got a majority therein during the recent election. How? AVithin three miles of where the said Billy lives the vote was as follows For Northen, 15 For Peek 148 This was too billions to be borne, and so the managers at Sparta threw that precinct out. Billy’s neighbors w r ere entirely too rough on him, and the bosses knew it would look too bad to print the truth. So they sup pressed the vote. At the Powelton precinct the said Billy attended in person to beseech and influence the benighted voters. The result was 150 majority for the People’s party. This was also too bad and the Sparta bosses threw that out also. In Sparta itself negroes were de frauded of their ballots by the substi tution of Democratic ballots for those of the People’s party. This subter fuge being not quite sufficient, ne groes were chased away from the polls to the music of pistol shots. That’s the way Billy Northen “carried his home county.” T. E. AV. AYE A VER AT PULASKI. Saturday, October 8, Gen. AVeaver spoke at Pulaski, Tenn. An audi ence of several thousand was on hand, and splendid order was maintained. As to the libelious falsehoods fashioned by the Atlanta Journal, every allegation was specifically denied and de nounced, save, that he did levy a cvavribution <j. $2,000 on wealthy citizens of the town to be expended in behalf of the refugees this in obedience to orders from Gen. G. M. corps commander. Such enforced contributions are part of the annals of every war of which history treats, and were levied on Chambersburg, Md., and A’ork, Pa., by Gen. Early in his celebrated in vasion. Gen. AVeaver made a splen did speech, and was right royally cheered by the vast audience. There was a small meeting in the court house that evening, at which the chief liars of Tennessee Democracy tried to stem the tide of sentiment and sustain the oft-repeated false hoods, but it was a most con temptible failure. WILKES COUNTY. FREE SCHOOL TICKET. For Governor, AV. J. NORTHEN. For Secretary of State. PHILIP COOK. For Comptroller General, WILLIAM A. WRIGHT. For Treasurer, R. U. HARDEMAN. For Attorney General, JOSEPH M. TERRELL. For Commissioner of Agriculture, ROBERT T. NESBITT. For Senator 29th Senatorial District, M. P. REESE. For Representatives Wilkes County, ED. Y. HILL. L. W. LATIMER. The above is an exact copy of the ticket by which the Democrats fooled the negroes in AVilkes county. They w’ere made to believe that unless they voted for Northen they w r ould lose their free schools. Such a de ceptive device as the above renders the ticket fraudulent and void. Un der the law each one of these bal lots is illegal. Had the People’s party violated the law in this way the whole pre cinct would have been thrown out. Democrats did it, therefore it is all right. T. E. AV. Yin the face of the fact that the Democrats voted almost the entire colored vote in Georgia last week, it was amusing to the verge of hys terics to see the white Republicans of Atlanta, led by Bullock, go to the polls and vote for white supremacy. The trouble with the Democracy of Georgia is, that it Has ceased to believe in reason. Force is its ar gument.

Page 5

ECHOES FROM THE ELECTION. Details of the late election are now coming in from all parts of the State. The letters of correspondents relate facts which disclose the means bv which the result was reached. And the means were fraud, bribery, drunk enness, intimidation, murderous as sault and homicide, all traceable to the door of organized Democracy. Here follow some samples. The first is from Hancock county, the home of Governor Northen: One of the most glaring outrages ever committed in a free country was perpetrated at Sparta, Georgia, on the day of election. Rev. 11. S. Doyle, a colored min ister who is striking such telling blows for the People’s party, was as saulted by a mob of Sparta’s most re spected citizens. Using the privilege of a freeman, he was working for the success of the party’s State ticket, when he was ap proached by a crowd and informed by the leader that he had come to cut his throat. Several colored men were around him, and pushed him out of reach of the knife, when im mediately pistols were displayed, and as he attempted to escape he was shot at like a dog. This was not the only attempt on the life of Mr. Doy le. Once before a crowd, led by the mayor of the town, went to his par sonage for the purpose of mobbing him in broad daylight. He happened to be out, but the mob, not satisfied, went all through the house with pis tols, searching for him. This is justice, this is fairness of the Democratic sort. It is enough to make the cheeks of every man with one iota of self respect mantle with shame. It should be the rally ing cry of all colored men as they EO'iiid the clarion call for People’s party men. Not so much because Rev. Doyle was outraged, but 'be cause this is a fair sample of Demo cratic methods. They mean to silence by force every man whom they can not otherwise intimidate. It is the duty or every man to rise and bury the party of bulldozing, of assassina tion and intimidation beneath a shower of ballots, too deep to rise ever again. Mr. Doyle is now compelled to leave his home and seek safety else where. It is no secret—men have openly sworn it—that they mean to have his life. Hence he is an exile, driven from home because he dared to tell his people what he believed to be right. Whoever votes for the organized Democratic party votes to perpetuate 'this system of political persecution— a system more repressive than the Siberian exile system of czar-ridden

nuse, men, wnite and taatk-, vuu with the People’s party, and give life to the party whose object is to bring about a peaceful reconciliation of all on the broad plane of equal justice, a free ballot and fair count for all men alike, both white and black. The Democrats find nothing sacred in the cloth of the divine, and allow no right of asylum even to the par sonage. Then comes a letter from Albany, Dougherty county: There was a complete steal. We had over 200 majority in this town. Discovering that ballots were being substituted at the polls, 25 tickets were soiled so as to render them easily distinguishable when folded, and given to as many men who de sired to vote for the People’s party. We would watch through the win dow and could see none but clean ballots go in the slit in the box. Twelve witnesses saw no less than 50 changes in succession. One voter then folded his ticket in diamond shape and passed it in. The manager who took it dropped his hand behind the box, and when it came up he held a long-folded, clean ticket, which went into the box. If we could have had any show of justice, the People’s party could have carried the county, as the colored people voted nearly solidly, there being only about 25 traitors. At one precinct in the west ern part of the county, where every voter favored the People’s party, the polls were not opened, the blanks be ing returned and 400 men deprived from voting. In Albany of 937 votes they stole all but 175. The murders in Elbert county are reported as follows: At Ruckersville, Elbert county, Ga., J. W. Rucker, a highly respect able citizen, and from one of the best families in the state, (I mention this as we are called by the Democrats rag-tags) was going quietly to the polls with a squad of negroes and white men to cast their votes as free men. B. H. Heard saw some negroes in the squad, who had once lived with him, and who bore the name of Heard; he commenced cursing them for wanting to vote against the Democrats. Rucker tried to quiet him, but only received a cursing. Rucker then told the negroes that if any one of them wanted to vote the Democratic ticket they had both the right, and his consent to do so. None of the negroes moved. That so ex asperated Heard, that he took up a wagon standard and struck an old negro. The negro’s son, then struck Heard, after which Heard ran across the street to his house, loaded a double-barrel shot gun, walked back and deliberately shot down two ne groes, one of whom has since died. George Hall, another white Demo ci at, drew his pistol and shot three negroes. The negroes had committed no crime, except the unpardonable sin of wan finer to vote aaainst the PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORQIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1892 Democrats. A mob then surround ed J. W. Rucker and Oscar F. Bell and treated them most cruelly, strik ing them with fists, feet, and stones. The Democrats finally drove the Peo ple’s party from the polls, and wouldn’t allow them to cast a single vote. They were mostly negroes who are easily panic striken. As the Democrats have all the law in their own hands. We do not hope for justice is this case, but can’t we have protection in November? If the law can’t protect us, we will protect ourselves with Winchesters. We will never be driven to the Demo cratic party again. From Bulloch county the follow ing shows that counterfeiting may be added to the list of Democratic virtues Lying, red whisky and counterfeit money (of which I have a SIOO bill in my possession) has run the thing over us—not defeated, not beat. I consider that we have gamed a grand victory. Such fraud and corruption will in the end help to destroy the party that resorts to such base means to carry their point. The people of this county have never before seen anything like it—the law openly vio lated, drunken negroes led to the pollsand voted; sober ones bribed, and many of them, no doubt, with counterfeit money, and those that would neither get drunk nor be bribed were driven by sheer force and made to vote by threats of driving them out of their hom es and-off the lands where they were living. And I heard one negro begging, within five feet of the ballot box, to be allowed to go away without voting, and saying that he did not want to vote, and the fel low that was forcing him told him if he did not vote he would shoot him. Some of the negroes who did vote the People’s party ticket have since been made to leave the houses in which they were living. But our people are giving them houses. 1 have heard of a few men who were Democrats and voted the Democratic ticket, but now say that they are so disgusted at the way things was done, that they never intend to vote with the party any more. God grant that thousands all over the country have become disgusted. As far as I have been able to learn our people are not disheartened, and are still in the fight. I am till death. Richmond county did not escape. Beside shooting down a negro preacher at the poor-farm precinct, because he was endeavoring to instill manly independence in people of his race, the Democrats are subject to charges of gross fraud. Our corres pondent writes: Defeated but not discouraged. This carried by bribery, repeating. Victory has been bought m this county at I the sa’crifice of self respect and honor. The officers of the Superior and County Courts aided and urged on the rascality. We had money, offi cial power and the tyranny of the employer to fight. There are two solutions for the November fight— money or the United States’ protec tion of our homes and ballot. I pre fer the latter. NOT DEAD YET. W e have just received a com munication from a People’s party club in one of the counties where our ticket was snowed under by crooked methods, asking our best terms for 1000 copies of the Peo ples Party Paper for one year. These brethren are on the right line and will whip the fight at the next general election. How many coun ties will follow suit in educating the people? A brother in another county writes,! sent in a three months sub for nineteen Democrats and Republicans. All but two voted our ticket Octo ber 5 th. Put the People’s Party Paper in the hands of the people, and it will prove more than a match for bulldozers, boodle and mean whisky. In several States of the West the Democrats have indorsed the Peo ple’s party candidates for electors and Congressmen. There seems to be no difficulty in the way of doing this in States ordinarily Republican. In the South, however, the Demo cratic scheme includes anything to prevent the people from electing either electors or Congressmen. The address of the Democratic State con vention of Colorado, adopted m lieu of a platform, printed in this paper, discloses most clearly the regard in which the People’s party, with its candidates, Weaver and Field, is held among the Western people. Let the people of Georgia compare this with the conduct of the Democratic leaders of Georgia. THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT LAW. John Morley, a London newspa per man, makes some comments on the Australian ballot law: Each ballot has a number printed on its back, and on its face a coun terfoil containing the same number. At the time of voting the ballot paper must be marked officially. It is then delivered to the voter within the polling station and the register ed number of the elector is marked on the counterfoil. It is then taken into a closed compartment, marked and folded, and placed into the bal lot box, the official seal uppermost. The returning officer at the close of the polls counts the ballots in the presence of the candi dates, or their agents, and at once declares the candidate or candidates receiving the largest number of votes elected. Incidentally, it might be well to call attention the American voters to the ease with which a vote can be invalidated. The courts have de cided that the following markings on a ballot are illegal, and make the ballot void. A cross in the upper left hand corner outside the space for names a cross at the left and below; cross at both the right and left; cross on the back of a ballot, opposite the name of the candidate; two crosses; cross the letter above or below; cross with additional marks of any kind; cross with the candidate.s names in addition cross with another name written in cross and voter’s signature on any part of the ballot; cross in form of ornate script; cross with small lines run ning in several directions circles or ovals; spiral designs; star or aster isk lines not forming a cross sin gle line instead of cross; blot or scratch in ink below candidate’s name straight line on the back. THAT LETTER. The daily papers of the Demo cratic persuasion have reproduced part of a letter from Capt. D. N. Sanders to Mr. Watson, being a con fidential communication of a trusted agent to his employer. Because the letter -would hurt and not help the Democratic scheme of campaign, only such part was printed as suited the purpose of the editor. The letter was gotten by the meanest device ever acknowledged by men claiming to be honorable. No copy was kept by the writer, and hence the reprint from the Augusta Chronicle is ac cepted as materially correct. Here it is, reproduced and presented as containing some practical suggestions to the People’s party men that the Atlanta Constitution did not dare give its readers: Dear Colonel—l find your letter on my table on my return from home. I knew you were not at home when I telegraphed for means to pay freight on paper, but I did not dream that the telegraph operator would do otherwise than send the telegram to your house, where it would be at once opened. I went to Buck as a last resort and borrowed the money from him, stating explicitly that you were from home, and I could not reach you in timl’ifwrr answer my purpose. He knows full well that it was done without your knowledge. The Telegraph asked us a favor to sell or lend them ten rolls of paper. I could sell at a small profit, and as funds were scarce and we had a sup ply for several months, long enough I thought for it to be definitely deter mined whether you would run the paper permanently. I would not have sold without consulting you, but the Telegraph was without pa per to get out its next issue, and it had done us a mean little trick.. I was anxious to treat it generously. From what I could learn on Sun day the Taliaferro boys are not hacked. They tell me that my pre cinct, which gave Peek a majority of 53 out of a little over 100 votes polled, will give you a dozen more votes than Peek received. We can get around some of the bulldozing in this way Let tickets be sent to good men in each county just a week before the election comes. Some full People’s party and some with Harrison elec tors, and let these tickets be distri buted to good men in each militia district and by them given to poor white tenants, as well as to negroes, who were bulldozed into voting the Democratic ticket. These poor devils who are afraid of their bosses can put these tickets in their pockets and receive tickets from their bosses as before and quietly exchange tickets and vote as they desire. It is pitiable to think how many poor men of Georgia are reduced to slavery. I learned from my wife that a few days before election, the negroes in my neighborhood were told that I had denounced the Peo ple’s party and declared for Northen and Cleveland. Several of them went to my wife to know if it was true and when told that it was a trick to deceive, they went off more determined than ever to vote our ticket. I have about 200 more campaign books than I am likely to dispose of. We are getting very few letters giv ing accounts of the election. From what we hear, the amount of bribery and bulldozing is beyond all calcula tion. God help the people who are selling their birthright for a dish of pottage. Get back into your own district as soon as you can, and stay there. I -would as soon lose my right hand as see you beaten. Yours, till the end, D. N. S. Os the 137 counties in Georgia, 125 voted on the legislative tickets as follows: Democratic 120,537; Peo ple’s party 61,957;*8epub1ican,2,123. As there were a number of coun ties in which the People had no can didates for representative, Peek’s vote was presumably several thous and greater than noted above. Put t down as being 75,000, and you will not miss it much. A greater vote than the Republicans ever cast in the State by 12,000, and sufficient to defeat the Democratic vote. A majority of the whites are evidently with the People’s party. The Dem ocratic majority is less than the Re publican vote, and the colored voters controlled the balance of power in favor of the Democrats. THE FLOWERS. The following aresome of the cards accompanying flowers received by Mr. Watson at Gibson and Appling. Somepf the names of donors were lost because of difficulty in handling and preserving the prized testimonials which they accompanied: of Miss Gus Hie Sturgis. Compliment# of MaUd Hall, Thomson, Georgia. From Lillie LanscLlL To Hen. Thos. E. Watson. Hon. Thos. BcWataon, from Miss An nie Marshall. Hon. T. E. WatsoiUc From Mrs. M. M. Lasseter. Compliments of Hiss Lizzie Toole and Mrs. R. E. Neal. Compliments of'Sirs. J, W. Neal, to Hon. T. E. Watson..r With best wishes, to Mr. Watson, from Emmie Magruder,. Appling, Ga. Compliments of Miss Ada Clary, to Hon. Thomas E.-Watson. c Harlem, Ga., Qct.A 1892... Compliments of Mrs. Phillips to Hon. T E. Watson.. May you live long to advocate the cause of the People. Hon. Thos. E. Watson. May the God of Heaven crown you with succes. Your friend, Mrs. B. M. Gross. October 3, 1892. To the Hon. Thos. E. Watson, the champion of the people’s rights. May God give you courage and strength to fight the enemies until the victory is gained. Marie and Alice Evans. Thomson, Ga., Oct. 4. Those eggs seem to have left a stench in Macon.i THE CAMPAIGN IN TEXAS. ~4, Judge Nugent, the nominee of the People’s party for Governor|of Texas is a strong man, fully in line with the reform movement, as is shown by the following extract from one of his re cent speeches. His election is reas onably assured, though there are three other full-fledged] candidates against him. The census bulletin, issued by the chief of the census bureau, shows that in 1880 the nin6,197,719 more wealth than the fiffeeii States. The following clipping the Dalia News of August wotild seem to indicate that the enormous wealth gain of the Nortfy Atlantic States is not likely to suffer Any curtailment under the fosterihg ca¥e 'of the Mc- Kinley bill: 91 nu “The Mills GrpAving richer—Cot ton Manufactures’ ."Wore Prosperous Than Ever Petorb.-- Fall River, Mass., Aug. 14.—Published returns from the mills here fpr the past quar ter show they arbnow Henjoying the most prosperous seaitfry ever known in cotton manufacturing in Fall River. Thirty-one corporations representing 46 millions have paid dividends-of 8538,880 on a capital of $18,128,000. The total dividends paid for the cor responding quarter last year amount ed to $233,25ft In addition the mills have unburdened* themselves of debts and interest accounts and made extensive alterations 'And additions.” Thus it is plain to see that the manufacturing and financial centers have no reason to complain of pres ent conditions. "''Gorged-to repletion with the good things that a paternal government has showered upon them for lo these many years, what caie they if barefoot Texas women and children pick decent cotton to supply their mills, or Kansas farmers raise 10 cent corn to pay interest on their mortgages But this is not all. The farmer from 1850 to 1860 found himself in possession of about 70 per cent of the national wealth, and growing richer each year. The gold miners of California were annually adding to the circulation, enhancing prices, em ploying labor and diffusing prosperi ty through all the avenues of our social, commercial and industrial life. Farm values went up and farm pro ducts commanded ready sale at good prices. The farmer’s sons and daughters, as they grew “up and married, were easily provided for and settled around the old homestead, or at least in convenient reach of it. But what a fate has overtaken this plodding, conservative, brave and honest citizens. Poverty and debt press him, taxes press him, freight rates press him, and it has become his hard and burdensome lot to toil from January to December for the bare necessaries of life. Wife and children must relinquish the small comforts and luxuries which once were within their reach. The boys, as they giow up to manhood’s estate, vanish from beneath the paternal roof to seek their fortunes in the facinating and mysterious West; but, alas’ they find no West that prom-i ises fortune. The speculator, the railway and the syndicate have pre ceded them and occupied the ground. The railroads own 281,000,000 acres, foreign and domestic syndicates own 84,000,000 acres, making a total of 376,000,000, and 787,906,375 are in farms. There is probably not now left of our vast public domain more than an average of three acres per capita of our population and much of this is desert or barren land, unfit for many reasons for occupation by the housekeeper. Thus cut off by the policy of our government from ac cess to the cheap public lands, is it wonderful that such a large portion of our people are tenants —that in fact over 700,000 farmers in the United Stabs are compelled to share their crops with landlords But not only are the money and lands monopolized, but railroads as well. In the present adjustment of our social and industrial life rail roads, as a means of exchange and distribution, have become an abso lute necessity. The use with which a railroad is charged, being public in its character—being in fact the ex ercise of a function belonging more to government than to private indi viduals—there is the same reason for reducing rates of traffic on these lines of transportation as exists in favor of a reduction of public tax ation. Every person feels that high rates of taxation are burden some, and hence the demand for the reduction of public expenditures to the necessary expense of govern ernment economically administered. A moment’s reflection will serve to convince any candid mind that the same rule should apply to the ex pense of operating that system of intercommunication by w’hich the products of labor are exchanged and the social and business life of the country is so largely maintained. Certainly agencies which affect every member of the political com munity and which largely determise and give shape to the complex re lations and functions of society— which in fact deeply affect and in volve its organic life—ought not to be mere matters of private specula tion and gain. The inter-communi cation of intelligence and the ex change of wealth products by the railroad and telegraph certainly lie at the very foundation of our indus trial, and thus our social well-being, since our complex social life finds expression (evolution) in our com plex industrial system and their maintainance must be seen to be rather a function of government than of the individual. And government ought to take care that the expense of maintenance shall be reduced to the minimum like any other public tax. With this in view, the enormity of the tax levied upon production by the railway and telegraph system of the countiy may be appreciated, when it is understood that of the $10,000,000,000 of stocks and bonds representing the nominal cost of the railway system of the country, ap proximately one-half is fictitious or waetred, and that the gross income derived from the operation of this system amounts to more than sl,- 000,000,000, a sum probably exceed ing the entire amount of money in actual circulation among the peo ple. The net earnings of the sys tem for 1890 are put down in No. 226 of the Statistical Abstract at $346,921318. But while the manufacturer, the banker and bond-holder and the rail roads thus levy tribute upon the productive forces of the country, the government adds its own increased burdens. Look at these figures, showing appropriations z by the con gresses and for the years named Congress. Time. Forty-third, 1875-76 $633,794,000 Forty-fifth, 1879-80 704,527,000 Forty-eighth,. 1885-86 655,269,000 Fortv-ninth, 1887-88 746 342 000 Fiftieth, 1889-90 817,963,000 Fifty-first, 1891-92 988,417,000 These figures are correct, as they have the indorsement of Senator Gorman, a prominent democratic candidate for the Presidential nomi nation, who contends that the annual expenditures of the government are “justly growing.” He is also the Senator who justified the building of a great navy as a means of subsidiz ing “the great steal industries.” Around us on every hand may be seen the evil results of the vicious policy which I have but briefly out lined, and these results may be gathered up and expressed in the statement that for thirty years past, in this great republic, dedicated in blood to human liberty and the rights of man, the “rich have been growing richer and the poor poorer.” A million tramps, homeless and hopeless wanderers, trudge along our highways and gaze despairingly over illimitable areas of unused land, monopolized and withheld from set tlement by the speculator, the syndi cate and the corporation, for the sake of the “unearned increment”— that deep and ineffaceable stigma upon our statesmanship and civiliza tion. For the tramp no flower blooms, the grass does not grow, and Mother Earth, with her generous bosom affords no nourishment. A fugitive and vagabond, no human sympathy follows him as he flies from the face of his fellow man, only to find rest when crime forces him within prison walls or the grave opens to receive his wasted and wearied body. But the tramp is fortunate in at least one respect—he has found his way out of the cities into the country, where beggary may prolong his useless existence. Thousands of poor in our cities are ess fortunate. “In New York 40,- 000 working women are so poorly paid that they must accept charity, sell their bodies or starve. In one precinct twenty-seven murdered ba bies were picked up, six in vaults.” In California girls are paid wages ranging from $1.12 to $1.90 per week. “In the sweating establish ments of Chicago,” says the Sociolo gic News, “the wages paid girls and women range from $1 to ss“a week, dishonor or death being made a ne cessity.” The same authority says: “The average wages paid street car drivers in Ohio is $1.53 per working day of twelve hours and thirty-five minutes. The average pay of men in street car stables is $1.37 a day, working eleven hours and a quarter. In the Pennsylvania mining regions the miners] receive $178.40 a year. Out of this pittance they pay to the mining companies for the hovels they occupy 40 per cent of the value of the hovel.” But here is another picture. There are 9,000,000 mortgaged homes in the United States. In the last de cade tenant farmers have increased in number in Kansas more than 20 per cent and more than 11 per cent in Ohio. Texas alone had, a few years ago, 66,465 tenant farmers, leading all of the producing States except Illinois. I have alluded to the decline in prices. This will strikingly appear from the following comparison of prices by decades: From 1860 to 1870, average price of wheat per bushel, $1.99. From 1870 to 1880, average price of wheat per bushel, $1 38. From 1880 to 1889, average price of wheat per bushel, $1.07. Price at this time 80 cents. From 1860 to 1870, average price of corn per bushel, 96 cents. From 1870 to 1880, average price of corn per bushel, 63 cents. From 1880 to 1889, average price of corn per bushel, 46 cents. Price at this time, 38 cents. In 1870 wheat brought $12.76 per acre in 1890, $8.60 loss per acre, $4.16. Corn brought in 1870, $18.75; in 1890, $8.73; loss per acre, $10.02. Rye brought per acre in 1870, $19.75 in 1890, $6.26; loss per acre, $12.18. Cotton brought per acre in 1870, $32 in 1890, $9.96 loss per acre, $23.94. In like man ner it may be shown that there was a loss on barley of $12.57 and on oats of $9.79. The aggregate loss on these crops will run up to many hundred millions, but falling prices and shrinking values only affect the farmer, the laborer, the artisan, the producer and the worker. The bondholder still clips his coupons and draws gold from the treasury, the banker to the same pleasing per formance adds the taking increased usury and the manufacturer still holds his clutch on tjae market by means of the protection against com petition, which a compliant govern ment gives him. As a result society is rapidly dividing itself into two classes—the very rich and the very poor. Look at this statement, com piled by a most accurate and consci entious statistician, of the wealth of the United States: 200 people are worth, 4,000,000,000 400 people are worth, 4,000,000,000 1,000 people are worth, 5,000,000,000 2,500 people are worth, 6,250,000,000 7,000 people are worth, 7,000,000,000 20,000 people are worth, 10,000,000,000 31,100 people are worth $36,250,000,000 Thus it appears that one-twentieth of one per cent of our population own three-fifths of the entire wealth of the country. Your Secretary’s Request. Friends to whom packages have been shipped by express from me, are earnestly requested to call and take them from the Express office paying the charges (25 cents) at once. We would have sent them every one prepaid but we had no money with which to do it. So in order to get the express company to take the packages I had to become personally responsible for the charges on every package shipped. Now unless you take the packages out the whole bur den will fall upon me. It is only 25 cents to you but it is fifty dollars to me, and 1 am not able to stand the loss, for after nearly a year’s work for the people’s cause with no compensa tion except that which comes from the conscious preformance of patriotic duty, lam entirely without money. Get the literature, read it, and have your friends and acquaintances to read it. Yours always, Oscar Parker. 5

Page 6

IN THE SAME BOAT. INTERESTS OF COUNTRY AND CITY LABOR IDENTICAL. Moro Men Employed at Better Wages Means More Customers and Better Prices for the Farmer.s By John Davis, M. C. from Kansas. It is only expressing a well known truism to state that it is to the in terest of every farmer that his cus tomers be multiplied and enrichened so as to create a large and better market for his commodities. Hence, the more men there are employed on the railroads, in the mines, shops and factories, in all the professions, in every line of business, and in all the non-farming industries, the larger market the farmer has for his pro ducts. The employment of more men means shorter hours for wage, laborers in the non-agricultural in dustries. It is better for the farm ers of America that wage-workers have short time—that three men be employed ten hours per day instead of two men fifteen. It is better for the farmers that, in all industries where furnaces must be kept hot and wheels and machinery in motion, night and day, three shifts of men be employed eight hours each, rath er than two shifts twelve hours. It is also to the interest of farmers that the laboring men, agents and clerks in all the non-agricultural in dustries and employments receive good wages. All wages thus paid to the workers and operatives in mines, shops and factories, and on the railroads, enrich the farmer’s customers and improve his markets for all the products of the farm. In order to show the unity of interests in every nominal community, it may be added that short hours and numerous, well paid employes in crease the business of merchants and benefit every line of trade and every mechanical employment, because we are the consumers of each other’s wages. No sensible business or pro fessional man or intelligent farmer can conceive himself benelited by the oppression of labor through long hours and small pay. But, on the contrary, the more men there are employed (that means short hours) and the better the wages, the better it is for the farmers and for the pro fessional and business men who have laboring men for customers. This view of the case is plain and self-evident. But there is another phase of alleged antagonisms which must have further attention. It is claimed by the railroad corporations that farmers on one side and rail roads employes on the other have antagonism toward each other which can never be reconciled. They justly state that the farmers desire lower freights and fares on the rail roads, while the men operating the roads as employes are demanding higher wages and shorter hours. These demands, it is claimed by the corporations, are on each side earn est and persistent, and at the same time incompatible. There is enough of truth in this claim to give it a show of plausibility. It is claimed that lower rates cannot be permitted on the railroads without lowering the wages of the employes on the roads. On the other hand, it is not possible to grant the employes short er hours and better pay without rais ing the freights and fares which the farmers and the public must pay. Thus the corporations have drawn a picture of an irrepressible conflict with the public, including the farm ers on one side, and their employes on the other. They would have us believe that the farmers and the public generally are engaged in a war to oppress the men who operate the railroads and that this war is merciless and endless. So earnest and persistent are the corporations in pushing this view of the case that they have commenced organizing their mtn into clubs with regular newspaper organs to resist the grow ing unity and power of the farmers and people's movement! The corporations are the ruling power. They work with little noise or friction. They lay their plans carefully and secretly, and they carry them out with certainty and con scienceless precision. Laws, consti tutions, court decisions, and public opinions are brushed aside as cob webs by the hands of a giant. The men composing the corporations are usually millionaires, and are spoken of as “magnates.” Beginning busi ness sometimes on the mouse-trap plan, in a very few years their wealth is reckoned by hundreds of millions. The “coming billionaire,” it is pre dicted, will soon arrive by railroad, floated in by the floods and forgeries of his own watered stocks. Where did these millionaire corporations get their wealth They acquired it from the men with whom they have been dealing. They acquired it from the laboring men who operate the rail roads, and from the farmers and the general public! These magnates crowd their employes down—-down, down into the most merciless slavery, utterly unknown in the annals of our once peculiar institution, chattie slavery. They work men, it is said, ten, twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty hours at a stretch, as suits their own sweet will and pleasure, until, in orae cases, engineers and conductors are too much exausted to be proper custodians of a train. Many lives and much property have been sacri ficed by the inability of men to keep awake. The corporations do not drive men to their tasks with whips, shot guns and blood hounds, but through hunger, distress, lack of fair wages PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY OCTOBER 14, 1892. for fair work, and threats of discharge. That is the millionaire treatment of employes! On the other hand, as described by Mr. Garfield in June, 1874, “these modern barons, more powerful than their military prototypes of the mid dle ages, own our greatest highways and levy tribute at will on all our vast industries Senator Windom, in an official re port to Congress in 1874, described our present masters and oppressors as follows: In matters of taxation, there are to-day four men representing the four great trunk lines between Chicago and New York who possess and who not infre quently exercise powers which the Con gress of the United States would not ven ture to assert. They may at any time, and for any reason satisfactory to them selves, by a single stroke of the pen, re duce the value of property in this coun try, by hundreds of millions of dollars. An additional charge of five cents per bushel on the transportation of cereals would have been equivalent to a tax of $45,000,000 on the crop of 1873. No Con gress would dare to exercise so vast a pow er, except upon a necessity of the most imperative nature, and yet these gentle men exercise it whenever it suits their supreme will and pleasure, without ex planation or apology. With the rapid and inevitable progress of consolidation and combination, those colossal organi zations are becoming daily stronger and more imperious. The day is not distant, if it has not already arrived, when it will be the duty of statesmen to inquire whether there is less danger in leaving the property and industrial interests of the people wholly at the mercy of a few men, who recognize no responsibility but to their stockholders, and no principle of actiom but personal and corporate ag grandizement, than adding somewhat to the power and patronage or the Govern ment directly responsible to the people and entirely under their control. In all cases they act on the rob ber’s rule when he sets out to get rich by his calling. From the labor ing men who operate the roads, the corportions require all that flesh and blood can stand (and more) at the lowest living or starvation wages! Os the public they require “all that the traffic can bear,” regardless as to the financial embarrassment, the loss of homes, or the means of life by the individuals who compose the public. Having raised freights on the one side and suppressed wages on the other until the margin of profits is large, then comes the opportunity to swell “capitalization” by the sale of manufactured or forged stocks and bonds. These are known as “watered stocks.” An agent of the company orders printed blank stock certificates and blank bonds. These blanks, which cost merely the price of print ing, are then filled out with large amounts, signed, and sold for cash in the market at the market price—at par, more or less. If sold at only fifty cents on the dollar, the trans action is bold robbery. A bit of paper costing the company only a cent may be sold for $50,000 (cash to the corporation). Then, after that sale there will be 8100,000 more of water. As the amount is increasing over half a billion annually, it is within the truth to call the present total burden ten billions. According to the best railroad authorities one-half of this incomprehensible fund is fraud—watered stocks! Five bil* lions of water! If sold at par it brought enough money to make five thousand new millionaires! At 4 per cent per annum the income is enough to make two hundred new millionaires each year from this wat ered capitalization, which represents no honest value. Letter of Acceptance. Washington, D. C., Sept. 21, 1892. Hon. W. R. Gorman, J. W. Wilson, and J. W. 11. Russell: Gentlemen —Yours of the 10th inst. is to hand notifying me of my nomination as a candidate for the Fifty-third Congress by the district convention of the People’s party of the Fourth Congressional district of Georgia. In reply allow me to thank you for the distinguished honor you have con ferred upon me. As you very well know, when I have been approached upon the subject of accepting this nomination I have declined the honor, for the reason that I could not well accept without great personal incon venience to myself, occupying as I do position of great honor and trust already in this reform movement; but feeling as I do that it is the imper ative duty of every citizen at this particular time, when the very exist of the republic is threatened, to faith fully discharge every trust commit ted to his hands, I can do nothing less than accept this nomination so generouly tendered. In accepting this nomination I feel it my duty to briily give you my reasons for so doing. I was one among the very first who joined the Farmers Alliance in Georgia, having joined the second lodge that was or ganized in the State as a charter member. I did not join the order through idle curiosity, or for the pur pose of self-aggrandizement, but from a deep-seated conviction “that the conditions surrounding the producers and business men of our country would have to be speed ily changed, or this republic would very soon resolve itself into an aris tocracy more exacting and tyramcal and a peasantry more degraded and humilating than ever cursed Europe. More than five years have passed since that time, and every returning season has proven beyond doubt that my .convictions were based upon facts, as the experience of thousands of wrecked business men and home less farmers will attest. It is true our plans have been ridi culed and denounced as visionary, yet our critics have failed to offer us anything better. We have gone upon our suppliant knees to both the old political parties, and when we asked for bread we have ibeen given a serpent. We have asked them in the name df justice to put us upon an equal footing before the law u ith the banker, the bondholder, and the whisky maker, and they have replied in solemn tones that it owould be unconstitutional. With, such treat ment of our just and reasonable de mands, in my opinion, there is noth ing left for the common people but to array themselves in ceaseless warfare upc-ix the existing conditions, as our forefathers did upon the con ditions of Seventy-six, ttntil every American shall be a freeman and no usurer will dare demand his pound of flesh. That which our forefathers accom plished with the bayonet can be ac complished by us with the bollot, if we are but to begin in time and make the'proper use of the means of defense feft us. We have been taught one of the old political parties high protective tariff would to every home; the other "ba j taught us just the reverse, while ftfeatfonly attempt ed to reduce Jbe If the tariff be the great robber as pictured by The party, instead of cutting Eidown seven per cent, every Vestige Os it should be blotted out have found the great trouble with this party on this subject (o lie in fact that the controlling element bf the party be ing in these protected in dustries, are just as Minch in favor of protection as the Republican i party itself. There is no perceptible dif ference, so far as theTecord goes on this subject, between an Eastern Democrat and an Eastejin; Republican. This sham battle over tariff has been going on for more than- a half cen tury. The people have been arrayed on either side, loyally, and I might say blindly, following their leaders with a devotion unparalleled in po litical history, while both sides have been systematically Tabbed by a sys tem purposely kept in the background and almost entirely Ignored as a po litical issue. I refer to the financial system which has so ruthlessly snatched away the and hap piness of so many- 1 of our business men, and brought and ruin to the once happy homes of so many farmers and In proof of the above statement as regards the business men of the country, I submit Jie following from Bradstreet’s Con*merical Bulletin: “In 1865 fliere were 520 failures, with liabilities 817,625,000. In 1875, after sflyer has been demone tized and of the coun try had been contacted from $52.01 per capita in 1863 io $14.04 in 1875, there were 7,740 failures, with lia bilities $202,0.00,000, and in 1889 number of failures 13,277, with lia bilities $12,496,742.” These continually increasing fail ures of the business men of the country is a continual harvest for the money gamblers' 6f this country and Europe. As proof I submit that twenty-five years ago the million aires of this countiy could be count ed on a man’s fingers. Now they are numbered by £s e thousands. Os course thee above figures, coupled with the fsbt that cotton is selling at six cents per pound and wheat at fifty bushel, are not very reassuring,. to the busines men of the country, and do not make them; content with present conditions. lam -satisfied that when the business men of the country find time to investigate the true causes of the depressed Condition of their business they will be as willing as we are to lay aside their blind parti san zeal and unite;with the pro ducers of the country in one supreme effort to rid the country of the causes that have produced stich direful ef fects. Let us now examine into the con dition of the farmers and working people of the country. We find from the census bulletins of 1890 that there were 9,000,000 mortgages recorded between 1880 and 1890 on the homes of the peo ple. From statistics already given out, estimates fairly made show that from $9,000,000,000, to $15,000,000- 000 yet remain Repaid. This sum at 8 per cent interest would amount to $720,000,000 th'At" must be paid from the products of labor annual ly into the coffers of the usurer. Allowing 8,000,905. bales of cotton for an average'Mip, it would take three entire'crops of cotton to pay this interest'aloha. How long will the farmers hnd business men of the country continue to Vote to continue in power politieal? .parties that pro pose to present condi- tions? .w-diH nxtnr i .1 f>- John C.‘ said: “Why compel the people to pay interest on through the bank when said credit'could be extended direct to the people without in terest J£irn tn Thomas Jefferson said: “Our only resource—an ample one for any emergency —Treasury notes bottom ed on taxes.” The financial plank in the People’s party platform is Calhoun, Jefferson and Jackson’s remedy for present conditions. I shall next “notice the land ques tion upon which the second plank of our platform f bears. The every day observations of every intelligent man must convince him that present con ditions are this coun try a landlord and tenant system more disgraceful, if possible, than that which purses Ireland. Os the lauds of the United States aliens own, outside of railroad grants, 61,900,000 acres; railroads corpora tions own acres which, added to the amount, owned by aliens makes 253,242,385 acres, a sufficient amount, if reclaimed by the government to provide a com fortable home for every man, woman and child in the United States who is to-day without a home. It is the home owner that develops the re sources of a country, defends its laws, builds its schools and makes society contented and happy. The history of all countries and times teaches us that when the lands of a country drift into the hands of the few and the many are made tenants and serfs, bloodshed and revolution have been the invariable results. Are the people of this country to stand idly by and permit their homes to be absorbed by aliens and corporations simply because the po litical boas says that it would be communism to offer a protest? If the people would not see their chil dren the tenants of alien landlords, let them put their protests in the ballot-box, which is the only remedy left except the musket. Both the old political parties are so -completely dominated by these corporations that they dare not open their mouths on the land question. Examine their platforms and see. The transportation question is one of the most vital that is now engaging the attention of the American peo ple. Railroad corporations have be come so exacting that almost every State in the Union has been com pelled to create a railroad commis sion, and the National Government an interstate commission, in order to protect the people, and they are still unprotected, as everyone knows who has endeavored to investigate the matter. According to the price the people are receiving for their pro ducts, the railroads are charging more to-day for passenger and freight traf fic than they ever did since there was a railroad m the country. It will take twice as many pounds of cot ton or bushels of wheat to carry a passenger one hundred miles or a carload of freight one hundred miles than it did twenty years ago. For example, it would then cost 5c per mile or $5 to ride 100 miles. The $5 would cost 25 pounds of cotton at 20c per pound. Now it will cost only 3c per mile or $3 for 100 miles. The $3 will cost 50 pounds of cotton at 6c per pound. It cost just as many days’ work to produce a pound of cotton twenty years ago as it does to-day, but a j pound of cotton then would buy i twice as much railroad service as it will to-day. Railroad control, as now practiced, is a sham and a fraud, and the experience of some of the wisest railroad men in this country and the old country teaches us that the only way to control railroads is for the Government to absolutely own and operate them in the inter est of the people. “Poor’s Manual’' for 1892 is just out, and is recog nized authority on railroad statistics all over the world. It gives the number of miles of railroad in the United States to be 170,601 actual cost, $4,809,176,651; watered stock, $5,956,449,390; total valuation, $10,765,626,041. By fictitious or watered stock they are compelling the people to pay more than twice as much for service as they should pay in order thsA they may reap divi dends upon fraudulent investments. I find in the same manual that the gross earnings of the road is $1,138,- 024,459. Cotton at 6 cents per pound, it would take 42,149,054 bales, or about five entire crcps, to pay this enormous sum. Wheat at 60 cents per bushel, it would take 1,896,707.- 431 bushels to pay it. The net earn ings are $356,209,880. At the pres ent price of cotton, it would take 12,192,958 bales, or about one and one-half crops to pay these net earn ings. In other words, about 20,000,- 000 Southern cotton-raisers are re quired to produce cotton at a loss that a few hundred railroad magnates may become millionaires and squan der it going to Europe every year. I find from a thorough investiga tion of the management of the cor porations of the country that it is a mere matter of time until they will own the Government, unless an An drew Jackson rises up and lays the strong hand of the Government upon them as he did upon the national bank. The annual earnings of the four principal classes of corporations in this country are as follows: Railroads Insurance 115,453,258 Banks 75,763,514 Telegraphs 25,947,606 Total I $573,374,348 A large amount of stock of those corporations is owned by aliens whose dividends and interest must be paid in gold, and this fact accounts largely for the heavy shipments of gold from this country to Europe. This vast sum paid in cotton at the present price would require 21,- 236,086 bales of cotton, or about two and one-half crops. The wheat crop for 1891 was, in round- numbers, 400,000,000 at 60c. per bushel, the price that the farmer is now receiving, would amount to $240,000,000. The earnings of these corporations paid in wheat would require 955,- 623, 913 bushels, or two and one fourth crop. If an entire cotton and wheat crop should be applied to the payment of the the earnings of these corporations it would lacksll7,- 374, 348 of paying it. I give these facts to show how the products of the country are being consumed. It accounts for the thousand of failures among the business men and the universal bankrupty among the farm- ers. Both of the old political par ties claim that it would be unconsti tutional for the Government to lav its hands upon these corporations, and have entirely ignored these issues in their platforms; therefore, I accept your nomination pledged, ii elected, to do all in my power tc remedy these evils and rescue the Government from the hands of these corporations and restore it to the people, if the Constitution has to be changed to do it. Yours truly, and fraternally, J. H. Tubneb. AN EYE-OPENER." All the way from San Diego, Cal., comes a little pamphlet, by F. A Binney, which is an excellent cam paign document. The silver argu ment he makes is first rate and very plain The writer has made a comparison of the selling prices of wheat, corn, cotton and hay ia this country from 1873 to the present time, which shows that the prices have fallen, have been constantly below the average of previous years to 1873. These di minished prices just mean so much loss to the American farmers, and I have summed up the total loss to ten thousand millions of dollars. Is it any wonder that the farmers of America are over head and ears in debt, their farms mortgaged and themselves becoming tenants instead of owners That this is due to the Silver Bill of 1873, 1 can easily prove to you. Up to 1873 the French mint coined all the silver that was brought to them at a fixed price of fifteen and one-half ounces of silver to one ounce of gold, and France became wealthy on it. Why Simply be cause every silver mine-owner, know ing he could get that price for his silver, refused to sell for less else where, consequently the price could never fall, whatever silver he sent to France to be coined, he got in ex change five franc silver pieces. These coins he could not use anywhere out side of France, consequently he was obliged to take payment in French goods, and that stimulated French trade, and France grew rich on it. Up to 1873 we also kept open mint for silver, but when France closed her mint this country was foolish enough to do the same at the instigation of American, London and German bankers, who had cornered gold and who knew that if they could only exclude silver from com peting with gold, they would increase the value of their gold. No sooner did the mints close their doors than silver owners, having lost their best customers, had to lower their prices, and this is the why fore of the decline in t: Jlndia is a nation of 200.000,0 f people, using exclusively silver coinage.; Be fore 1873 their silver rupee was worth fifty cents (roughly speaking), and a five dollar British gold piece could only exchange for ten rupees, consequently could only buy ten ru pees worth of Indian wheat or cot ton. Now, when silver declined, the value of the silver metal in every rupee depreciated also until a five dollar gold piece was worth thirteen to fifteen rupees. Consequently a five dollar British gold piece could buy thirty per cent more wheat and cotton in India and all other silver using countries, like Russia, China, Mexico, Egypt, South America, etc. Finding they could get more for their money in India than in America, the British cotton and wheat buyers began importing wheat and cotton from silver using countries and the American farmer had to cut down his prices to suit this competition I hope I have now made it clear to every farmer why the fall in the price of silver has meant the fall in American produce and the ruin of the Amirican farmer. If this be so, do you not see that for this country to reopen our mint to the free coin age of silver would mean to raise the price of silver to its old level and keep it there—to take thirty per cent off the price of Indian and Egyptian wheat and cotton and add thirty per cent to the profit of our farmers and to stimulate trade with all countries who sent us their silver and would have to take our goods in return. If the old parties legislated to se cure the happiness of the greatest number instead of pandering to the selfish interests of a ring of million aires, the people of this country would be the most prosperous in the world, for the assessed value of the property is sixty thousand million dollars to a population of sixty mil lions, showing $4,000 for every family of four. Reader, would you like to have your share Are there not millions without ten dollars to their credit whilst millionaires are numbered by thousands? Perhaps you live in an irrigation district and have land that is unpro ductive waiting for water that you cannot get because the bonds can’t be floated. You may have read an article in the San Diego L T nion lately, congratulating us that British capi talists were on their way out here to investigate these securities. Now, I ask you, in view of the fact that the people of this country have the sup ply of money entirely under their own control, with abundant silver produced in their own mines, which the two old parties refuse to let them coin, is it not enough to make any American with an atom of spirit in dignant and disgusted to think that we should be such ignorant fools as to go, cap in hand, to British capi talists and ask them to be so good as to help us to that which we have abundance of within our grasp i Cannot you see that the ten thou sand million dollars onr farmers have lost in diminished prices on wheat and cotton exported to England is England’s gain ?—has helped to feed and clothe her workmen at less cost and helped her to produce cheap goods, and now forsooth we must beg them to be kind enough to loan us some of the#’. money our folly has helped them to make. Where is your patriotism Again, do not forget this import ant truth Neither gold nor silver are necessary for our money. We have at the present moment three hundred and fifty million dollars in greenbacks in circulation, to redeem which there is not a cent in the treasury. They are as good as all the gold and silver in the world. Why Because they are backed by the credit of sixty millions of people. They are bills backed by Uncle Sam, and there is no earthly reason why we should not issue two thousand millions more of them. This kind of money would be the nation’s prop erty. The gold and silver we coin belongs to the mine owners. Do you see the immense difference No wonder they hate paper money and do all they can to frighten you against it. Think this great fact over. With this money in hand, the people could loan all the money we want to irrigate California; could pay off the national debt; could build a new railway to the Pacific and work it at one-fourth the present freights could employ the two mil lion tramps and bring the railroad thieves to their senses or buy them out at their real value. If we were to go in for free coin age of silver at a fixed price, and coined one thousand millions in the next five years, that would be so much profit to the mine owners after paying the miners’ wages. If the miners were in South Africa or Mexico, of course American work men would get no benefit from the wages spent there. Suppose these capitalists built a new railway, that would be their property, but there is no guarantee that they would invest it in this country at all. They might subscribe to foreign loans. If, however, the nation issued one thousand millions in paper currency, and built a railroad with it, we should make sure of finding employment for American labor and the people would possess a railway whose com petition would force down tho charges of all othc r lines, put thou sands of dollars in the pockets of every farmer on the line, and give abundant employment to any silver miners who might be injured by the disuse of silver money. Look at the national bank system. What is it in huge fraud on the people. If. people can make their own money, why in the name of common sense cannot the Government issue it direct to the people, as the People’s party propose, either in loans on good se curity (as the sub-treasury plan in tends), or in public works, buying the railroads and paying the em ployees, etc. Instead of this, what do they do now? They lend the money to tho national banks in big amounts on deposit of United States bonds security. They charge these bankers only one per cent interest [think of it], and the bankers loan it out to you at ten to fifteen or more per cent. And this is the people’s own money I Do either of the old parties propose to alter this? No, indeed. Wall street bankers sub scribe to their campaign funds, and they dare not. The Duly of the Hour. Farmers Light, Harlem, Gb. It is the duty of every People’s party man to renew his efforts and bring to bear all the influence he has to further the success of the People’s cause. But a few months ago the People’s party was organized, and to-day it is a leading political factor in the North and Northwest, and it is the duty of our people to make this new party a leading factor in the South; but how is this to be done? By united action on the part of the laborers of the cities and towns with the farmers of the country. The railroads and other large corpora tions that have men employed try in every way to make them subservient to their will on election day. But we are glad to know there are some men who do work for big money corporations who cannot be intimi dated or influenced against their con victions. Every laboring man should stand by and vote as his honest con science dictates, regardless of posi tion or esteem of any one The duty of the hour for the laborers and farmers is to unite their forces and vote solidly together. All persons wishing to correspond with the State organizer, Knights of Labor, will communicate with J. F. Foster, State organizer K. of L., Rox ana, Ga. THE’PEOPLE’S PROBIE A Whole Library of Political Economy on One Sheet of Faner. The New Declaration of Independence— The People's Problems Plainly Present ed. By K. L. Armstrong.* Colored Chart, 21x28 inches, printed on heavy paper, suitable for framing. Price, 25c. postpaid. Per dozen, by express, $2.00. This chart shows, in colored diagrams, the conditions which confront us, and teaches ata glance the whole situation—Labor. Land, Fi< nance and Transportation—and the remedies as outlined in the Omaha Flatform, which is printed in full in clear type. There tire also portraits of Gen. Weaver and Gen. Field. Al together, it is the most effective campaign ar gument ever devised. Agents wanted for this and other popular publications. Address E. J. SCHULTE CO., Publishers, 298 Dearborn St.. Chicago.

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WEAVER AND FIELD. ACCEPT THE NOMINATION OF THE PEOPLE’S PARTY. __ Declaring that they Stand Squarely Epon the Platform Adopted at the Omaha Convention. General Weaver and General Field, the People’s party candidates, for President and Vice-President, have issued the following address: To the People of the United States: Having been nominated respective- ly for the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States by the National Convention of the People's party, which assembled at Omaha July 4, 1892, we take this method of formally notifying the public of our acceptance of the nom ination and of our appreciation of the honor conferred upon us by the ac tion of the convention. We are heartily in accord with the platform of principles adopted by that convention, and, if elected, will en deavor to faithfully carry out the de mands in letter and spirit. We have been requested by the National Committee to visit the vari ous States of the Union so far as it shall be within our power, and to ad dress the people upon the political situation and the issues presented in the platform. We are now in the discharge of that duty, having al ready one or both of us visited fif teen States in the Northwest and South, and if health and strength are spared we intend to continue the work until the campaign is closed. We have been received with marked cordiality. The enthusiasm every where is without parallel, and ex tends to every part of the Union we have visited. By contact with the people we have become acquainted with their wants and sufferings, and have been brought face to face with the manifold perils which so serious ly threaten our civilization and the overthrow of popular government. We wish to express our judgment freely ahd without reserve in order that we stand acquitted before our fellow-men and our own conscience touching the whole matter. SUBSTANCE OF THE PEOPLE DE VOURED. The people are in poverty. Their substance is being devoured by heart less monopolists, trusts, pools and money sharks. Labor is largely un employed, and where work is obtain able tlie wages paid are for the most part unremunerative, and the pro ducts of labor not paying the cost of production. This is a matter of se rious concern to the whole people. The leaders of the heretofore domi- are everywhere con- the great monopoly and and nmnifest utter for the want B md wishes The paMr.s are hos- section aV lines and the present bitterness and cruelties of the past; every four years discussing the issues of the late war which should long since have been allowed to pass from the politi cal discussions of the day. Not withstanding the bitterness existing between the old parties they vie w ith each other in their subservience to capitalistic and corporate greed. They are incapable of dealing sin cerely with the vast problem evolved by the growth of the last quarter of a century. Upon the general eco nomic questions of the age they are practically in harmony, differing just enough to enable them to carry on a sham battle, 'while the work of rob bery and spoliation proceeds una bated. In the meantime the farmers and planters, North and South, and the wage earners everywhere are proscribed, maltreated, brought into competition with convict labor, and in many instances shot down by hired mercenaries acting under orders of arrogant corporations, which have unblushingly usurped the functions of Government and presumed to act in its stead. These corporations dominate the daily press and control the lines of a daily communication ■with the people. A still greater peril—we hold that the rights of a free ballot and a fair count are rights preservative of all rights, and upon their inviolability rests the perpetuity of free institu tions and representative government. We are pained to discover in the public mind of the Southern States through which, we have passed a widespread loss of confidence on the part of the people in the integrity of the judges of elections in receiving the ballots of the people and count ing them for the candidates of their choice. We think that this evil must be corrected by the intelligence and integrity of the people of the coun iry; otherwise scenes of violence, and perhaps bloodshed, may follow these efforts of parties in charge of the ballot boxes to defraud the will of the voter. They will lead to a serious collision, and that quickly. the party’s growth in the SOUTH. After consultation w’ith the peo ple we believe it to be true beyond reasonable question that the ma jority of white voters are with the People’s party in every Southern States thus far visited, and our in formation leads us to believe that the same thing is true in the other States also. The white people are leaviug the old parties and casting their lot with us, and our numbers constantly increasing. We are in- I formed by a large number of intel ligent and reputable people that in I the recent State election in Alabama I Capt. Kolb w T as chosen Governor by I over 40,000 majority, and yet his PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1892. opponent was counted in by a ma jority of 10,000. County tickets throughout the State were counted out and others counted in. By the same unblushing methods we are in formed that in the State elections, which occurred in Arkansas Sept tember 5, at least 50,000 of the qualified voters of the State were deprived of the right of suffrage, that the returns were inaccurate, that at this election the People’s party the number polling a large vote was de nied representation in the appoint ment of judges and commissioners, by whom the election was to be con ducted, In consequence of these methods the will of the legally au thorized voters of the State has been defeated. After an experiment of many years it is apparent that neither the Republican party nor the Demo cratic partycan or will accomplish the much-desired end—to-wit: The restoration of the ballot to a fair and honest basis in the States of the Union. The People’s party alone can secure the desired end. If the people of the whole country who de sire honest elections and the repeal of class laws will rally to the support of this great industrial movement, and place the party in power under whose banner the whole people of the South are now marshaling them selves, this vexed question will be settled forever. It is certain that the people of the South will not join the ranks of the Republican party. It is equally certain that the Repub licans will not unite with the Demo cratic party. WHAT THE PLATFORM OFFERS. The People’s party affords the only solution of these important mat ters. All who desire the revival of business, all who wish for the return of prosperity to our country, all who desire to relieve the depressed in dustries and wage-workers of our common country, all who desire an adequate increase of our currency and the free coinage of silver, all who desire the abolition of banks of issue and the constitutional control of the great instruments of commerce by the Government of the United States, all who desire that the laws of taxation shall be equitably adjust ed to the property of the country, all who desire that the public domain shall be sacredly held in trust for the people, all who desire that the high ways between the States shall be rendered subservient to the popular good, and finally, all who desire the restoration of fraternity among the peonle and the obliteration of sect ional animosities, should at once re gard it as their conscientious duty to align themselves under the ban ner of this great industrial and fra ternal movement. It seems to us to be quite impossible that the liberal and justice-loving people of this country should longer cast their ballots the corporations and money-changers. It would ‘seem impossible that they should refuse to make common cause with the fair minded majority of the people of the South, who have risen up to de mand justice and good government in their respective States. With the aggressions of capital on the one hand and the overthrow by fraud of free elections on the other, how is it possible for our civilization to last The new party has its face turned to the glorious future, its sublime mission to usher in an era of fraternity and justice among men. In the presence of such an opportu nity to emancipate our country from misrule of every kind, let party lines be forgotten, and let the generous flame of a common patriotism nerve every heart and move every soul. James B. Weaver. James G. Field. Always the Case. That the old time methods would be resorted to just as soon as the common people rose against the political corruption which has en slaved them, could not be doubted. The same spirit of rule or ruin still prevails, and there is no hope save through revolution of the masses and producers against the rings and plunderers. So long as we have a solid South will we have a solid North, and that means retrogression for the former, because she is the weakest. The old parties are Wall street twins, and the candidate of either suits the money power. The following extracts from the Rocky Mountain News shows what will be the result of the action of the Geor gia hoodlums, under the instructions of their masters: The Cleveland campaign managers do not seem to realize that they are making thousands of votes for Har rison by employing hoodlums to mob an ex-union soldier in Georgia, mere ly because he performed his duty as a patriot in 1861-5. The brutal and riotous reception being accorded to General Weaver and Mrs. Lease by the hoodlums of Georgia recalls to mind the days of ■iß6o, when the same element in the (South mobbed, egged and hooted Stephen A. Douglass when he at tempted to speak in his own behalf as a Democratic candidate. This treatment of Douglas made Illinois solid in 1861, and it will help to make a “solid North” in 1892. The truths enunciated by General Weaver in his noble tight for free coinage and his exposure of the rob bery of the masses through the curse of contraction, have been especially unpalatable to the wealthy corpora tions and banking institutions which procured Mr. Cleveland’s nomination and the interests es which he will look after closely if he is successful in November. The plundered plant ers and oppressed laborers of the South are ripe for revolt from the rule of corrupt politicians, and only the necessity of preventing a stam pede en masse to General Weaver’s banner influenced a policy that must prove as suicidal to the purpose which instigated it as it -was compromising to our civilization. PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPERS IB GEORGIA The Voice of the People, Waycross, Ware county. The Revolution, Augusta, Ga. The Globe, Bainbridge, Decatur county, Ga. The People’s Voice, Cartersville, Bartow county. The People’s Herald, Bloomingdale, Chatham county. The People’s Rights, Montezuma, Macon county. Farmers’ Light, Harlem, Columbia county. Farmers’ Friend, Waynesboro, Burke county. News and Allianceman, Jackson, Butts county. Banks County Gazette, Homer, Banks county. Hinesville Gazette, Hinesville, Liberty county. The Allianceman, Atlanta, Fulton county. Southern Alliance Farmer, Atlanta, Fulton county. The Enterprise, Carnesville, Frank lin county. The News, Ball Ground, Cherokee county. People’s Party Paper, Atlanta. Farmers’ Herald, Wrightsville, Johnson county. Alliance Plow Boy, Buford, Gwin nett county. People’s Advocate, Greensboro, Grhen county. Signal, Dahlonega, Lumpkin coun ty Bullock Banner, Statesboro, Bul lock county. News, Jonesboro, Clayton county. The Wool Hat, Grace wood, Rich mond county. THE PEOPLES PARTY. State Platform, Adopted at Atlan ta, July 20th, 1892. We endorse and reaffirm the preamble, resolutions and platform adopted by the People’s Party in national convention as sembled at Omaha, July 4, 1892. We indorse the ticket nominated and pledge the party when it shall come into power in the State to frame and administer the laws in the spirit of the Omaha platform, which is equal justice to all, and special privileges to none. 2. We condemn the convict lease sys tem. 3. We demand rigid economy in all public matters and inist on every pos sible reduction of taxation during the present impoverished condition of the people. And we call public attention to the fact that the producing interest in both city and country is bearing more than its fair share of taxation. National Platform, Adopted a Omaha, July 4th, 1892. Assemoled upon the one hundred and six teenth anniversary of the declaration of inde pendence, the People’s Party of America, in their first national convention, invoking upon their action the blessing of the Almighty God, put forth in the name of the people of this country, the following preamble and declara tion of principles; The conditions which surround us besn justary our co-operation; wt meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political and material ruin. Corrup tion dominates the ballot box, legislatures, congress, and touches even the ermine of th© bench. The people are demoralized; most of the states nave been compelled to isolate voters at polling places to prevent universal in timidation or bribery. Newspapers are largely subsidized or muzzlod; public opinion silenced; business prostrated; our homes covered with mortgages; labor im poverished and the land concentrating in the hands of capitalists. The urban work men are denied the right of organization for eels-protection; imported pauperized labor beats down their wages; a hireling standing army, unrecognized by our laws, is estab lished to shoot them down, and they are rapidly degenerating into European condi tions. The fruits of the toil of millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal fortunes for a few, unprecedented in the history of mankind; and the possessors of these in turn despise the republic and endanger liberty. From th© same prolific womb of governmental injustice, we breed two great classes—tramps and millionaires. National power to create money is appropriated to enrich bondholders: a vast public debt pay able in legal tender currency has been funded into gold bearing bonds, thereby adding millions to the burdens of the peo ple. Silver, which has been accepted as coin since the dawn of history, has been demonetized to add to the purchasing pow er of gold by decreasing the value of all forms of property as well as human labor, and the supply of currency is purposely abridged to fatten usurers, bankrupt enter prise and enslave industry. A vast con spiracy against mankind has been organized on the two continents and it is rapidly taking possession of the world. If not met and overthrown at once it forebodes terrible social convulsions, the destruction of civil isation or the establishment of an absolute despotism. We have witnessed for more than a quar ter of a century the struggles of two great political parties for power and plunder, while grievous wrongs have been inflicted upon the suffering people. We charge that th© controlling influence dominating both these parties has permitted the exist ing dreadful conditions to develop without serious effort to prevent or restrain them. Neither do they now promise us any sub stantial reform. They have agreed togeth er to ignore in the coming campaign every issue but one. They propose to drown out the cries of the plunderea people with the uproar of a sham battle over the tariff, so that capitalists, corporations, national banks, rings, trusts, watered stock, de monetization of silver and the oppression of the usurers may all be lost sight of. They propose to sacrifice our homes, lives and’children on the altar of mammon; to destroy the multitude in order to secure corruption funds from millionaires. Assembled on the anniversary of the birthday of the nation and filled with the spirit of the grand general-in-chief who es tablished our independence, we seek to re itore the government of the republic to the (lands of “the plain people” with whose class it originated. We Assert our purpose* to be to the constitution Dy which all persons engaged in the government service shall be placed under a civil service regulation of the most rigid character, so as to prevent an increase of th© power of the national administration by the use of such addition al government employes. We demand a national currency, safe sound and flexible, issued by the general Soveniment only, a full legal tender for all ebts, public and private, ahd that with out the use of banking; corporations a just, equitable and efficient means of distribu tion direct to the people at a tax not to ex ceed 2 per cent per annum be provided as set forth i>r the sub-treasury plan of the Farmers’ Alliance, or some better system; also by payment in discharge of its ob ligations for public improvements. We demand the free and unlimited coin age of silver and gold at tire present legal ratio of 16 to 1. We demand that the amount of the cir culating medium be speedily increased to not less than fifty dollars per capita. We demand a graduated income tax. We believe that the money of the coun try should be kept as much as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand, that all state and national revenues shall be limited to the necessary expenses of the government economically and honestly administered. We demand that postal savings banks ba established by for the safe deposit of the earnings of the people and to facilitate exchange. Transportation being a means of ex change and a public necessity, the govern ment should o*wn and operate the railroads in the interest oi the pbeple. The tele graph and the telephone, like the postal system, being a necessity for the trans mission of news, shpqld b,e owned and op erated by the government in the interest of the people. 91 9fl The land, Including all the natural sources of wealth, is’the heritage of all the people and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes, and,alien ownership of land should* ba prohibited. All lands now held by railiMaas and other corpora tions in excess of their actual needs, and all lands now owned by aliens should be reclaimed by the government and held for actual settieiS'Oulv. k, the national constitu tion —to form a more perfect union and es tablish justice, inStire domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare and secure the bless ings of liberty for ourselves and our pos terity. We declare that this republic can only endure as a free government while built upon the 1 ove of the whole people for each other, and for the nation; that it can not be pinned together by bayonets; but the civil war is over and that every passion and resentment which grew out of it must die with it, and that we must be in fact, as we are in name, one united brotherhood. Our country finds itself confronted by conditions for which there are no prece dents in the history of the world. Our annual agricultural productions amount to billions of dollars in value,: which must within a few week? or months, be exchang ed for billions of dollars of the commodi ties consumed in their production. The currency supply is wholly inade quate to make the exchanged The results are falling prices; formation of combines and rings; and th© impoverishment of the producing class. We pledge ourselves that if given power we will labor to,correct these evils by wise and reasonable legislation in accordance with the terms of our platform. We be lieve that the powers of government—in other words of the ppople—should be ex panded as in the case of th© postal service, as rapidly and as far as the-good sense of an intelligent people and the teachings of experience shall justify, to the end that op pression, injustice aml poverty shall event ually cease in the land. While our sym pathies, as a party of reform, are naturally upon the side of every proposition which will tend to make men intelligent, virtuous and temperate, we nevertheless regard these questions—important as they are as secondary to the great issues now press ing for solution and upon which not only our individual prosperity but the very exist ence of free institutions depend, and we ask all men to first help us to determine whether we are to have a republic to ad minister, before we differ as to the condi tions upon which it is to be administered, believing that the forces of reform this day organized will never cease to move for ward until every wrong is righted and equal rights and equal privileges securely established for all men and women of this country. We declare, therefore: 1. That the union of the Labor forces of the Uniled States this day consummated shall be permanent and perpetual. May its spirit enter into all hearts for the salva tion of the republic had the uplifting of mankind. j;d -T 2. Wealth belongs tn him who creates it, and every dollar taken from industry with out an equivalent is robbery. “If any will not work, neither shall he eat.” The in terests of rural and civic labor are the same; their enemies ate identical. 3. We believe that the time has come when railroad corporations will either own the people or the people must own the rail roads: and should the government enter upon the work of owning and managing all shouldfavor an amendment UPPLEMEXPAL RESOLUTIONS. Whereas, other questions have been present ed for our consideration, we r .hereby submit the following, not as apart of the platform of the People’s Party, but as resolutions expres sive of the sentiment of this convention. First—Resolved, That we demand a free bal lot and a fair count,in all elections and pledge ourselves to secure it to every legal voter without federal ’intervention, through the adoption by the States of the unperverted Australian or seci fet'ballot system. Second—Resolved; That the revenue derived from a graduated tirCOme tax should be applied to the reduction of the burden o£ taxation now resting upon the domestic industries of this country. Third—Resolved, That we pledge our sup port to fair and liberal pensions to ex-Union soldiers and sailors. j Fourth—Resolved, That we condemn the fallacy of protecting American labor under the present system, which opens our ports to the pauper arid criminal classes of the -world, and crowds out our wage earners; and we de nounce the present ineffective laws against contract labor, and demand the further re striction of undesirable immigration. Fifth—Resolved, That we cordially sympa thize with the efforts of orga aized working men to shorten the hours of labor, and demand a rigid enforcement of the existing eight-hour law on government work, and ask that a pen alty clause be added to the said law. Sixth—Resolved, That we regard the main tenance of a large standing artny of mercena ries, known as the Pint jrton system, as a men ace to our liberties, ar we demand its aboli tion; and we condemn the recent invasion of the territory of Wyoming by the hired assas sins of plutocracy, assisted by federal officials. Seventh—Resolved, That we commend to the favorable cons.derption of the people and the reform press the legfshttive System known as the initiative and referendum. Eight—Resolved, That we favor a constitu tional provision limiting the office of President and vice-President to one term, and providing for the election ©f Senators of the United States by a direct vote pf. the-people. Ninth—Resolved. That We oppose any sub sidy or national aid toau private corporation for any purpose. "The People’s party at the Outset to secure permanent control of the party organization of the people unaffected try the interests of those in public service does hereby in national con vention assembled at Umana on the 4th of July, 1892, establish tifip Ordinance as funda mental law of party organization, viz: No per son holding any ■office or position of profit, trust or emolument unjiep. the federal or any state or municipalWoverntaefit, including Sen ators, Congressmen and raembers of the Leg islature, State and local, snaltoe eligible to sit or vote in any conlventjortof ibis party, and a copy of this ordinance shall be annexed by ev ery call for any future convention of the par ty.” I( Wri RESOLUTION OF SYMPATHY. Resolved, That this convention sympathizes with the Knights of Labor in their righteous contest with the tyrannical combine of cloth ing manufacturers of Rochester and declares it to be the duty of all who hate tyranny and oppression to refuse to purchase the goods made by said manufacturers -or to patronize any merchants who sell such goods. NOTICE. Please do not send us checks so less than five' dollars, as the banks ob ject to receiving them on deposit. Do not send stamps if be avoided. Never send them unless oiled paper is placed next to the gummed side to keep them from sticking fast. If they are rubbed over the hair it will usually prevent them from sticking so they cannot be separated. CAMPAIGN LITERATURE. For sale by tbo Campaign Committee, the proceeds to go to help defray the expenses of the campaign of the People’s Party. A LITTLE LIGHT ON SOME DARK PLACES, Tom Watson examines the records made by the moss backs and informs the peo ple as to the facts. Price, same as the above. SPEECH BY J. H. TURNER, Sec’y of the National Alliance, delivered at the great Douglasville meeting, with synopsis of speech by C. C. Post at same place. Price same as for Watson's Address. BOND HOLDERS AND BREAD WINNERS, a pamphlet by S. S. King, of Kansas, of great value to all who wish to be posted. All Peo ple’s Party and Alliance speakers should have a copy. Price 25 cts. SEVEN FINANCIAL CONSPIRACIES which have enslaved the American people.— This little book is worth its weight in pure gold. Greatest eye-opener you ever saw. Price 10 cents, INDUSTRIAL FREEDOM, contains a cogent and forceful statement of "The Money Question,” "The Railroad Problem,” "The Sub-treasury Plan,” and also the arguments pro and con. upon "Should The Government Own The Railroads.” Send 25 cts. for a copy. POLITICAL PLATFORMS-Every Political Platform Adopted by a National convention, from 1800 to 1888, with a brief but comprehen sive History of Political Parties in the United States. Price 5 cts. DRIVEN FROM SEA TO SEA, OR JUST A CAMPIN’, and CONGRESSMAN SWAN SON, by C. C. Post, two political novels of intense interest and extremely valuable as showing how the com mon people have been robbed and plundered. Price of each 50 cts. Address all orders to OSCAR PARKER, Sec’y. Whitehall St, Atlanta. Ga. $10,000.00 GIVEN AWAY. To Our Patrons Who Are Lucky Enough To Solve Our W orcL-Fuzzle. IDII'A'T OJIX' The p ubHsher9 f the cincin x NATI Herald, one of the most, in- fluential Reform newspaper’s published in this part of the world, and one of th© most able People’s Party, Farmer’s Alliance and Labor Advocate journals of the world, has undertaken to guarantee to the party throughout the United States and to its adver tisers (40,000) FORTY THOUSAND additional subscribers by January 1,1893, and in or der to secure this large number in so short a time, necessitates a big outlay of money. Wo fully appreciate the fact that if we put agents into every county in every state in the union to canvass for subscriptions it would cost us not less than TWENTY THOUSAND DOL LARS to secure 40,000 subscribers, and then it would take these agents one year or longer to secure this number and hence to get so large a number of subscribers in so short a time, we have carefully calculated that the cheaper and best plan is, to offer a CASH DONATION of SIO,OOO and give every man, woman and child in the universe a chance to get a part of this large sum. 40,000 additional subscribers will bring to our advertising columns $50,000 of advertising each year and hence we ean well afford to pay out SIO,OOO in cash to secure this list. Any school boy ten years old can see the philosophy of our argument. This is the greatest country on earth for NEWSPAPER ENTERPRISE and the pub lishers of The Cincinnati Herald do not propose to allow any other newspaper on earth to get a head of them in generous bonefide offers to subscribers. FORTY THOUSAND SUBSCRIBERS means to us $40,000 to say nothing of th© large amount of money we will get through our advertising patronage, and we ean well afford to GIVE AWAY SIO,OOO in premiums or rewards to those who are intelligent enough to solve our Word Puzzels as given below. This is the fairest and most original, just and straight forward offer ever made. It is estimated by publishers generally who have offered premiums and reyvards to the lucky guessers or solvers of their puzzles and riddles that ONE out of every TWENTY are successful, and taking this as a basis we would be called upon to pay cash money to 2,000 persons out of 40,000 subscribers entering the puzzle contest. Henoe, SIO,OOO divided between 2,000 persons would be $5.60 a piece for each person. It will tnus be seen that each parson who is lucky enough to solve our word puzzle will receive $5.00. If we should not secure more than half of this large number of subscribers, we would pay each lucky contestant $5.00 In getting 20,000 subscribers, we would pay out, figuring accord ing to ths same rule $5,000 to 1,000 persons. If we get 10,000 subscribers we would pay out $2,500 to 500 persons. If wo got 5,000 subscribers we would pay out $1,250 to 250 persons, and hence it will be seen that the rule applies in any case and we can well and ably afford to give each contestant to the word puzzle $5.00 if he should be successful in solving it. Each oerson can solve as many of the words as he or she may choose. THE'OQLY C offer is to secure subsribers AT ONCE and in large numbers to The Cincinnati Herald one of the best newspapers published. It is aggresive, fearless and independent and is brim full of news from th© whole world. The People’s party principles are ably and thoroughly discussed editorially and by the best writers of the day. The Laboring classes, Farmer’s Alliance and the in dustrial classes generally will find in the columns of The Herald just such reading matter as they can not find in any other paper of the day. It’s Woman’s department is read with a deep interest by every mother and young woman in thousands of homes and copious extracts, and articles are copied in all the leading magazines and newspa pers of the world. The farm and other departments sparkle with interest and in short it is one of the most able and interesting newspapers of the age and should be in every horn© in christendom. It is seven column folio in size and printed in plain neat type on good paper and can be read by old as well as young with the greatest ease to the most trying eyes. We therefore require that SI.OO be sent with each and every answer to the word puzzle to pay for a years subscription to The Herald. ®lf you send an answer to mor© thaii one word you will be required to send SI.OO and a separate name for each word you solvo, REMEMBER we will pay you $5.00 for each word you solve correctly. If you solve one word you will be required to send SI.OO to pay foi’ a years subscription to the Herald. If you solve two words you will be required to send $2.00 to pay for two yearly subscrip tions and so on for each word you solve. But in every case you must send a separate name and address for each word you solve. The whole amount of cash you receive for correct answers can be divided among the persons whose names you send, or you can keep the whole amount yourself just as you may arange among yourselves. In every in stance we will pay the cash rewards to the person sending tke names. 'Don’t Send answers to the puzzle without subscriptions and $1.09 lor each subscription os they will not receive any attention FIVE WORD PUZZLES; can any body solve all or any one of them? O-UHII O Each dash appearing in the partially spelled Ji 1 w words indicates the absence of a certain letter, and when the proper letters are supplied the original word selected to form each puzzl© will be found complete. Example: B—A E, the name of one of the greatest states- imen of the age. In this case the word selected is Blaine, and when the omitted letters I, and n, are supplied the completed word is found ami the puzzle solved. R<.’ p EX The name of one of the best Known Statesmen and Public Officials of the 09 S w United States. JSW3 1 Name of a well known animal. M A word or term that might be rightly 3 Oi gcb 4- g 855 Ean applied to the Peoples party. g E-• I' s Something a man likes to have about 4 es 2:3 sh I him whether in businesss or at leisure. Admired by many newspaper men and 5 ge sn I hundreds of others. BR’sa graa s bN 53 9 To guard against even an appear*. ILrf? a-irff S g B &3 a a ga J Sanceof: any thing that might look like s Sa 0 3 B irregularity a copy ©f the five word puzzle spelled out correctly, has been sealed and deposited in J. R. Hawley’s steel vault, to be kept there safelv and not touched or looked at until Decernoer 31st. 1892, when they will be opened in the’presanee of Mr. J. E. Hawiey and three witnesses, after the con test ends. Mr. Hawlov is Cincinnati’s most prominent news dealer ana one .of her most re spected business men and citizens, and has been in business in Cincinnati since 1 Bl and located at IC4 Vine Street, and is known to the whole newspaper world, Cincinnati Ohio Xu"-. 26.1892: I have received from the Herald Publishing Company, a sealed couv of th* 1 Five Word Puzzle, properly sealed, and to be deposited in my steel vault and not to be opened until December 31st, 1892, and then only in the presence of three hAWLEy. The complete list of five words with the correct answers will be printed incur first issue of Tinuarv n-xt so that all who have seat in an anwer to the puzzle can sea Xdl they have THIS WE CONSIDER. FAIK AND HONBST TOALL. IN ANSWERING- ALWAYS GIVE THE NUMBER OF THE WORD YOU SOLVE. IP— xf g g j g- solve mere of the word puzzles than we ean BF W W OL? h S gL W afford to pay rewards, we will withdraw th© offer, but every one sending in correct answers will get $5.00 for each word they solve, un til the offer is withdrawn. _ lA# Y'e will give 525.00 extra as a grand reward IL/ 3 i L/ to the first ten persons sending in correct ans- wers to all the five words. The $25.00 is additional to the so.ou for each word solved, mak ing SSO 00 to the first ten. This is offered as an inducement to send in five subscribers at once. Try hard at solving all the words correctly. Address all letters and make ail remittances payable to The J-lemki Publishing Go., 56 neNCMORTH STREET. CINCINNATI,'O. HON. TOM WATSON’S BOOK. CONTAINS 890 PAGES. ITS TITLE; KOT A REVOLT: IT IS A REVOLOTIOH.” :a Contains a Digest of Political Platform since the days of Jefferson. Contains a History of all Political PartlM. Os the National Bank Act. Os the Income Tax Law. Os the Legal Tender Notes. Os the Demonetisation of Silver, Os the Contraction of the Currency. Os the Way Tariffs are Made. Os the Squandering of Pubiio Lands. Os the Pinkerton Militia. Os Tammany Hall. Os the Alliance Platforms. Besides Arguments, Facts, Figures on all the Leading Topics of the People’s Party movement. —also Speeches of the Nine at this Session, Also a Synopsis of the Work of this Session. The Book should be in the hands of every Lecturer, Speaker, Editor and Voter, PRICE 11.00, Send orders at onoe. Address THE NATIONAL WATCHMAN. 13 C. St., N. E. Washington, D. C, 7

Page 8

8 PEOPLE'S WRH PAPER. Entered at the Post Office at Atlanta, Ga.,£as second class matter. Oct. 16 1891. Subscription, One Dollar Per Year, Six Mouths 50 cts., Throe Months 25. In Advance. Advertising Rates made known on appli cation at the business office. Money may be sent by bank draft, Post Office Money Order, Postal Note or lit gistered Letter. Orders should be made payable to PEOPLE’S PA RTY PAPER. PEOPLE’S FARTY~ TICKET. FOR PRESIDENT, JAMES B. WEAVER, of lowa. FOR VICE PRESIDENT, JAMES G. FIELD, of Virginia. For Presidential Electors, It Large—A. L. NANCE, of Hall. W. R. KEMP, of Emanuel. 1. GEORGE H. MILLER, of Chatham. 2. A. R. JONES, of Thomas. 8. JOSEPH J. STEWART, of Sumter. 4. J. W. F. LITTLE, of Troup. 5. W. O. BUTLER, of Fulton. 6. W. F. SMITH, of Butts. 7. A. F. WOOLEY, of Bartow. 8. GEORGE T, MURRELL, of Clarke. 9. J. N. TWITTY, of Jackson. 10. D. N. SANDERS, of Taliaferro. 11. R. G. HYMAN, of Johnson. TO ADVERTISERS. The circulation of the People’s Party Paper is now 17,000 copies to actual sub scribers. No better medium could be found for reachihg the farmers of Geor gia and of the South, and advertisers are requested to consider its merits. The following certificate of the postmaster at Atlanta, Ga., the office of publication, needs only the additional remark that the paper used in the publication weighs 44 pounds per ream to fully explain itself; Atlanta, Ga., July 25, 1892. This is to certify that The People’s Party Paper, during the week ending July 23d, 1892, mailed sixteen hundred and sixty-three (1,603) pounds at this office. J. R. Lewis, P. M. The circulation is steadily increasing, and most advantageous arrangements can be made for space. THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. Friends, we ask you to do all you can for us in the way of new sub scribers. We have given you. a first class weekly paper for nearly a year at a dead loss of over 83,000. All this burden has fallen on Mr. Wat son. He has not only lost 83,000 on the paper, but has given it eight months’ work free of charge. Won’t you do your share in the reform work by aiding us Wo have had to contend with very many difficulties, and have done the very best we could. In the future we hope there will be less complaint about the mail, for we are exerting every energy to rec tify every mistake. The joint debates outlined by Mr. Watson will appear regularly in this paper, stenographically reported by Mr. Driscol. No other paper in the State has them. Help us friends. Each ought to do his part in this noble work. People’s Paper Co. ATTENTION, TENTH DISTRICT. Let every Peoples’s party candi date in the Tenth District remem ber that Mr. Black has entered into an agreement with Mr. Watson that at every voting precinct in the dis trict there shall be one People’s party man on the board of mana gers. SEE TO IT THAT THIS AGREEMENT IS OBSERVED. Demand that one of our men sit on the election at each precinct, and see to it that this man is one whose intelligence and fidelity and courage are above question. He must see every vote counted and never allow the ballot box to get out of his sight. The Democrats in Sparta and Augusta especially need watching. They will do anything on earth to carry this election. Demonstrate to them in a firm, conservative spirit that the agreement between Mr. Black and myself shall be kept. Demonstrate to them that while we mean to be the cause of no trouble, we also mean to have our rights as men and as citizens. T. E. W. The campaign committee urges that every possible effort be made to get subscribers for the People’s Party Paper. It is the safest, surest and cheapest campaign work that can be done. MR. WATSON’S APPOINTMENTS?" LaGrange, October 12. Smart’s Station, October 14, Macon (at night) October 17. Gordon, October 19. Dublin, October 21. In Macon I desire to speak alone and will not divide time. In LaGrange I will divide time with Ms. Moses; at Smart’s Station with Mr. Cabaniss; at Dublin with Mr. Turner. No substitutes need apply at any of the appointments The Congressmen of the different districts must dance up and “tote their own skillets.” This challenge carries with it the division of time as already indicated. L Southern Alliance Farmer please copy. Thos. E. Watson. September IfJ, 1892. PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14. 1892. From a Native of Georgia. Dear Sir I was raised in Mor gan county, Ga., and there lived near High Shoals until I attained my ma jority. My grandfather’s name was H. J. Thompson. I am personally acquainted, of course, with the Ha nies, Powels Hataways, Robert- and many other families of note, for among such people my ancestery moved. I was taught by my parents that of all the States South of the Mason and Dixon line, Georgia was the Empire State of them all, partic ularly in her hospitality.gl was taught that such men as Stephens, Cobb, Hill, Grady and many others could not be excelled not only in oratory or statesmanship, but in the gener ous way in which they received strangers within their gates. But, my dear sir, when I read dispatches in the papers of the last few days as to how shamefully Gen. Weaver and Tom Watson has been treated in your State, I am almost tempted to ex claim that Georgia is no longer my native State. And if it be true that visiting ladies were treated as the dispatches tell, then I must say that the people who once made Georgia famous for her courteousness and due respect to ladies no longer live, and there has sprung up within her midst a lot of cut-throats, scalawags and vagabonds that care neither for their mothers or native land. I hope the reports are false. Gen. Weaver will speak near here on October 7th. He will also speak in Pulaski, Tenn., where it is charged he is afraid to go. And I will state, here and now, that while he has a few opponents here among the office seeking politicans, he nev ertherless will be given a welcome as any visitor is entitled to and a patient hearing. I notice a report in the papers of your State a long list of purported affidavits of citizens of Pulaski, Tenn., concerning Weaver’s record. I wish to say that the papers of this State know better than to publish such or the ones that I shall particularly refer to from the fact they know that the statements are lies from beginning to end. “People living in glass houses must not throw stones.” So I ask the old Confederate soldiers of the South, the question, who snubbed and ig nored the daughter of the Confeder acy, Winnie Davis, while President, saying that it was “highly impolite to fraternize with the daughter of Ex- President Davis, of Confederate re cord?” This campaign lie, Mr. Edi tor. It is a matter of record, and happened at Richmond, Va., and ex tensively commented upon by the whole Democratic press at the time. I wonder if these Confederate sol diers will vote for this war-hired proxie-stuffed-profit, South hater, Confederate hater, negro affiliation lover; for he invited Fred Douglas (col.) to his grand receptions when at the White House, and snubbed Winnie Davis. I wonder if these old Confederates will vote for Ste phenson, of the duplex, triplicate stealing record (I suppose you know that Adlai was a greenbaker six years ago, and voted in Congress with the thirteen leprous greenback ers, one of which Weaver.) No, sir. I say these old Confed federates—three-fourths of them, in Tennessee—will vote for the party of the people principles of life to the government; principles of, by, and for the people, as in days of yore. They are fast learning that there is really no /difference between the old rotten machine, Demo-Republi can parties. One of your State papers in par ticular—the Journal—has sent Thad Horton to Pulaski, Tenn., to “dig up” his record. Now, so far as Thad Horton’s character is con cerned, as a private citizen, I have nothing to say, but of his record as a reporter of a partisan political news paper I shall hew to the line, let the chips fall where they may. Os course, we all understand that the man Horton is paid, or hired, to get up such reports as suits the occasion, and if he did not color them to suit the demands of such ilk as Hoke Smith, of course we all understand that Hoke would turn him off and hire him over again. Now to the point. Os all the certificates that Horton professes to have, not a single one of them is from a farmer who is in fa vor of the reform move, and there are hundreds qf them all around Pulaski. All of them, perhaps with two exceptions, are from men who were invisible in time of war and are now invincible in time of peace. Most every certificate he says he has is from lawyers, merchants and pro fessional politicians, who are afraid of their bosses. You see their can didate for Governor, Pete Turney, is at present the Supreme Justice of the State; they are afraid he wont be elected, and they know that the cry of “Wee be unto them” would be applicable to their cases in the Supreme Court in the event of his defeat, which is very probable. To show you that Thad Horton’s statements are untrue, I cite you to one in regard to a man he refers to as Thomas Harris (his name is Theo Harris, and most everybody in four or five adjoining counties knows him). Horton states that Harris has been insane is the reason why he wrote pieces in defence of Weaver. Now, the facts are that if Theo Har ris was ever insane nobody in this county ever knew anything about it. He is one of the best known men m Giles and Lincoln counties, and everybody that knows him knows that whatever he states is true in every sense £of the word. He has been county surveyer of Lincoln county for a number of years, and is con sidered by all to be a reliable, law abiding, truthful citizen. To sub stantiate this, I refer you to the county officers of Lincoln county, Fayetteville, Tenn.; Captain J. H. Bauman, Fayetteville, Tenn.; R. H. Ragsdale, bounty trustee, Pulaski, Tenn., and any truth-loving citizen in either of those counties. Why did not Horton get the cer tificate of Major Ballentine, on whose premises Weaver stayed while at Pulaski? so Hortbn states in his re port. Major Ballentine is the ex- Democratic Congressman from that district, and is loved and revered by all who know him, and is not a Peo ple’s party man, so far as I know. I will tell yOtt why he did not take his statement Weaver, it was because it didnot suit the per verted, twisted and colored manufac tured statement that lie proposed to have got from some others. He knew that the statements of Theo. Harris, Maj. Ballantine; Rev. Robt. Caldwell, and- sutffi men, would kill anything he could from any other citizen in Giles that was to the contrary, and‘he knew that the statements that these men made about it was in sum and Substance pre cisely in keeping with Gen. Weav er’s Texas and Ldtfisiana letter on the subject. (Said statement I pre sume you have seen.) Os course we all know of the rav ages and depredations that was com mitted during the war by both ar mies. I myself, can remember too well w r hat a sad condition Sherman left our people in, down in Georgia, but all will agree, so f&* as Tennes see is concerned, that the worst dev ilment that was done was committed by home-made soldiers, bushwhack ers who knew the situation, who knew the country, etc. Who knov/s but what Cleve’s and Steve’s hired prox ies did some of this Pulaski devil ment that is charged to Weaver? Who knows but wnat these same proxies of Cleve ami- Steve are now drawing pensions by “unanimous con sent” of our Democratic members of Congress? The old parties ilay the game of I shall and I sfiant, I can and I c&fi’t, 1 will and I wont, I’ll be d-d if I don’t. Mr. Editor, excuse this lengthy letter. I only write it to show you what the situation is here. I knew that it was not likely that one out of a hundred around. Pulaski would see the dirty, twisted, doctored state ment of Thad Horton in the Jour nal, and would not, therefore, be an swered. Hoping that the truth may prevail, I am Yours truly, Geo. A. Gowan, Cornersville (my home), near Pu laski, Tenn. A Foul Blot. Virginia Sun. Distressing news comes from Geor gia. General Weaver has been gross ly insulted and wantonly outraged. He had been commissioned by hun dreds of thousands of the people of the West to bear their greeting and message of good will to their broth ers in the South, (and his words of peace have beep cast back in his teeth, and the .hand of friendship spurned, c i.. It makes- the, honest and loyal heart bleed that men whose interests are the same, whoso welfare and hap piness depend upon their coming to gether, should yet be kept apart by the prejudices and passions of a time worn and hideous partisanry. Is the War never- to be ended? Are the South and West never to be united? Is New England greed to continue to drain every other sec tion And all because a certain lump of New York avoirdupois desires to hold down the Presidential chair. As things are now going, the Democrat ic party is becoming the party of in tolerance and brute force, before which the painted horrors of the Lodge bill pale into frisignificance. The press is largely responsible for this deplorable exhibition of savage ry on the part of Georgian hoodlums. These creatures are necessarily cow ards, and in no Sense represent the real people of that Btate, who are the peers of any peddle in chivalry and courtesy. But the press for weeks past have "been Working upon the prejudices and inflaming the passions of an impressionable people, and all for partisafi 2 purposes. We charge that these Georgia toughs would nev er have da&d°W ‘scandalize public opinion by their outrages, had they not been egged on and sup ported by the Cleveland press of that State, and the Cleveland managers are the real culprits. There is ’sohiMhing of the same lawless spirit Abroad in this State and city, and We warn the Democrat ic press and politicians to have a care how they in’flame the like incendiary and barbarous passions. We note with pleasure, however, that the Times denounces these out rages in unmeasured terms, thus al lowing its better judgment to assert itself on the approach of General Weaver to this city. The Dispatch, as usual, utters its milk and water platitudes, I while the little State blows its penny whistle to the tune of “Hurrah for the Georgia braves, who insulted a lady.” It is one of the blessings of civilization that so few people read “our more or less esteemed contemporary.” SING, BOYS, SING I Order a supply of the “Alliance Songster.” Yun will be surprised and delighted. Eighty-six thrilling, soul stirring songs! 20 cents per copy. Address Oscar Parker, Sec., 1171 Whitehall St., Atlanta, Ga. Please Take Notice Os the change in pnee of this pa per in clubs. Our temporary offer of the People’s Party Paper m clubs of 10 for 50 cents per year is with drawn, and in the future we will be compelled to have 75 cents in clubs. We will, however, permit those who are now making clubs on that rate to complete the clubs already begun at the 50 cents rate, but after that will be obliged to require 75 cents. CENTS JQ IVFOH THE CAMPAIGN YOU CAN GET THE KANSAS AGITATOS, A Rattling People’s Party Paper, till after the election for 10 cents. Get up a club of 10 and we will send you a reform book. Address, THE AGITATOR, Garnett, Kansas. TIE PEOPLE’S RIGHTS Published Weekly at Montezuma, Ga. Devoted exclusively to the cause of the People in their great fight against corrupt parties and wicked legislation. Official Organ of the Third Congress sional District. Price to Jan. 5, 1893, 50 cents. Send us a big club. Address, W, E. KILLEBREW, Montezuma, Ga MANUFACTUREHS OF Engines, Boilers and Mills. Also repair locomotive engines and all kinds of Machinery, Engines. Boilers, Mills, Gins, Pumps, Presses, Elevators, Etc. Repair machinery at your place and furnish plans for mills. Send in your portable engines for repairs. All orders filled pi-omptly. FOR SALE. One horse power Woodtaper and Moss en gine on wheels, good as new. One Stationary engine, 12x18, very cheap. SHEARER I» AN ALLIANOBMAN. 435 LUCKIE ST. TELEPHONE 1418. ATLANTA, GEORGIA. if COMPANY. i ECLIPSE ENGINES ERIE CITY IRON WORKS ENGINES AND i BOILERS, AUTOMATIC STATIONERY ENGINES. GINS FROM $2 TO $2.50 PEE SAW Boilers, Saw Mills, Moore Co. Corn MiU« Pratt Gins, Seed Cotton Elevators, Cane MUI». Cotton Presses, Wagon and Platform Scales, Fool Scientific Grinding Mills, Hoe’s Chisle-Tootb Saws, Shingle Machinery, Wood-Working Machin ery, Shafting, etc. MALSBY AVERY, Southern Managers. 81 South Forsyth Street; ATLANTA, GA. Catalogue by mentioning this paper. THE CORN BELT Offers the greatest opportunities to actual far mers and homeseekers es any section in the United States. The sofi is unexcelled for fer tility. Water good. Climate temperate and very healthful; settled by intelligent and progressive people, with the best of social, re ligious and educational advantages. Land is now rapidly appreciating in value, but the best improved land can be bought at from $6 to 910 per acre and good improved farms from $lO to sls per acre. Fifteen years residence in this section, five of them spent in locating settlers, bag given me a thorough acquaintance With the land is this section. Full information as to the country with prices, terms and description of a large list ol land which can be bought yery cheap, will be given by addressing E. S. JOHNSTON. Mitchell. S. D. fie National Watctaaa. A PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. An Eight-page Four-column Weekly. PUBLISHED AT WASHINGTON, D, C. Under the Direction of the Congressional Committee of the People’s Party. IST. JL. JDTTN ISTIJSTG Has been selected as Managing Editor. It will be impersonal, impartial and aggres sive, and at all times seek to place before its readers carefully prepared matter such as a residence at the seat of government is calcu lated to furnish. The high character of the men interested in the papei, the ability of Mr. Dunning, and the advantage of being at the Capital are sufficient guarantees for the kind of paper that will be segued. Among the contributors will be— Senators W. A. Peffer and J. H. Kyle; Con fressmen T. E. Watson, John Davis, Jerry .impson, W. A. MeKeighan, B. F. Clover. J. G. Otis, O. M. Kem. K. Halvorsen, T. E. Winn, W. Baker, Dr. M. G. Elizy, and many other well known writers. TERMS, FIFTY CENTS PER YEAR. Twenty-five cents until Nov. 9, 1832, Address all communications to THS NATIONAL WATCHMAN CO., No. 13 C Street N. E. WASHINGTON, D. C HAVEHTT’S FURNITURE BARGAINS FOR OCTOBER, BIG SALES AND SMALL PROFITS IS HIS MOTTO.

PARLOR, BED ROOM, DINING ROOM, KITCHEN AND HALL FURNITURE, AT Lowest Prices h Atlanta. Ladies’ Desks, Wardrobes, Chiffoniers, Combination Book- Cases, 801 l and Flat-Top Desks, and other Furniture AT COST. Battan and Fancy Chairs, Lounges and Cots, Feather Pil lows, Mattresses, Lawn and Veranda Chairs, AT SUMMER PRICES. Furniture Polish furnished with our Furniture. Don’t forget the place. Place your orders with us, and we will please you with Goods, and save you 25 per cent. ZML SZJLYTEZRTY. *77 Wh.iteh.all street, -A.tlan.ta, G-a. PERKINS MACHINERY COMPANY. THE PAKKER'S- FAVORITE.” A ■9T mill made. Prices low and terms easy. djjSgfefo.. MxrOV' rfM manufacture the best top-runner ovm mUI on the market, aiyl dealers in engines, bofe* era, cotton gins. presses, feed mills, shfets* Ing 1 pulleys, betting, wood working ma&ats. ery; also, second-hand machinery at 1»V priced. PERKINS MACHINERY CO., 4l S. Broad St., Atlanta, Ga. NOT A REVOLT; IT IS A REVOLUTION. Tom Watson’s Book Now on hand. For sale at the Office of the Peoples Party Paper. A campaign terror. Everybody needs it. Speakers must have it. Price, One Dollar. Hear from The North.—Down With Sectionalism The Progress Farmer, National Organ, of the F. M. B. A., the Farm Organiza tion next in strength to the F. A. I. U., will be sent on trial three months for ten cents. Make up a club of five or ten and send for it it. It is a large 8 page weekly and tells all about the reform movment and Peoples party in the North. Away with parry hate, and down, with section alism THE PROGRESSIVE FARMER, Cor. Main and Casey Sts., Mt. Vernon, 11l —OFFICE OF THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE People’s Party of the United States of America. Hotel Fdchclieu. St. Louis, Mo., August 20, 1892, A New Novel by Hon. Ignatius Don nelly, and a chance to help the People’s Party. Hon. Ignatius Donnelly has juatwrit ten a new book, a novel, entitled “The Golden Bottle.” He has prepared this romance with a view to helping the People’s Party movement; not only by making the story illustrate the great questions of the day—the land-loan, the demoneti zation of silver, government ownership of railroads, and the universal era of reform that will follow in the footsteps of the triumph of the People’s Party; but also by arranging with his publish ers and cutting down profits from the price of every book sold by orders sent to the undersigned, so that one-half the purchase price will go to the Campaign Fund of the People’s Party. That is to say, if any person orders the book from our Committee, and sends $1.25 for a bound copy, or 50 cents for a copy in paper covers, one-half of the amount so sent will be turned into the cam paign fund of the People’s Party oj the United States, to be used in distribut ing documents and paying expenses of speakers, and the other half will be sent to the publishers, who will for ward the book, by mail, to the pur chasers, prepaid. Those who have read the book in manuscript, say that it is a wonderfully interesting story, based on an Original conception and putting forth very singular and remarkable ideas. If it has anything like the sale of Mr. Don nelly’s other books, it will yield a large revenue to the People’s Party. We urge every friend of the cause not only to subscribe himself, but to request his friends and neighbors to do so. They will get a book at the regular price, which they would probably desire to buy anyhow, and besides helping along the campaign of the People’s Party. Let every one help in this good work. Remember that this is not done to se cure a sals for the book, for it will sell anyhow, but to help the cayse of Re form, even at the risk of lessening the sale of the book in other quarters. The Golden Bottle” will not be ready for two or three weeks, but send in names and money at once. TherMs likely to be a great demand for copies of the book, and they will be sept out in the order in which the names are receivad —first come first served. Be sure to write your name and postoffice plainly. Address J. H. TURNER, Hotel Richelieu, St. Louis, Mo. 11. E. Taubexeck, Chairman. M. C. Rankin, Treasurer, J. H. Turner, Secretary, Lawrence McFarlin, Sec’y. 8 a mr* A ELECTRO MAGNETIC fi EMENEGOGUE PILLS kJ ha W for Never iail. Latest discovery. $2.00 per box. AU forms of female diseases treated successfully at office or by mall. Practice based on mwobe theory—cures guaranteed. Dropsy cuffed— partial treatment free. Bacterio Medical ®road®t.. Atlanta, .Ga. (Strictly onildeiitiai.) WE MUSTHAVE a Campaign M BADGES! BADGES! BADGES! They are beautiful. Gen. J. B. Weaver’s picture on one side and Gen. James G. Field’s picture on the other side. They are made of the new metal, pure aluij)- inum. They will be sold in lots of fifty or one hundred at Ten Cents each. They will be retailed at Twenty-five Cents each. Send in your orders at once and thereby help your National Committee to push the work. Address M. C. RANKIN, Treasurer, Terre Haute, Indiana. Or J. IL TUBNEWfr, Richelieu Hotel, St| e( j y ;Mo. To Brottetf‘'liancemsa y a Ju' On acccnptl Irt&e low pri, wa have put de T machinery tc" wnd. •We can evil r&wuuVghsfci gc site Ofi per saw. Gin Feeders anil Condense*® 82.60 per saw. We have in stock the Gullett, Van winkle, Hall, Pratt, Gate City, Whitney and Winship. We can fu/nUb Feeders and Condensers for any make of gin, new or second hand. We have some good rebuilt Engines— i horse pow er SIOO.OO, 6 horse power $200.00, 8 horse power SBOO.OO. 10 horse power $400.00, &c., to any size required. Saw Mills worth s3oofor $200; those worth S2OO for $125. Corn Mills worth for $150: those worth $l5O for S9O. Water Wheels worth S3OO for $l6O. Gin Saw Filers sls to SSS; Gummers S2O to 30. Terracing Levels (good ones) $5. Theodolites $6 to SB. Sulky Com post Distributors S2O. We have also the best and cheapest Mill on the market, for grinding corn and cob. peas, cotton seed and table meal, for SSO. You elm make fertilizer that costs S3O per ton for sl3 with this mill. We send formula with mill. It you want any kind of machinery or want ad vice a« to the best kind oh capacity, &c.. write us. We take machinery on commission and repair at our own expense. Gin and engine repairing done. Old gins made new for one third the cost of new ones. CIiAMER ABBOTT, 555 Marietta St., Atlanta. Ga. P %i S. We have several 40 saw Gin outfits, with engine to pull them, and a press for s2ijo. 50 saws 60 saws S4OO. 80 saws SSOO. We sell swap or trade to suit customers. PLANTERS’ HOTELS —l2| W. Mitchell Street,— Atlanta, Georgia. Meals, 25 cents Rooms, 25 to 50 cents. Nice, large rooms, convenient to busi ness. Board per week, $4.00 W. H. WEBB, (8-12-3 m Proprietor, Election Tickets! Candidates will find that they can save money by sending orders for ©lection tickets to ELAM CHRISTIAN, Printer and Publisher, 102 1-2 Whitehall St., ATLANTA, If You Ara Going WesT~ AND WANT LOW RATES To Arkansas, Texas, Missouri, Colorado, Oregon and Calf or nia, or any point WEST OR NOHTHWEST— IT WILL PAY YOU To write to me. FRED. D. BUSH, 42]Wall St., Atlanta, Gr DA N u NEW OFFER IF~ Mr. Watson’s Book has been received at this office. Any one sending us $1.50 can get a copy of the book and this paper for one year. In clubs of ten we will send ten copies of the book and ten papers one year for $14.00 and send one book and one copy of the paper one year to the club raiser. Eggs For Hatching. Silver Laced Wyandota, Silver Spangled Polish, Golden Penciled Hamburgs, Silvef Spangled Hambui-gs. Partridge Cochins and Cayuga Ducks. Eggs, 81.50 for 13. All first class stock—none better in America. Addreal H peviUe Poutey 1 3 r