The Spectator 1834-06-21: Vol 7 Iss 312
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THE Peierm + Ons SuILiuina. peetator. FOR THE WEEK ENDING SATURDAY, JUNE 21, 1834. News or tHE WEEK— Political Summaries Parliamentary Proceedings—Poor- laws Amendment Bill—Admis- sion of the Dissenters—Amend- ment ofthe Reform Act—Riband Trade of Coventry ; Prohibitory Duties—Amendment of the Beer Bill—Battle of Navarino— Mis- cellaneous Subjects ........... The Court . The Metropolis The Country Ireland Scotland’... Miscellaneous Postscript TO THE WEEK’s News— 58 Money Market East India Shipping . Letters from Paris, by O. P. Q.... Torics oF THe Day— Slovenly Legislation; Business of the House of Commons...... ee Lord Brougham before the Libel Committee Representation of Edinburgh Clerkenwell Justice Current Corn Catechism Commencement of the Royal Mu- sical Festival Philharmonic Concert Who are the Church Robbers... Mr. Vandenhoff’s “ Coriolanus’”’.. The New English Opera-house... Sprcrator’s LipRaARY— Beckiord’s Italy, Spain, and Por- tugal—Sir Egerton Brydges— Madame Junot’s Celebrated Wo- men—Trials and Triumphs— The Revolutionary Epick Arte and Artists... ccsscccssoes The Army Births, Marriages, and Deaths ... The Gaze Prices Current .« Advertisements 512 583 NEWS OF THE WEEK. Tue Poor law Amendment Bill has undergone the ordeal of the Committee ; and, though certainly not unscarred, still retains its most prominent features. The principal alterations are the following. The duration of the Commission, to which no term was affixed, is to be limited to five years ; the Commissioners are not to order more than 50/. of the annual rates of each parish to be laid out in the enlargement of workhouses; owners of property are to be allowed six votes, and to vote by proxy ; lowance system in each parish ai such timeas they shall deem fit, instead of on the Ist of June 1835, as was at first intended; in cases of starvation or extreme want, the Overseers may give relief | without consulting ‘the Vestry or Guardians of the Poor; scttle- ment by hiring, service, and apprenticeship, is to be abolished, but settlement by birth is not to be substituted, as was at first intended; lastly, parents are not to be compelled to support the bastard offspring of ¢heir children in any case—failing the mother, the burden is to fall upon the parish. The vital parts of the measure are untouched. The allowance system is to be abolished, and the workhouse system substituted in the place of it; the power of the Central Board has, on the whole, been rather extended than diminished; the more pernicious portions of the laws relating to settlement have been done away with; unwedded mothers are to be obliged to support their children; and the conduct of the parish officers in relation to the ‘keeping of accounts, disbursement of parochial funds, and general discharge of their duties, is to be subject to a rigid inspection to which it has hitherto been a stranger. The debates in the Committee on the bill have not been. desti- tute of interest, though the Ministerial majorities have been uni- formly so large as to leave no dsubt as to the result of the division on any question. In discussing the clause which enacted that the grandfather or grandmother should be saddled with the expense of maintaining the natural children of their daughters, Mr. Copperr hit some hard blows at the Aristocracy and their Pension-list. The House was unwilling to take up a subject so offensive to the higher powers; but there could have been only one feeling of dis- gust at the recollection that the labouring classes are forced to contribute to the support of royal and noble bastards, while mea- sures of great though necessary severity are passed to compel low- born sinners to support theirown. It is in vain to deny—looking on the one hand tothis Poor-law Bill, and on the other to the refu- sal of the Reformed Parliament to cleanse the Pension-list—that in this country there is one law for the rich and another for the poor. : The Emigration clause elicited good speeches from Mr. Wotrycuy Wuitmor:e and Colonel Torrens, who have mastered the true principles of Colonization, and know how to explain and defend them. The discussion on this clause possessed peculiar inter- est, in consequence of its connexion with the project for colonizing &@ portion of South Australia, in which some of the most distin- guished and intelligent Members of the House are warmly inter- ested. This circumstarice was alluded to in the speech of Mr. Secretary Rice; who, we are glad to see, has had the discernment to give his support to the views of the Colonists. It is an auspi- clous commencement of his career in his new office; and it will hereafter, we doubt not, be a source of gratification to him to re- flect, that tle first attempt to found-a colony upon sound and en- lightened principles, was made during his Secretaryship. The obstinate and self-sufficient Mr. Sraney suffered the opportunity to slip through his fingers. Colonel Evans made an unsuccessful effort, on Thursday, to amend that part of the Reform Act which renders the payment of ; {Latest Epition.]} | has given rise to debates in both Houses of Parliament. the Commissioners are empowered to puta stop to the al- | rates and taxes a necessary qualification for the exercise of the elective franchise. We agree with Mr. Hume, that the principle of this clause is bad, and that it bears hard upon the poorer classes, Rates and taxes are merely debts due to the parish or the Govern- ment; and there is no more propriety in making their payment the condition of allowing a man to vote, than the payment of what he owes to his wine-merchant or coach-builder. That the rule | will become an instrument of corruption, we have not the least doubt. The poorer class of voters have not for years been in the habit of paying their parish-rates, which have been regularly cleared off for them by the candidates at each successive election. The collectors, in fact, scarcely ever thought it of use to call for payment at any other time. There is nothing in the Reform Act to put a stop to these practices, which are safe and easy in small towns. It was stated by several Members, that the constituency of the country is rapidly diminishing, and that each successive re- gistration will present a smaller number of voters. This will be the case until the period arrive when a dissolution is expected before the next registration. Then the old system of hunting up voters, paying their arrears of rates, and putting them on the registry, will again come into foree. There is, however, another reason why the number of registered voters will probably decline—the al- teration in the value of money and the fall of rents. This has lately been regular and progressive in most places; and may raise up a party for lowering the qualification, of a different description and character from that which now calls for such an alteration in the Reform Act. The distressed condition of the Riband-weavers of Coventry Lord STRANGFORD in the Peers, and Mr. Henry Butwer in the Com- | mons, attempted to make out a case on their behalf for a return to the old prohibitory system. At the present time, foreign ribands are taxed from 40 to 60 per cent. for the benefit of the men of Coventry. Instead of calling for increased duties, would it not be more wise in them to petition for the abolition of the duty, which would put an end to smuggling? The premium is sufficiently high to render a contraband trade profitable. But there is still another reason for the inability of the Coventry weavers to compete with their French rivals: Mr. Hume siated that they had objected to the introduction of improved machinery, and had destroyed that which their employers had set up. We pity the ignorant sufferers by such misconduct as this; but can only look forward to better times for them, when not only the Bread-monopoly shall have been abolished, but foolish combinations against improvements in machinery been abandoned. Ministers have announced their intention to renew the Lrish Coercion Bill for another year, “with some modifications.” One of these modifications will, it is supposed, be the removal of the Court-martial clause; against which their new colleague, Mr. ApBercrompy, spoke so forcibly last year. To expunge that clause, was an “esseiitial” point with him then; and we concitide it will be now. Mr. Lirrteron has promised to produce the docu- mentary evidence, on the faith of which the consent of the House to the most arbitrary measure of modern English times is again to be required. Mr. O'ConNELL is bracing himself up for the combat, and his late bland aspect and courteous words are changed into defying frowns and angry tones. Sir Epwarp Coprineton has prevailed upon the House of Commons to address the Crown in behalf of the officers and sea- men who fought at Navarino; and who have never received the usual compensation for the losses sustained in the action. Minis- ters, with their usual want of tact, opposed Sir Epwarp's motion for 2 Committee,—really for no other :eason, as far as appeared, than because their Tory predecessors had gratified their spite against the Liberal Admiral by punishing his subalterns. But the House of Commons showed some proper spivit on this ocea- sion. Even Sir Francis Burnett could not restrain a sneer at the conduct of Ministers, and their mode of preserving the public faith. Lord ALTHoRP saw that the whole House was against him, except Mr. Hume (who gave him a very cold and doubtfal sup- port), and consented to withdraw his opposition to the motion; having needlessly thrown away a fair opportunity of performing a popular and graceful part in the eyes of the country. The bill for admitting Dissenters to the Universities was read a second time in the Commons last night, by a large majority— 321 to 147. There was avery long debate before the division was taken; but why or wherefore, it would be difficult to_say.. The subject is worn threadbare, and not a single new argument’ pro or con was advanced on either side. There is abstrdity in the very idea of opposing the motion on the old explodedigrounds. The Government, it would seem, are prepared to make sweh altera- tions in the bill, when in Committee, as will deprive Dissenting graduates of the right to interfere in the government ofthe Uni- versities, which Churchmen possess, This is inflicting-e needless
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574 THE SPECTATOR. imsult upon them, and will detract much from the value of the ‘measure as one of conciliation. Why should this bitter be left at the bottom of the cup? The approximation of Mr. Srantey to his Conservative flat- Yerers was indicated, in the difference of his tone last night from ‘what it was in the debate on the presentation of the Cambridge tition. The “ circumstances" are substantially the same, though r. Stanuey affects to have only recently discovered that the aims of the more ardent Dissenters extend to the separation of Church and State. His conduct proves one of two things— de- Heiency in common foresight, or want of principle. The French journals are filled with rumours and speculations as to the results of the next elections. The Carlists have resolved to take the oath of allegiance to Louis Puiuip, and in all places where the return of one of their own party is despaired of, to sup- port a Republican in preference to an Orleanist. Some of the more sanguine members of the party which supports the exiled dynasty calculate upon having fifty members in the next Chamber; others, more moderate, expect to have twenty. In the last Chamber, the eloquent, accomplished, and devoted M. Ber- RYER, was the sole representative of Carlism. The Swiss Cantons have received insulting and threatening com- munications from the Austrian Cabinet, in consequence of their refusal to give up some German refugees to the vengeance of their despots. It is said that even an invasion of Switzerland is menaced. This is improbable. Louis Puitip is no enemy to despotic principles ; but he cannot suffer the Swiss Cantons to be crushed. The Spanish Government has issued a decree establishing a censorship of the press, and laying down other oppressive regula- tions upon its conductors. It is pretended that this is done at the instance of certain journalists ; which is probable enough, though a disgraceful circumstance. No blanks or asterisks are to be left in to denote the passages struck out by the censor. The debates in the Cortes are, however, to appear unmutilated; and it is con- ste that Martinez pe LA Rosa has been prevailed upon by rench influence to sanction the decree, but has contrived to re- tain a privilege for the press which will neutralize its efforts; as what cannot be legally published in the first instance, may be de- livered in the Cortes by some Liberal member, and then appear in the newspapers. We mentioned in our second impression last week, that the Portuguese Regency had suppressed the Oporto Wine Company. This is a very important measure, and may be taken as an earnest of the intention of the Government to adopt a sound commercial . The Oporto Company was established by the celebrated arquis DE PomBaL, with the view of encouraging the wine- trade and benefiting the vine-growers. Like all monopolies, how- ever, it has proved the source of wealth to a few, and of loss and annoyance tothe many. The Company exercised the privilege of taking what wines they pleased from the vintagers at their own price, and selling at as high a profit as they deemed it consistent with their interest to demand. Now the domestic and foreign buyer may go to the first hands, and make the best bargain he can without paying the enormous intermediate profit. Good news this for a port-loving nation like the British. Another Portuguese decree abolishes all monasteries, convents, and religious houses, without exception. By this proceeding the coffers of the Government will be replenished, and few worthy men injured; as the parochial, not the monastic clergy, comprise "ol geal useful and estimable portion of the Portuguese priest- A general amnesty to all political offenders, who shall forthwith return to their allegiance, has been proclaimed: and few will re- fuse to take advantage of it. Some of the restless spirits in Lisbon, who have been loudly calling upon Don Pepro to issue sucha de- ‘cree, pretend now to tax him with impolitic leniency. The mo- tives of these men, who have thriven by the woes of their country, are obvious and base. Bitter complaints are still made by the British residents in Lisbon, of the refusal of the Embassy to give timely notice of the despatch of packets to England. Recent accounts from Constantinople do not confirm a report which has been prevalent, that the Russians have invaded the Persian territory, though there appears to be some dispute as to the line of frontier settled by the last treaty between the two powers. Bebates and Procectings in Parliament. 1, Poor-Laws AMENDMENT BILL, On the question being put, on Monday, that the House of Com- mons should go into Committee on this bill, Mr. Consett moved an amendment, that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the justice and expediency of making an as- sessment of one fourth of the abbey-lands and lay impropriate tithes for the relief of the poor. He contended, that if Parliament marred the law of Elizabeth by passing the present bill, the poor had a right to demand the share of the abbey-lands and the lay tithes which was originally set apart for their relief. Lord Atrnorr considered that there was little or no connexion between the amendment and the bill, and therefore opposed it. After a few words from Mr. Gopson;. Mr. Cobbett’s amendment was negatived, by 111 to 3. The Speaker left the chair, and the’ House’went into Committee. The 60th clause, which refers to emigration, being read, Mr. Wotrycue Wuitmonre said, that he had an amendment to pro. pose, the object of which was in every possible way to facilitate the progress of emigration. He read several returns of the increase of population in different counties, which proved that there was a redun- dancy of agricultural population in those counties where the Poor- laws were badly administered. He admitted, that if the Poor-laws were well administered, a portion of the surplus would be absorbed, and the farmer having less rates to pay, would be able to expend more in wages; but still it would be found, that for a certain portion of the population sufficient employment did not exist. If so, it was clear that the 60th clause, which gave parishes a power to raise money for en- couraging emigration, was of the utmost importance; and the question arose, whether other means ought not to be adopted to facilitate the accomplishment of that desirable object. The great difficulty consisted in the outlay necessary for emigration, and in the appropriation of the money. He thought it possible to adopt a system of emigration whereby the main expense might be paid, not out of funds raised in this country, but growing out of the sale of waste lands in the Colonies. The quantity of waste land in our Colonies was very great. In North America, there were twenty-three millions of acres. Australia, which was 2000 miles from East to West and 1700 from North to South, contained vast quantities of improveable land; and the Cape of Good Hope afforded an unoccupied space of 240 by 270 miles. The value of these lands was much greater than was generally supposed. The lands of the Canada Company had risen as much as thirteen shil- lings an acre for land quite unimproved. The advance of the price of the land belonging to the Government of the United States had been very great. Whenever the stream of emigration was directed to any particular quarter, then the value of the land was augmented. He did not think it was possible to apply the produce of land sold to better purpose than in encouraging emigration. The money thus laid out would be most usefully expended in relieving the country of its local redundancies, and providing a due reward for agricultural labour. But it might be said, perhaps, that the amount so obtained from the sale of our waste lands in Canada would be but small. The United States at the present moment were in the receipt of 3,000,000 of doliars annually (very neatly 700,000/.) from the sale of their waste lands. It would be seen, therefore, that the amount which we were likely to receive from the sale of our Crown lands in Canada would not be inconsiderable: indeed, there was every reason to sup- pose, that we should, in the course of a few years, derive as much revenue in that way as the United States did, and the application of such a sum to the purposes of emigration would no doubt be productive of the greatest possible benetit to this country. After some very strong denunciation of the existing Poor-law sys- tem, which converted labourers into degraded slaves, dried up all the sources of charity, and spread vice throughout the land, Mr. Whit- more concluded by moving, “ That, after the eighteenth line of the clause, words should he inserted to the effect that the Commissioners should be entitled to apply to the Secretary of State for all suns arising from the sale of waste lands in the Colonies, and to apply the same to aid the emigration of labouring persons and their families to the Colonies.” Colonel Torrens heard with great satisfaction the speech of Mr. Whitmore. The principles therein propounded were admirably adapted to the actual condition of the country. He had stated from the first, that he approved of the principles on which the Poor-law Bill was founded; though he thought several of its provisions were of too strin- gent a nature, and difficult to be carried into. effect. The allowance system was the great abomination to be got rid of; but how was this to be done? The 46th clause, abolishing the allowance system, would work well in those agricultural parishes in which there was not asurplus population. In these, the operation of the clause would be to withdraw from the labour market the la- bourers with large families who were partly supported from the parish; this would reduce the supply of labour below the demand, and raise wages until they became sufficiently high to afford married labourers with families indepen- dent support. This remedial process, however, would not take place in pa- rishes where the population was redundant. In these, withdrawing from the labour market those who might receive relief out of the parish-rates would not reduce the supply of labour below the demand, and therefore would not raise wages so as to enable married labourers with families to earn independent sup- port. These would remain permanent burdens upon their parishes. If the parishes supplied them with sufficient subsistence, their numbers would increase, and it could not be attempted to subsist them so scantily as to prevent their in- crease and to cau8e them to decay. In every agricultural parish, having more labourers than were sufficient for the cultivation of the soil, a permanent pauper settlement would be established. f How was this difficulty to be obviated? Only by an extensive sys- tem of colonization upon an enlightened principle. It was in vain to attempt to improve the condition of the English labourer while that of the Irish peasant remained so miserable. ‘The wretchedness of Ire- land, whose capabilities were so great, arose in a great measure from the defective state of agricultural industry in that country. As long as small patches of land were cultivated at enormous rents,—as long as so large a proportion of the Irish population were employed in the culti- vation of the soil, and so few in working it up into secondary necessaries and decent comforts,—so long the population would be wretched in spite of Relief and Coercion Bills. But suppose you introduce the more economical Scotch or English modes of cultivating large farms by few hands, what would become of the ejected peasantry and dis- missed labourers ? If left destitute, they would rebel and destroy; if supported by a poor-rate, the rental would be soon insufficient ; if allowed to come to England and swamp the labour market, the people of Englund would be reduced to the Irish level. There can be no safety, no improvement, without planting in the Colonies the rural population of Ireland, thrown out by the consolidation of farms. Wit A out an extensive system of colonization, this Poor-law Amendment bill canno work for good ; it will be a piece of incomplete, abortive, and pernicious ef lation, accelerating the period when England shall be reduced to the Irish level Emigration from Ireland must be part and parcel of the measure for reforming the English Poor-laws. ts, The advocates of home colonization would object to Mr. W ea more’s plan. They would contend that the waste lands of the Unite Kingdom should first be brought into cultivation.
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it a, °c aw eee CC -—at we @} mo fF - @&@ 86 @O or OD ft dl —a oO Ff wae THE SPECTATOR. ‘S75 The question of home colonization resolved itself into this: ave the: waste Jands of the United Kingdom more or less fertile than the unapprepriated lands of the Colonies? Let the facts be accurately ascertained; let the experiment be fairly made; cultivate your commons, your heaths, your moors, your bogs, and even your mountain-tops, provided you can obtain from them a. pro- duce sufficient to replace capital and amply to subsist the cultivaturs. But do not perpetrate the fully of planting home colonies on lands yielding a scanty re- turn, instead of planting foreign colonies on Jands yielding an amp’e return. If the cultivators of lands yielding eight bushels of corn per acre obt.in low wages and low profits, do not commit the absurdity of attempting to affird them re- lief by planting them on land yielding six bushels an acre. If profits and wages are reduced as we resort to soil yielding a scanty return in propcrtion to the outlay, let us not entitle ourselves to apartments in Bedlam by creaming that we can relieve distress by resorting to soils of a still more inferior quality. How was it that the people of the United States were so prospe- rous? Was it by home or remote colonization?—by cultivating the land of the Eastern States, or the immense alluvial soils of the Mis- sissippi? It has been supposed, and not unfrequently asserted, that colonization must abstract from the Mother Country capitalists as well as labourers; and that, in- asmuch as capital is abstracted, the funds which put industry in motion will be diminished, and the home demand for labour contracted, and the country im- poverished. This objection sounds plausibly—it is put forward with pretension and with an air of scientific accuracy; but it is unsound—it is valueless; it proceeds upon an entire misconception and an utter ignorance of the sources of wealth, and of the causes of a nation’s advance through the progressive to the | stationary state. Capital requires to be in cooperation with land, in order to reproduce itself. Considered as a thing by itself, and disconnected with the soil, or with the raw produce of the soil, it is not a source of wealth; it neither affords employment to labour, nor can be itself reproductively employed. In every department of national industry, there were complaints of | inadequate profits. A growing difficulty was everywhere felt of ob- taining beneficial employment for capital. How can we remove the pressure by which we are pent in? and by what process can the field of employment be enlarged, and high profits restored ? Only by an extensive system of colonization. In Ireland we have redundant labour ; in England we have redundant capital; and in the Colonies we have boundless tracts of rich and unoccupied land. Let us collect and place in juxtaposition these scattered elements of wealth, which are singly unproductive, but which in combination would become creative of national opulence. As we plant and extend new colonies, new markets will open and expand to our com- merce. This is the way to combat hostile tariffs and anti-commercial combina- tions. When rival nations heap new and increasing restrictions on our in- dustry, let us (to berrow the expression of Mr. Canning) call new worlds into | existence to adjust the balance of the old. Thus acting, we shall create for — an expansive prosperity, the limits of which the imagination cannot reach. Mr. Cossetr contended that the Colonial lands were not such good soil as Bagshot Heath. If he applied to making his labourers emigrate, a sum of money that would be sufficient to cultivate his lands for a twelvemonth, and to give them employment for that period,—if he did that, he asked, would not the wise, just, and sober- minded Lord Chancellor—( Laughter )—put him into a madhouse? Mr. Sprinc Rice requested Mr. Whitmore not to insist upon his amendment. He did so because he thought an inquiry into the state of the Colonies, the value of waste lands, and the means afforded by them for providing funds for colonization, ought to be instituted. He thought no one better qualified than Mr. Whitmore to direct the opera- tions of a Committee on this subject; and assured him of his earnest cooperation in the business. Respecting the new colony in South Australia, about which Mr. Whitmore and many other enlightened members of the House took a deep interest, he could only say, that he entertained a most favourable opinion of the plan. He thought some that some conditions, by which the Government should be relieved from responsibility, as far as might be, previous to giving its sanction, should be complied with. These conditions, however, he did not think would be any obstacle to the progress of the undertaking. He assured all the Members who took an interest in the subject, that it should have his earliest attention. He was aware that the preparations neces- sary for commencing the business would require some time; and he pet therefore take care that no delay should be caused by neglect on is part. Mr. Cray, Mr. Dentson, Mr. Cartwricut, Mr. Hurt, Mr. Grote, and Mr. Hume, all expressed themselves in favour of coloni- zation by the means proposed by Mr. Whitmore, and their satisfaction at finding the attention of the Secretary for the Colonies directed to this important subject. Mr. Grove said, that in his opinion the benefit to be derived from colonization, by providing employment for capital and room for an increasing population, would perhaps be greater than any that could be conferred on this country by other means, Mr. Wuirmonre withdrew his amendment, with expressions of satis. faction at finding its principles so fully admitted by Government and the House generally. . Mr. Honpces moved that no more money should be expended in pro- moting emigration, until some provision should have been made for the poor of Ireland. The House divided on this amendment, and rejected it, by 139 to 20. The clause was then agreed to; as was also the 61st clause. On the motion of Lord ALTHorp, clauses 62d, 63d, 64th, and 65th, which refer to the alteration of the law of settlement, were struck out of the bill. Clauses 66th, 67th, and 68th were agreed to, with amend- ments, which have the effect of abolishing the right to settlement by hiring and apprenticeship, and preventing the acquirement of such right by occupying a tenement, unless such tenement shall have been assessed to the poor-rates for one year. The Committee then rose. 4 The discussion was resumed in Committee on Wednesday. Mr. Bernat, the Chairman, read the 69th clause; and Mr. Rosinson moved the omission of that and the three next clauses from the bill ; they all referred to the same sukject—bastardy. It was proposed by the bill,.to make a radical change ; and he did not mean to say that some alteration of the law was not advisable. What he contended for was, that the change now contemplated was most objectionable. The inten- tion was, by the 69th clause, to relieve the putative father of a bastard child from all liability: the latter part of the same clause he did not mean to resist; but he thought the provision contained in the first part impolitic, unjust, and cruel, The 70th clause gave the 69th an ex post fucto operation, exempiing the fathers of bastard children now born; but the 71st clause was repugnant to all the principles of justice, mercy, and sound policy, throwing the burden of mainte- nance entirely on the unfortunate mother. Clause 72d followed’ up the same principle, but carried it much further; for in case of the death of the mother of a bastard child, it compelled the father of the mother to maintain it, and, in case of his death, the grandfather. The design, no doubt, was to compel parents to pay more attention to the morals and conduct of their female offspring; but that design was carried into execution by inflicting the most grievous injustice. The 73d clause related to fines, forfeitures, and penalties; which were also, ia his opinion, liable to objection. He argued that an increase of immorality and also of the parochial rates would arise from making the alterations proposed by the bill. More- women would be seduced; as profligate men would be relieved from the check now imposed by the fear of being made chargeable with the support of their bastard children; and as in a great majority of cases the women and their parents would be found unable to support their children, the burden would fall upon the parish. The tendency of the alteration to increase the crime of infanticide, was also manifest. He concluded by moving in the first instance the omission of clause 69tb. Lord Auruorr defended the clause. He dwelt upon the gross im- morality consequent upon the present system; which held out a pre- mium to the dissolute woman, and a strong temptation to commit per- jury. ‘he more bastard children a woman had, the greater was het parish allowance ; which was also increased if the putative father was in good circumstances. ‘The tendency of the law was to destroy all moral feeling. It placed a check upon ithe man, and held out an in- ducement to the woman to become vicious. He wished to preserve the clauses which would remedy this evil; but as be had stated when he introduced the measure, that the settlement and bastardy clauses might be severed from it without injuring the other parts, be should not oppose the general feeling of the House, if it should be in favour of postponing their consideration to next session. Mr. Lioyp and Mr. Mitus wished the clauses to be postponed, and formed into a separate measure next session. Lord Esrixcron and Mr. Cuaries BuLier were decidedly in fa- vour of theit retention. Mr. E. Butuer wished them to be postponed for further considera~ tion. Mr. Worrycue Wuirmorr said— If the House wished to make the bill effectual, they would not reject the clause. They saw from the case of America, in which both the present system and that proposed by Lord Althorp were followed in different places, the work-~ ing of the two systems. In Boston, in the year 1826, the number of bastards Was two; in Salem, there was none; while in Philadelphia there were 272. Now, in the two former plaves the expense of rearing the children fell upon the mothers. in the last the children were supported at the public expense. He trusted that the clause would be persevered in. He was sure that great’ good would ensue from its passing, and great evil if it were thrown out. Mr. Grore and Mr. Ewanrr spoke to the same effect. Mr. Benerr said, that one shilling, or one shilling and threepente a week, was the largest sum awarded by Magistrates for the support of a bastard child. (Cries of ‘No, no!”) Would any Member state-how much had been given ? A. Member—* Two shillings, and two shillings and sixpencs.” Mr. Benetr—“ Well, he had never known an instance of it. But was it credible that poor women, honest women—( Laughter )—would perjure themselves for such a trifle? During thirty years’ experience as a Magistrate, he had never heard a woman swear a child, under cir- cumstances which induced the suspicion of perjury.” (Cries of “Oh, oh!”) He concluded by declaring his hostility to the clause. Mr. Consett opposed it. He objected also especially to making the parents of the mother responsible for the support of her child. It was the custom to speak of the poor as immoral and profligate and guilty of all sorts of crimes for having bastards; and it was gravely proposed that punishment should be inflicted on them for such a heinous olbiecs. Now, he begged leave to ask, was the crime of bastardy confined to the poor? Were there no bastards to be found in high and elevated places? Were there no other bastards but the bastards of the poor, which the nation was called upon to sup- port? Were there no bastards on the Pension-list ? Would the noble Lord say there were no bastards upon it? The noble Lord had said upon a former occa sion, that the Pension-list was a charity list. Why should they have placed upon this charity list the bastards, not of poor people, but of rich persons—of persons placed in high situations, and who should be made to support their ille- gitimate offspring, instead of thus quartering them upon the public? Before this bill passed, he would allude to those bastards; and he would bring the question relating to them more particularly before the House. It was always considered that example did a great deal, either in the way of evil or of good: would it be said that such an example as that he had alluded to, set by men in high life, effected no evil? Did it redound to their honour or credit to breed bastards, and whole troops of bastards, and afterwards to quarter them on the = Would it be said that the money which was extracted from the abouring people of this country, should go to keep those bastards in splendour and magnificence, while the people themselves were threatened with such a cruel clause as this for having any bastards at all? He had called the clause a cruel one; but he might have spared the epithet, for he knew that such a clause never could be executed. A clause like that might indeed pass the House, but did they think that it would be executed while they had bastards in high life supported in splendid style out of the public purse ? Colonel Torrens thought the clause ineffectual, and would there- fore vote for expunging it. Lord Howick supported it. He had no fear that the crime of in- fanticide would be increased by its operation. He would mention, from undoubted authority, a fact to show that nothing of the kind was to be apprehended. In the town of Maestricht, a foundling hospital formerly existed, into which illegitimate children were received without inquiry. Notwithstanding great doubts were entertained and expressed as to infanticide, and all those other evils which had been dwelt upon by the Member for Worcester and others, that hos- pital had recently been closed ; and it was found, on an examination subsequently taken, that instead of infanticide having increased, a diminution had taken place in the number of births of illegitimate children, in the ratio of 100 to 60. After several other Members had spoken briefly for and against Mr. Robinson’s amendment, it was rejected, on a division, by 114 to 33; and the clause was ordered to stand part of the bill. Clause 70th was then agreed to; and clause 7Ist, after an amendment by Lord
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576 THE SPECTATOR. Attuorp, which makes the settlement of the child follow that of the mother, was also passed. Clause 72d was struck out, after some discussion. Mr. Coxzert proposed that the following proviso be added to the 73d clause, amidst much laughter. “ Provided always, that in the manner aforesaid (as directed in the clause), the fathers, grandfathers, mothers, grandmothers, child, or children, of any person who is on the Pension-list, the Sinecurist list, the list of Retired Allowances, the list of Widows’ Pensions, the Compassionate Fund list, or avy other list of persons receiving, without reudering services, the money wrested in taxes from the working people; such fathers, grandfathers, mothers, grandmothers, child, or children, being persons of sub- stance, shall be liable or compellable to yield relief or maintenance to such person or ny ay in receipt of such pensions, under all the penalties or forfeitures provided for y the act of the 43d of Elizabeth.” Lord ALTuoRP opposed the amendment; which was rejected by 112 to 17; and the clause was agreed to. The several clauses from 74th to 93d were passed, with the exception of the 88th, which was postponed. The original clauses of the bill being now disposed of, Lord Ariorer moved four additional ones ; which he explained as follows— The Ist was to prevent the Commissioners and Assistant Commissioners from sitting in Parliament. The 24 was to limit the operation of the act, as far as the Commis- siouers were concerned, to a period of five years. The 3d enacted that the general rules framed by the Commissioners should be laid before Parliament, and that the orders and regulations of the Assistant Commissioners should be approved and sealed by the Central Board. The 4th was, that the bonds and securities which, under an act of George the Third, were made personal, should be exempted from stamp-duties, After a brief discussion, these clauses were added to the bill. Lord Dartincton moved another clause— “ That in future all tenements shall be considered as rateable property; but that in all cases where the rent did not amount to 10/. per annum, the owners, and not the oc- eupiers, should be made chargeable to the assessment.” Sir Joun CAMPBELL moved as an amendment— “ That in all property, the rent of whicli was under 10/,, the owner of the"property and not the occupier should be assessed,” As this would interfere with the scot and lot boroughs, he would propose a proviso to prevent such interference with the rights of electors in those boroughs. The Committee divided : for the clause as moved by Lord Darling- ton, 55; for Sir John Campbell’s amendment, 69; majority, 14. A proviso, moved by Mr. G. W. Woon, to the effect that where an assessment under 10. had been laid on the landlord, he should have the power of compounding with the overseers for one half, was rejected, on a division, by 89 to 35. The Chairman then repeated progress, and obtained leave to sit again this day. 2. ApMIssIoNn oF DissENTERS TO THE UNIVERSITIES. The House of Commons had a long debate, last night, on Mr. G. W. Woon’s motion that the bill for admitting Dissenters to the Univer- sities be reada second time. Mr. Esrcourr moved, that it be read a second time that day six months; and Mr. Herpenr seconded the amendment; which was supported by Mr. Wynn, Mr. Gout- BURN, Sir Roserr Ines, Sir Roperr PeEL, and Lord Sanpon. Mr. Prerer, Mr. Poutrer, Mr. Ewanr, Mr. Evwarp Buuser, Mr. Sprinc Rice, Mr. Stantey, Lord Aurucrr, and Mr. O’ConneE.t, spoke in favour of the second reading. There was very little novelty in the arguments adduced on either side. It was contended by the opponents of the measure, that it was only one of a number aimed at the subversion of the Established Church ; that now was the time to make astand against the Dissenters, whose ultimate views had been clearly developed in their late petitions, declarations, and speeches in that House; that it was evident the reli- gious education of the Universities must be abandoned if the Dissenters were admitted, for it was absurd to admit them and then compel their attendance upon Church worship; that consequently the different col- leges must be prevented from making any regulation to enforce at- tendance upon public worship. It was contended also, that the Universities were strictly theological institutions; and that to admit Dissenters to degrees which would give them the power of interfering in the government of the Universities, would be a direct attack upon the Established religion. On the other hand, it was strenuously denied by the supporters of the bill, that any intention existed of injuring the Church. It was simply asked, that Dissenters should be admitted to the advantages of a University education, from which they were now excluded. ‘Their power to hurt the Establishment would not-be increased by this con- cession. At present, not only did the Universities wish to exclude Dissenters, but they endeavcured to prevent the establishment of in- stitutions on a more liberal plan,—thus saying, we will not educate you, and you shall not educate yourselves. It was absurd to call the Universities religious institutions. No student was obliged to attend the Divinity lectures. Lord Atruorr excited a laugh by declaring, that he had personally benefited very little by the religious instruction he received at College. Mr. PryMe said, that it was usual in Divinity examinations at Cambridge to allow the student to pass over questions which he was not prepared to answer. Altogether, the notion that cither Oxford or Cambridge were institutions essentially religious, was absurd and unfounded. Mr. SranLey said, that circumstances had altered since he declared his concurrence in the Cambridge petition. Since then, the ultimate ob- jects of the Dissenters had become manifest ; und they were such as he, | a sincere friend to the Church, must strenuously oppose. — Still, he was prepared to support the principle of the bill; but he could not support its clauses ; and unless they were so modified as to prevent Dissenters | from exercising those powers in the government of the College which Masters of Arts and others belonging to the Establishment possessed, | he would vote against the third reading. In the course of his speech, | he expressed his wish that the practice of signing the Thirty-nine Articles at Oxford were abolished; for he could not agree to the gloss which had been put upon the signing of those Articles, as if it were a mere matter of form. Lord AtruHorr also intimated, that some of the clauses of the bill must be modified. Dissenters should be exempted froin attending Church worship, (though Mr. G. Wood did nut wish for the exemp- tion). He would also prevent their interference in the government of the different colleges. | | \ ae esnapena tit acai, Mr. O'ConneEtu delivered the only interesting speech of the debate, He warned the High Church party, that they could not get up the cry of “ No Dissenters” in that House ; and as for the Catholics, they were little interested as such in the present measure ; therefore the old cry of ‘** No Popery” would also fail them. _ He had but very little respect for any party who would attempt to get back into power upon a cry of * No Dissenters ;” yet a man must be blind, not to see that there was such a party in that House. Here, however, it would not an. swer. Tom-foolery would not tell there—( Immense cheering)—although to listen to the speeches they had heard that night, one might almost have fancied that one of the grave Doctors of Oxford was suddenly transported thither from the more congenial soil where they had lately figured. Oh, how gloriously consistent were these élite of wisdom! Think of a whiskered hussar in a doc- tor’s cap and gown preaching morality. (‘ Order!” and great cheers.) Surely the House must catch new enthusiasm from the vociferous shouts of beardless bigots. (‘*Hear, hear, hear !”) He pitied the party who, in the echo of these shouts, aided by ancient drivellers and dreamers of bygone intolerance, . . . . ° " eas Vo fondly imagined themselves listening to the voice of public opinion. (Loud cheers.) The opposition to this bill proceeded from mere fanaticism; but it was pecuniary fanaticism—the piety of the pocket. He had seen a proclamation headed Winchilsea and Nottingham. ( Laughter.) It was a most amusing one. It praised the Dissenters to the skies, as helding the pure doctrines of Christianity ; and called on them to join al! their influence against Infidelity, Scepticism, and Popery. (Laughter.) = Tempora mutan- tur. In looking back to “* The Parliamentary Register ” of 1828, he found a speech headed ** Earl of Winchilsea””— whether the same Earl whose name he had recently seen figuring in the papers, he knew not. That Earl of Winchil- sea, however, remarked of the Dissenters, that he found them all claiming credit for a belief in Christianity, but he would state, and could positively affirm, that some of them were no more entitled to the appellation of Christians than the followers of Mahomet—( Great laughter )—indeed not so much; for whilst the former denied the existence of Christ, the latter believed in it. Mr. Woop briefly replied, and the House divided: for the second reading, 321; against it, 147; majority, 174. The bill was then read a second time. 3. AMENDMENT OF THE ReEForm Act. On Thursday, Colonel Evans moved the following resolution— “ That this House deems it expedient to repeal or mitigate such clauses of the Re. form Act as have been found to have an unexpected restrictive operation, particularly those regarding the payment of rates and taxes; and that a revision of the Reform Act with this view is the more urgent, because the new constituency has been found to fall short, by almost half a million of voters, of the number Government contemplaied, and the public were led to expect ; because the present House of Commone comprises about the same number of family representatives of the hereditary branch of the Legis- lature, and about the same number of placemen, pensioners, or sinceurists, and other dependents of the Crown, which were to be found in the Unreformed Parliament which preceded it; because it is vain to expect an independent line of conduct from a Parlia- ment coutaining so large a proportion as 169 Members who are in the receipt of 150,000/. per annum of the public money; and finally, because this House has in effect entirely failed to satisfy the just expectations of the public.” His object was to give full effect to the understood intention of the Reform Act. Payment of rent might as well have been made a qua- lification for voting, as payment of rates and taxes; and indeed, but for the exertions of Sir Edward Sugden, it would have beenso made. The payment of rates had formerly been the instrument of corruption; and it was to be feared that it would become so zxgain. Attornies would pay the rates of the poor, on the understanding that they should vote at an election for the candidate presented to them. It was calculated by Lord John Russell, that the Reform Act would create a million of voters ; but it turned out that the numbers actually entitled to vote were little more than half a million. There was still, within three, the same number of placemen, pensioners, and sinccurists, in the pre- sent as in the former Parliament. Mr. Hume seconded the motion; though he was not awere, uatil he heard it read, of the precise nature of the resolution. ‘Ihe restriction on the right of voting, which it was proposed to do away with, was un- justifiable on principle, rather than on account of the pecuniary pay- meni it required. He knew that in one parish alone, 1580 persons had abandoned their right of voting owing to this clause. Lord ALtHore (who spoke in his usual low tone of voice, so that the reporters are unable to say whether they give what he said correctly or not) was understood to remark, that he was not surprised at Colonel Evans’s bringing forward the resolution he bad offered; but he was surprised that Mr. Hume should second such resolutions without having previously perused them. He did not think it desirable that the House should attempt to modify the Reform Act. ‘That an alte- ration in the mode of registration was to be made, could not be held a justification of such an alteration as Colonel Evans proposed. The principle of making the elective franchise depend on the payment of rates and taxes, was not a new principle in our system. It was part of the old scot and lot system. The object of the framers of the Reform Bill, after making a 10/. occupancy the basis of the elective franchise, was to prevent that standard from being evaded. With that view, this clause and these restrictions were in- troduced. He thought that after Parliament had declared that a 102. occupancy should give a vote in boroughs, it was essentially necessary that the occupancy should be bond jide. From the experience which he had derived from the re- sult of the last general election, he was convinced more than he was before it, that the franchise which the Government had selected was the proper franchise. lle did not see any objection to the eldest sons of Peers occupying seats in that House. The people were free to choose or not to choose them ; and the same might be said with regard to placemen and pen- sioners; the number of whom, having seats in the House, Lord Al- thorp was surprised to find so great. As regarded the alleged dissatis- faction of the country with the conduct of the House, he differed with Colonel Evans; who, as he generally voted in a Minority, was very apt tu fancy that more persons agreed with him, out of doors, than actually did. Mr. Rorsvucx supported the resolution. That clause compelled every 102. houscholder to pay his rates and taxes on & certain day, if he wished to enjoy the right of suffrage. Now, if a mau did not pay those rates and taxes by a certain day, he lost his suffrage ; but the state did not lose its revenue, for it made him pay its taxes afterwards; and that being the ease, the individual ought, in his opinion, to retain his right of voting. The only advantage, if advantage it could be called, of this clause, was its tendency t0 narrow the constituency, and to place the suffrage in the hands of a few persons for their own benefit and for the injury of the many. He complained that the noble Lord opposite, by placing this clause in the bill, had placed in it a ruining ar
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— eer |! Se 8 oe «we ae «(Ce ae * we wom ¢ Sa eS as —_ THE SPECTATOR. 577 principle. When distress pervaded the country, the poorer class of voters would of necessity be most anxious to make their cries heard by the Legislature; and yet at that very time, most of them would be disfranchised by their incapacity to pay their rates and taxes. Why, he would ask, should the poor at that time be disfranchised ?_ Did Lord Althorp suppose that, if distress fell cn the poorer electors, that distress deprived them of the education, the intelligence, and the probity, which they possessed in the year before? And yet, owing to accidents, over which a man might have no control, an individual who enjoyed comfort one year might be reduced to great inconvenience the next; and then his sufferings were to be aggravated by the noble Lord’s telling him—* You are deprived of your status ; you are no freeman; you are poor, therefore your elective fran- chise shall be taken from yon.” Mr. O’ConnELt contended that the misconduct of the overseer at Cambridge, who omitted to register claimants who had paid their rates, and by which omission seventy voters were disfranchised, proved the necessity of amending this clause. There was no election on the result of which the fate of the Government, and he might perhaps say of the country, depended so much as on that at Cambridge. It was quite clear that this number might have turned the trepidating scale either way. After the spectacle of public buffoonery which had been exhibited in all manners of ways at Oxford—( oud Crics of “* Hear !”)—in order to in- fluence public opinion against the Governinent, he knew not what might have been the effect of a real and substantial victory over it at Cambridge. The numbers of the constituency were extremely narrowed in many places by the operation of the clause. In Harwich there were only 170, and in Portarlington only 100 voters. He really believed that we owed the Reform Bill to accident more than intention. The Administration now in power succeeded in acquiring office owing to the imprudent and uncalled-for declaration of the Duke of Wellington against Re- form. The Oligarchy there made a mistake; but those who succeeded it found that they could not avail themselves of that mistake unless they obtained the advantage of popular aid. They got that aid; and then they acted upon the principle of giving to the people as little reform as they could to suit their own purposes. Even that little reform they clogged with restrictions ; and iio re- striction could be more effectual for their object than that of making the payment of rates and taxes a preliminary to the possession of the elective franchise. Owing to that restriction, the amount of the constituent body was hourly di- minishing throughout the country; and there was not, he believed, a single bo- rough in the kingdom in which the constituency had not been regularly decreas- ing from the passing of the Reform Act down to the present hour. Mr. T. Artwoop said, that in Birmingham there were only 460% instead of 18,000 voters, the number anticipated when the Reform bill was under discussion. He would support the resolution, because the Reform Act was a fraud on the people, and had not given them half the liberty and prosperity they had a right to expect. Lord Joun Russet corrected Mr. Attwood: he had stated that Birmingham would have 5000, not 18,000 voters ; and it turned out that there were 4000. He had an odd notion, that what Mr. Attwood called prosperity, was only anothername for the 1. notes. (Laughter. ) He was prepared to stand by the Reform Bill, and not to carry the measure further, After a few words from Mr. O’ConnELt and Mr. A. Butwer, Colonel Evans's resolution was negatived, by 124 to 37. 4. Rizanp Travr or Covenrry; Pronisrrory Durtes. In the House of Peers, on Tuesday, Lord Srrancrorp presented some petitions from the riband-manufacturers of Coventry, who are in extreme distress owing to the badness of trade, which they and Lord Strangford attribute to the introduction of French ribands. The case of the riband-mukers was represented as different from that of the other silk-manufacturers ; and it was declared that nothing less than prohibition of the foreign article could relieve them. Lord Strangford expressed himself as decidedly opposed to the free trade system generally, He moved that the petitions be referred to a Select Committee. Lord AvckLanp opposed the motion. He said that the silk trade generally was prosperous, though the troubles in the American money market had been felt severely at Coventry and other places. It was his opinion that smuggling would follow an increase of the present duties on silks. After a few words from the Duke of WetLrincron, the motion was negatived, without a division. On Thursday, this subject was brought before the House of Com- mons, by Mr. H. Buiwer, who moved for leave to bring in a bill to protect the riband trede by means of prohibition. He gave several details illustrating the ruinous state of the business at Coventry ; and contended that the manufacturers ought to be protected, unless the Corn-laws were abolished, and the prohibition on the necessaries of life was taken off. Mr. Ducpatr and Sir Earpiry Wi.Mor supported the motion. The distress of the manufacturers was, Mr. Dugdale asserted, entirely caused by the free trade system. Mr. Extice would not, in his peculiar situation, oppose the motion, though he entirely disapproved of it. Any measure which would really give relief to the sufferers he would gladly do his best to sup- port. But prohibition would do no good; it would only increase smug- gling ; to prevent which, a recourse must be had to measures which other classes of the community would not endure. They must go back to all the old penal statutes. They must have recourse to search-warrants to search every shop in England; and they must have recourse to excise informations, supported upon very doubtful evidence, 2s to whether the article had been made in England or in France. He would ask Mr. Bulwer, whether he thought it possible that all the other classes of the community, that all the other trades and manufactures throughout the country, would, for the take of this particular trade, submit to the erection of such an inquisitorial power ? Mr. Rostnson said, that if the manufacturers were to suffer from the free trade policy of Ministers, in God’s name let them have cheap bread and cheap food. Mr. Pouterr Tuomson observed, that the House had to deal with Mr. Bulwer’s motion to support the riband trade by prohibition, and with that question alone. Mr. Dugdale had spoken of free trade, as if that were the cause of the riband- weavers’ distress. Why, this very article of ribands had at this moment a protecting-duty of from 40 to 60 percent.! But would it be wise to give the complainants what they asked for—to give them a prohibition which it would be absolutely im- possible to enforce against the smuggler? How would they execute such a law, if passed? Would they strip ladies in the streets, if the found French ribands on them ? How could they distinguish Frene from English ribands? He attributed much of the existing distress to changes of fashion ; and to the removal of the trade to Manchester and other places, which the Legislature could not prevent. Mr. Hume could not help reminding Mr. Bulwer, that his consti- tuents stood in the peculiar situation of having refused to admit im- proved machinery. This was not only proved by the evidence taken before the Silk Committee, but also that those machines which had been partially introduced by a few in- dividuals were destroyed, and combinations existed ; until at last the evils fell upon those with whom this opposition to improvement originate. Mr. T. Arrwoop supported, and Mr. Cray, Lord Duptry Stuart, Mr. Finca, and Mr. Brocktenurst, opposed Mr. Bulwer’s motion. The House then divided: for leave to bring in the bill, 22; against it, 128; majority, 106. 5, AMENDMENT OF THE Beer Act. At the morning sitting of the House of Commons, on Thursday, Sir Edward Knatchbull’s bill for amending the act regulating the sale of beer was discussed in Committee; Mr. Pryme in the chair. Sir Epwarp Kyatcnnuu said, that the principles of his bill had been so fully and repeatedly discussed, that he would not on this occa~ sion detain the House with any general remarks. He had received lately much additional important information on the subject, which had induced him to alter several clauses of the bill. He should first move to substitute for the first clause the following— “That from and after the commencement of this act, it shall be lawfal for the Com missioners of Excise, or other persons duly authorized, to grant lice nees for the sale of beer, ale, porter, cider, or perry, under the provisions of the said recited act, to any per- son applying for the same; but that such licence shall not auth the persons ob- taining it to sell beer, ale, porter, cider or perry, to be druuk o1 consumed in the house or on the premises.” The first clause having been struck out by consent, the new one was put from the chair. ; Mr. Waksurron opposed it. The attempt to prevent the consump- tion of beer on the premises would be quite ineffectual. The retailer of beer would only have to make an agreement with a neighbour to permit its being consumed on his premises, and thus the intent of the clause would be evaded. He moved to amend the clause, by striking out that part of it which prohibited beer being drunk on the premises where it was sold. A long debate ensued; in which Mr. Parrort, Major Hanpvey, Sir Grorce StrickLanp, Mr. Caytey, Mr. Witxs, Mr. Hume, and Mr. Fysue Paumer, supported the amendment. Mr. Humr said— As the House was legislating for poor persons, they ought to consider their wants with reference to the situation they held in society. Suppose a House of Commons composed of such persons who principally consumed the beer at these houses, the first thing they would do would be to put down club houses, be- cause they encouraged gambling; they would not do any thing that would cur~ tail their own enjoyments. He put it therefore to the House, whether they would consent to deprive the poor man of the little enjoyment he obtained at the beer-shop after his work was concluded. Mr. F’'ysur Patmer considered the evidence given before the Beer Committee as absolutely worth nothing, especially that which proceeded from some of his brother Magistrates. ‘The reports founded on such evidence were worth nothing at all. Every crime in the calendar was traced by them to the Beer Bill; sheep- stealing was never heard of before; in fact, no vice, no demoralization, was ever known in the country, according to their opinions, until the Beer Bill came into operation. He confessed he did not think the evidence of persons who viewed the matter through such a medium was much tobe regarded. The House had some experience of what might be expected from prohibiting the consumption of beer on the premises. It was well known, that when the prohibition existed, beer was purchased at one house, and the people met at another and drank it: benches were placed even by the road-side, a plot of ground was staked round with hurdles uot more than twenty yards from the beer shop, and there the beer was consumed. Could the consumption of beer on the premises be attended with worse effects than these ? Beer was a great deal better now than it used to be,—a fact he knew himself, for he frequently tasted it; and the reason was obvious. Under the old system, it was the practice in Berkshire of all the great brewers, within a tract of country comprehending forty miles in width and fifty in length, to meet once every week to determine what the price and quality of the beer should be for the next weck ; and the contract which was then entered into was never known to be broken. _ A stranger could never get in among them ; and the consequence was, that the people had to drink the most infernal beverage that ever was brewed. The brewers all made fortunes, because nobody else could obtain a living by the sale of beer in that district. On the other hand, it was contended by Mr. Tennyson, Mr- Staney, Mr. H. Hanptry, Mr. Heatrnucore, Mr. Parker, Mr. Benerr, and Sir Joun Sennicurt, that the Beer Act had produced infinite mischief and demoralization; that the present measure would. go a great way to remedy the evil; and that some such remedy was loudly demz:ded by the nation. The Co nmittee divided, and rejected Mr. Warburton’s amendment, by 141 to 23. Mr. Il. Haypixy proposed another amendment to the same clause ; the discussion on which was interrupted by the arrival of three o'clock. In the evening, it was agreed that the Committee should be post- poned to the 9th July. 6. Barrie or Navarino. Sir Epwanp Coprincton moved, on Tuesday, that the House “ re- solve it-clf into a Committee, for the purpose of examining into the propricty of an address to his Majesty, humbly requesting that he will be graciously pleased to take into his consideration the claims for pecu- niary recompense of the officers, seamen, and royal marines engaged in the battle of Navarino, on the 20th of October 1827.” Sir Edward related the cireumstances which had rendered it necessary for him to bring this subject before the House. He had applied to the Admiralty for compensation {for the loss the men had sustained in the action, and had been informed that he might draw for head-money. He was after- wards called upon to answer certain questions as to how the action commenced ; and the result was, that the money was refused. He had
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578 THE SPECTATOR. sent a memorial to the Admiralty on the subject. ‘Lhis document reached Sir George Cockburn and Mr. Croker; but after they had feftthe Admiralty, no record of it was ‘to be found, By the kindness of his Majesty, then Lord High Admiral, he obtained an official copy of the memorial ; and again memorialized the Board by duplicate; but was told, that head-money never was granted when an action occurred before a declaration of war. ‘They quibbled about the word “ head- money: ” his object was to compeiisate the men for their losses, and it mattered not whether the money was called a compensation, Royal grant, or any thing else. 4 Shortly afterwards, the Lord High Admiral became King ; and he obtained ah audience of his Majesty, when he received the Royal commands to present a memorial to the King. The present Government declared that they saw no reason to depart from the devision of their predecessors. Subsequently, he asked another audience of his Majesty, and under the Royal command presented a memorial to the King in Council. In all these proceedings, he had only acted in compliance with his Majesty’s commands, which it was impossible f r him to disobey. It being known to the fleet that it was the wish of the Lord High Admi- ral to give head- money as an allowance for clothes, he had pledged that illustrious individual’s name to the parties interested, in proof that their claims would be attended to; and he now submitted, that such a pledge ought not to be violated. Tf any gentleman opposed the present motion, let it be understood that he was not resisting the will of its immediate proposer, but of the illustrious personage under whose commands he had acted from the beginning to the end of the transaction. If the motion were negatived, his Majesty’s wish would be de- feated, and the Royal pledge would be rendered of no effect. Sir Edward then referred to the cases of Lord Exmouth at Algiers, and the old one of Sir John Byng, which he represented as being simi- lar to his own, and in both of them compensation was awarded to the sufferers. He was not actuated by personal or pecuniary motives in bringing thissubiect under the notice of the House. The pain, anxiety, and worry of mind that he had endured in prosecuting it hitherto, were such as no individual benefit to him- self could compensate for ; and he would have willingly abandoned the attempt had not a sense of duty compelled him to persevere. When he stated to his Majesty that he would with pleasure relinquish his own share of any compensa- tion, the King would not permit such a step; observing, “ You may be in a situation to relinquish it, but probably others will be differently citcumstanced.’» Mr. Bucktncuam seconded the motion. Jt was opposed by Mr. Lasovcuere and Lord ALTHORP; on the ground that the cireum- stances under which the action was fought, although it must be ad- mitted that it was a most gallant affair, highly creditable to the skill and bravery of Sir Edward and his fleet, were such as to render it in- expedient to depart from the strict course usually followed, by reward- ing those engaged at Navarino. The whole affair was truly described by Mr. Huskisson as a chance-medley; and the Government which sent Sir Edward out had no idea whatever of any such battle being fought. Sir F. Burpetr, Mr. Warsurton, Mr. O’Connett, Mr. E. J. Stanvey, Sir J. Sesnicut, Mr. G. F. Younc, Sir R. Paice, and Admiral ApAM, urged the Government to withdraw their opposition to the motion; and spoke in high terms of Sir Edward Codrington’s gallantry and disinterestedness of conduct, in resigning his own claims, while he strongly and perseveringly advocated those of his officers and men. Sir Francis Burpettr said— _ Hever there was a case clearly made out, as founded upon the principles of wstice and policy, and the granting of which was called for by the best interests of the country and of:the service, it was the case which had been with so much manliness, and with so much modesty, brought forward by the gallant Admiral on behalf of his brave companions in arms. — It could not be that the rule was unbending on this subject. Buteven if it were so, and that it was to be assumed that the gallant Admiral had exceeded his instructions, yet were the men placed under his command to suffer on that account? Let them cousider for a moment the difficult situation in which the gallant Admiral was placed. Tf he had acted with a little less spirit than he had done, he ran the risk of duing that which of all things would have been most unpalatable and unsatisfactory to the country — of casting ridicule on the fleet and arms of England ; which would certainly have been the case, and for which he would have incurred all the blame, if he had sailed back from Navarino. By the manner in which he acted, he carried into effect the views of the Government which had sent him out. If there was no precedent for granting a gratuity in this case, a pre« cedent ought to be made. They heard much and often of the faith of the country in reference to matters of far less moment. The faith of the country had been lately appealed to in re- ference to a treaty with the Bank of England, where a private understanding between the Government and a private set of speculators—an understanding which, he would venture to say, nobody could understand—was of such a nature that the law of the country must be altered and overturned in order to preserve what was called the public faith. Mr. Warsurton said— He had not heard any one suggest any other alternative than the course which the gallant Admiral had pursued on the occasion of the battle of Navarino. But even granting that the gallant Admiral had not acted correctly, why should the seamen be ineluded in his punishment? Let them, if they chose, except the gallant Admiral from any gratuity that was to be granted, and let him be called to that Court-martial of which they had often heard, if he had exceeded his orders. But why should the seamen suffer unjustly on that ac- count ? Mr. Hume doubted the propriety of granting the gratuity, and thus establishing a precedent, under the peculiar circumstances of the case. But he advised Lord Althorp to withdraw his objection, seeing what the general feeling of the House was. Lord Avruorpe finding that the House, with the exception of Mr. Hume, was against him, withdrew his opposition ; and the motion was carried. Sir Epwarp CoprincTon then moved that the House should resolve itself intoa Committee on this subject next Wednesday ; which motion was also carried. He was deeply sensible of the kind conduct of Lord Althorp on this eceasion. He kwew that the noble Lord’s personal feeling could not be opposed to the motion ; especially when he recollected that his brother, Captain Spencer was one of the officers engaged. He would only add, that he could assure the House that he could not have done otherwise at Navarino than he did. ( Cheers. ) 7. MisceELLANEOouS SuBJEcTs. Revewat oF THE Coercion Bitt. Earl Gary, in the House of Lords, and Lord ALrnorpr in the Commons, on Monday, declared the intention of Government to propose the renewal of the Coercion Bill for another year, with some modifications. Mr. O’CoNnNELL gave notice, that he should move that the House be called over every day on which the bill was brought under discussion, &% The subject was egain noticed in the House of Commons on Tues- day. Mr. Lirrieron, in reply to a question from Mr. O'ConneEtt, romised to lay on the table all the ducumentary evidence necessary to justify Ministers in proposing the renewal of the bill. Mr. O’Con- NELL then asked Lord Althorp, when the new Ministry had come to the determination of renewing the bill? To this question no direct answer was given. He then said, that it had been stated in the Irish papers, that Irish Members had been informed from authority, that the bill would be renewed; but he could state that Cabinet Ministers had stated the reverse. Recistration ; Dissenters’ Marriaces. Mr. Broucuam stated, on Wednesiay, in reply to a question from Mr. G. W. Woop, that Ministers had taken up his bill for the Registration of Births and Deaths, and therefore it would no doubt be carried this session. He feared that the session was too far advanced for bim to do more than bring in his Marriage Bill; but he should have it printed, and distri- buted through the country, so that the public opinion respecting it might be known. Epvucation tn Scottanp. Mr. Cotquuoun moved, on Tuesday, for leave to bring in a bill to allow 60,000/. annually for the support of parochial schools in Scotland. But, after some remarks from Mr. Hume and Lord ALrHorr,—who objected to the course of proceeding, and thought the subject should be referred to a Select Committee,— the motion was withdrawn. APPOINTMENT OF MinisTERS TO ScorcH Cuurcurs Briu. This bil] was read a third time in the House of Peers, on Monday, and passed, Lonpon AND WEstTMINSsTER Bank Britt. On the motion of Lord Brovucnam, on Monday, the further consideration of this bill was de- ferred, until the opinion of the Judges can be taken as to whether it is an infraction of existing statutes. If the Judges should be cf opinion that it is not, Kav] Grey said it would then be for the House to deter- mine whether to pass it was not an infraction of the bargain with the Bank. ABSENCE oF Law Lorps. A conversation arose last night, in which Lord ELpon complained of the absence of Law Lords, when judgment was given in cases before the House of Peers. He would give notice of a motion to prevent appeals being heard unless a certain number of Law Lords were present. He was anxious to see the business of the House carried on as it used to be. Lord Brovenam reminded Lord Eldon, that during his Chancellorship, he had repeatedly argued cases in the absence of Law Lords. ‘Two days ago, judgment was given in the absence of Law Lords, but in the presence of the Judges. Heand Lord Denman had been so particularly engeged in their respective Courts, that it was impossible for them to come to the House; and he had given notice of his own necessary absence. ‘To agree to such a motion as Lord ELpon proposed, would be a direct and impolitic acknowledgment that the members of that House, with a few excep- tions, were incompetent to the right performance of judicial functions. That would be a very awkward confession; for the Constitution—he would not say how wisely—had certainly made them alliudges. After a few words trom Earl Grey and the Duke of WrLtincron, the con- versation dropped. Prison Discirnine. Lord WHARNcIIFFE last night moved an ad- dress to the Crown, to appoint a Commission to inquire into the state of prisons. fe remarked upon the great increase of crime, and ex- pressed himself in favour of the Penitentiary system. Lord MEL- BOURNE said, that a gentleman had been sent to America to examine the prisons there. He hoped the motion would be withdrawn, at least until his report could be received. Lord Brovcuam said, the vast increase in population should be remembered, when the increase of crime was mentioned. He made some remarks on capital and secondary punishments, and expressed his doubts of the eflicacy of the present system of transportation. Lords Surrivi.p, LANsDoWNE, and Denman, and the Duke of Ricumonp, spoke a few words. ‘The latter was convinced that many prosecutions were now instituted merely for the sake of getting the costs. Crime had net been so much on the increase as was supposed. ‘The practice of committing a boy to prison for one day was very bad ; aswas also the long interval which sometimes elapsed between ‘the committal and trial of offenders. Ultimately, Lord Wuarnciirre withdrew his motion. Treatment oF Don Cantos. The Marquis of LoNDONDFRRY asked Earl Grey last night, in what manner Don Carlos had been re- ceived at Portsmouth; and if it were true that an Under-Secretary of State had been sent to him to persuade him to renounce his birthright? Earl Grey would only state in reply, that Don Carlos had been received as a Prince of the Blood Royzl of Spain; and that if Lord London- derry would make a distinct charge on the subject of his treatment, he should be ready to meet it. PREVENTION oF DuELiinc. The House of Commons was counted out at half-past eight on Tuesday, just as Mr. BuckincuamM was about to move for leave to bring in a bill to abolish duelling. New Writs. On Monday, new writs were ordered for Chatham, in the room of Colonel Maberly, who is appointed a Commissioner of Customs; and for the Elgin Burghs, for Colonel Leith Hay, who is made Clerk of the Ordnance, in the room of Colonel Maberly. Last night, writs were ordered for Finsbury and Kircudright, in the room of Mr. Robert Grant and Mr. Cutlar Fergusson. Che Court. Tue King and Queen spent the first part of the week at Windsor. They arrived in town on Wednesday; and soon afterwards the King held'a Levee. Several addresses were presented to his Majesty from different parts of the country, expressive of attachment to the Esta- blished Church, and of gratitude for his Majesty's late declaration on the subject to the Bishops. One of these addresses was from the nobility, clergy, and gentry, assembled at the Oxford Installation: it was signed by 2,095 persons, and presented by the Archbishop of Canterbury. In the evening, the King honoured the Duke of Wellington with his
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Se ae aS eS © » pany ve S C in THE SPECTATOR. 579 presence at dinnerat Apsley House; it being the anniversary day of the battle of Waterloo. ‘The Queen, accompanied by Prince George of Cambridge, her brother, the Duke of Saxe Meiningen, and the Karl of Denbigh, went to Covent Garden Theatre. The Queen held her last Drawing-room for the present season, on Thursday. It was attended as usual by the members of the Royal Family, the principal Officers of State and of the Household, and the Foreign Ambsssadors, with their ladies. The presentations both of ladies and gentlemen were numerous. The King and Queen, with a brilliant party, went to the Opera in the evening, and witnessed the performance of Z*Assedio di Corinto and La Sylphide. The Royal box was splendidly decorated, and their Majesties appeared in remarkably good health and spirits. They were warmly cheered by the audience, and remained till the conclusion of the ballet. The Metropolis. A deputation of noblemen and gentlemen, connected with Ireland, waited on the Archbishop of Armagh on Wednesday; and presented a declaration to his Grace, in which they expressed their attachment to the United Church of England and Ireland, and their determination to resist all changes in its liturgy, formularies, rites, and ceremonies. They called upon the Bishops and clergy to defend the Church of Christ by every means in their power, and faithfully maintain the dignity of their holy order. The Archbishop declared his own determi- nation, and that of his brethren, to maintain inviolate the holy apos- tolic Church of England and Ireland; in the full belief, nevertheless, that if it should please the Almighty “to permit the subsisting con- nexion between Church and State to be dissolved,” his ways will be justified to his children. [Not a word is to be found in the address, or reply, of sinecures, pluralities, tithes collected by the bayonet, and the other enormities of the Irish Church. ] The Unitarian congregation of Lewin’s Mead, Bristol, have presented an address to Earl Grey, in which they express their gratitude for his Lordship’s past services, and satisfaction with his measures both as re- gards the Dissenters and the general interests of the country. They consider it the duty of every one to “yield time and confidence” to Ministers ; and declare their disapprobation of the impatience and dis- trust manifested by some of the Dissenting body. ‘The tone of the address is such as Ministers of State are in the habit of hearing from humble dependents. A Court of Directors was held on Wednesday at the East India House; when Mr. Robert Grant was appointed Governor of Bombay. Lord Brougham, the Duke of Richmond, almost all the Judges, and several Members of Parliament, dined on Saturday, according to cus- tom, with the Sheriffs of Middlesex at the Vintners’ Hall. The anniversary dinner of the noblemen and gentlemen educated at Harrow School took place on Saturday; Mr. G. R. Dawson in the chair. It was proposed, by the Earl of Ripon, that a subscription for a public monument, in honour of the late master of the school, Dr. Drury should be entered into; which proposal was warmly seconded, and a considerable sum was collected for that object. Sir R. Peel was appointed President for the ensuing auniversary. The collection at St. Paul’s Cathedral, on the occasion of the late anniversary of the London Charity Schools, was upwards of 5941. ; being very considerably above the usual average. In the Court of Exchequer, on Tuesday, John Cleave was found guilty of publishing the Weekly Police Gazette, an unstamped news- paper; and on the same day, Mr. Hetherington was charged with sel- ling the People’s Conservative and the Poor Man’s Guardian. The Jury found a verdict for the Crown upon the Conservative, and for the defendant on the Poor Man’s Guardian. Hetherington said—“ I am glad of that, for it legalizes the publication. Lord Lyndhurst then ob- served—* Mr. Hetherington is anxious that it should be understood that the Jury do not think that the Poor Man's Guardian comes within the act.” Both of these defendants spoke at length, and abused the Government and Sir J. Campbell very roundly. The case of the King versus Lord Teynham and another, for a con- spiracy to defraud a Mr. Langford of 3000. and upwards, upon the pretence of procuring him a place under Government, was called on Tuesday, for a new trial; but no person appeared to prosecute, and a verdict of Not Guilty was returned. William Jackson, the supposed robber of the Bungay Bank, was re- examined at the Mansionhouse on Monday. The Cashier of the Bank swore positively to his having entered the Bank with him on the morn- ing of the robbery; when as usual, he opened the iron chests, &c., where the cash was kept. The whole amount taken was nearly four thousand pounds. Other persons from the neighbourhood of Bungay also recognized the prisoner. Norris and his wife denied having ever seen the prisoner, or that he had ever lodged in their house. Young Charles Norris also denied that he had ever seen him, or that he was the person who had forced him into the hackney-coach ; but a woman who lived in the same house with the Norrises, swore positively to the prisoner having lodged there, and to his having told her that young Norris had robbed him of a heavy sum. Another woman also identified the prisoner as a lodger at Norris’s. The backney-coachman, who had carried off Norris, swore positively that he acted in the aftuir by the prisoner's direction; that Norris had given a false account of it; and that the prisoner had told him he had been robbed of 5001. The pri- soner was again remanded. At the Thames Police-office, on Wednesday, the captain of the steam--boat Adelaide, which has recently been running between Hunger- ford Market and Greenwich for the conveyance of passengers, to the great injury and annoyance of the Thames watermen, was fined 5l. under a by-law of the Watermen’s Company, for acting as master of the steam-hoat without being duly approved and licensed by the Watermen’s Company. It is understood that this verdict will go to put a stop to any further steam conveyance to Greenwich; as it is the intention of the Watermen’s Company not to grant a licence to any steam-boat which shall run to Greenwich. ; A Mr. James, a schoolmaster in Whitecross Street, was fined fifteen shillings and costs, at the Worship Street Office, on Wednesday, for striking one of his scholars, a child of between four and five years of age, so as to knock him off his seat, and make bis ear a “ complete mas@ of black and blue.” Lieutenant Parry, of the First Regiment of Life Guards, was drowned on Tuesday, in the Serpentine River, which he had attempted for a wager to swim across, in his clothes The wife of Thomas Benson, livery lace-maker, of Great Queem Street, Lincoln’s Inn Fields, being suddenly taken ill on ‘Thursday morning last week, to all appearance expired ; and when every symptom of life had fled, the body was duly laid out. The husband, hoping for a little consolation in his distress from some money which he had reas | son to believe she had secreted from him in her lifetime, began to search for it; and in the course of the evening found upwards of 70%, principally in silver, in a rusty tin box depesited in an old birdcage im the cellar. The following night, between nine and ten, whilst the un= dertaker was in the house receiving instructions for the funeral, to the astonishment and terror of the whole family, Mrs. Benson came dowét stairs, having been ina trance nearly thirty hours. Her situation has so terribly shocked her, that but faint hopes are entertained of her recovery. On Monday morning, as two journeymen painters were employed itr the erection of a scaffold on the roof of the Herald’s College, one them, while in the act of tying two poles together, slipped off the board on which he was standing, and was precipitated into the street, from & height of between seventy and eighty feet, and killed on the spot, hie brains being sprinkled about the place in all directions. A dreadful fire broke out on Sunday night in Bishopsgate Street, which consumed nine houses. The Country. The candidates for Chatham are Captain Byng, the new Clerk of the Ordnance, and Mr. Ching, a Tory barrister. Mr. Erskine Perry was requested to stand; but not having the least chance of success, he declined going tothe poll. Out of 600 electors, it is said that 250 are im receipt of Government money, and 150 more indirectly dependent. In fact, Chatham is a Goverriment borough. As Mr. Abercromby was made Master of the Mint and appointed to a seat in the Cabinet, so Captain Byng may be said to have been made Clerk of the Ordnance and appointed to the representation of Chatham. Mr. Perry declares, in his address to the electors, seuaseaen tires “that influence of the worst kind is still all-powerful, and tha€ Government have got Chatham so completely in their hands, that they might return a Black footman, or any other lacquey they pleased to nominate. £ therefore will not lend myself to the farce of an election.” Why, he adds, do not the Whigs permit old Sarum and Gatton still to send in their representatives, without degrading and demoralizing the would-be independent electors of the new borough of Chatham? It is the intention of the Government to defer the granting of the charters to the newly-enfranchised boroughs, till the reforms are made in the existing charters, and to make one measure applicable to both.—+ Leeds Mercury. The Leeds Trades Union has been utterly dissolved. The fear o£ approaching starvation has compelled some thousands to return to their work and sign the masters’ declaration; with a mental reservation, however, to take the first favourable opportunity of striking again. Brighton was visited on Saturday last with a most violent storm of wind, rain, and hail, with thunder and lightning. The Brightor Gazette describes it— « The hailstones which at first fell were about the size of marbles, but others soon followed which were as large as walnuts. The noise they made in the streets was like that which would be caused by a fall of pebbles; and several persons received considerable injury from the force with which they descended. Some of the hailstones measured, as we are told, from eight to twelve inches im circumference, and few of them which fell during the latter period of the storm were less than an inch and a half long and an inch thick. As they struck the pavement they were coinpletely flattened on one side. The storm continued to rage violently for about an hour, when it gradually subsided and died away toe wards the north-east. It arose in the south-east, and was consequently most felt on the Marine Parade, and in the houses at the east part of the town which front that quarter. The great quantity of glass that is broken will not appear incredible, when we state that many of the immense hailstones which demolished the panes, descended with such violence as merely to perforate the glass, not to shatter it.” The damage to the windows is estimated at upwards of 30001. Ia some of the hothouses and graperies, thousands of panes have been broken, and much damage done to the fruit and plants. Twelve hun- dred panes and upwards were broken at the Palace; but not a single pane of plate glass has been injured. A Court-martial was held on Monday, at Portsmouth, on board his Majesty’s ship Victory, before Sir F. Maitland, President, and Cap- tains Fanshawe, Williams, Harcourt, and Hastings, to try Lieutenant de Saumarez for floggingaseaman. ‘The Court fully acquitted Lieutenant de Saumarez of acting contrary to the general rules of the service. A considerable number of the inhabitants of Dover met in the Town-hail of that place on Tuesday, and determined to commence & railway to London, which has for some time been in contemplation. Many shares were taken, and there is a prospect of the scheme being carried through in a spirited manner. ‘The plans are in a state of for- wardness. The new Government packets from Dover to Calais, Ostend, and Boulogne, are of a superior description, and the charges for freight of carriages have been reduced one-third. The resort to Dover this season is uncommonly great. Mrs. Horne, the old lady who had been nearly three quarters of # century in the service of the Warwick family, and who died about ® week since, left upwards of thirty thousand pounds, which she amassed in gratuities received for showing the castle. On the Ist instant, a General Post letter was put into the Post-office at Atherham, addressed to Messrs. Stowe and Co., bankers, Londot which letter contained bank-notes and bills to the amount of upwa of 6000/. Part of the property consisted of a 500/. Bank of England note, a 5001. and a 800/. bank-note of the Branch Bank at Liverpool, and a draft for 1450/,; the rest of the amount was in bills. This letter
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580 _— was not delivered ; and a reward has been offered for the recovery of the property, or the conviction of the offenders. The father of Mr, Powell, the young man who was last week killed on Ascot Race-course, shot himself through the head on Sunday even- ingat Dover. Verdict, “ Temporary Insanity.” The body of Martin, a well-known informer, who has been lately busy in bringing charges against the keepers of beerhouses in the Pot- teries was found lifeless on Tuesday morning, about two miles from Newcastle, on the Hanley road. On examination, it was discovered that a pistol-ball had perforated his loins, and his head and body were smashed as if with stones. ‘The scalp was broken, and one of his legs fractured. IRELAND, The Earl of Roden, in imitation of Lord Winchilsea, has addressed to his Protestant brethren of Ireland a letter on the present dangerous crisis of the Church. He is quite as much alarmed as his prototype at the idea of the Government being carried on in accordance with *‘ the spirit of the age ;’’ which in Ireland, he maintains, is hostile to Protestantism. He earnestly implores his countrymen of the true faith to send their petitions to the Legislature, claiming its defence of their holy religion. The letter is evidently the production of a sincere, but bigoted and weak-minded man. Dr. Doyle (whose decease was prematurely announced two weeks ago) died on Sunday, at Carlow. He lay during his illness on a narrow truckle bed, witha straw mattrass beneath him; and it would seem that bodily penance was added to his emaciating illness. SCOTLAND. Mr. Abercromby met a large body of the Edinburgh clectors on Monday, at the Waterloo Rooms. After some preliminary remarks, | he proceeded to give an account of the reasons which had induced bim | to accept office,—namely, the assurance he had received, and the con- fidence he felt of being able to render service to his country. At the same time, so far from his official situation being adverse to the right performance of his peculiar duties to his constituents, he thought that it would prove just the reverse. terms, that in future he must act with his colleagues; and though perfectly ready to answer questions relative to his past conduct, he could only speak generally as to his future intentions. be to remove what was wrong, to make that which remained durable by rendering it pure. On all questions, he should support what he con- ceived to be the end and aim of the Reform Act, “ gradually to reform all abuses, and to act in unison with the wishes of the great body of the people.” Mr. Abercromby was cordially cheered during his speech. The day of his nomination, and on this occasion of his election, is fixed for Monday next. Miscellaneous. He warned the electors in distinct | THE SPECTATOR: fairly on Thursday night. The House of Commons ought to have examined the evidence that has been laid on its table, and be prepared t» address the Crown, at once, to act upon it; unless that evidence can be proved to be false, and the recommendations of the Commissioners ill-considered. But we presume that there is no hope of such prompt proceedings. The Lords of the Treasury have the fear of Sir Francis FREELING before their eyes ; and the majority of the House would not for all the world disoblige a Lord of the Treasury. What is the la- boriously-collected evidence of the Revenue Commissioners, when weighed in the balance against the assertions and the sneers of Mr. Vernon SmitH? On the authority of this great financier and experi- enced man of business, Government intend to oppose the motion of Mr. WALLACE, notwithstanding the bait held out to them, of providing comfortable Commissionerships for another batch of their partisans. We hope Mr. Watvace will insist upon knowing what has actually heen done by the Duke of RicumMonp and his subalterns—what actual foundation he had for his profuse complimenting of that noble person last week? We suspect he will find on Thursday, that he has “ hal- looed before he is owt of the wood.” We are glad to be able to inform our readers, that an opportunity will occur ina few days for obtaining full and accurate information concern- ing the New Colony of South Australia. A bill for erecting the new British Province,and authorizing his Majesty to appoint Com. missioners of Waste Lands and Emigration, has been brought into Parliament under the sanction of Government ; and the South Austra- lian Association will, we are informed, hold a public meeting next week, for the purpose of giving a minute explanation of the objects, plan, and prospects of the colony. A “house dinner” took place on Wednesday last at the Carlton Club, in which about fifty members of that exclusive body of indi- viduals dined together; Sir Robert Peel in the Chair. The Ho- nourable Buronet, till lately a political chrysalis, has recently cast off his exuvie, and again appeared in animated public life. Sir Robert Peel at this meeting declared his readiness and fitness for office, and that he had once again screwed his courage to the sticking-place, if cir- cumstances favoured the Tories and the cry of ‘ Church in danger” | should succeed.—Morning Chronicle, June 21. His principle would | The Marquis of Conyngham, brother-in-law of the Duke of Rich- | mond, and a very Moderate Whig, is appointed to the oflice of Post- master-General. Colonel Leith Hay, succeeds Colonel Maberly as Clerk of the Ordnance; the Colonel being promoted (?) to a Com- missionership of the Customs. Captain Byng is appointed to the vacant seat at the Treasury Board, and (as has already been stated) to the representation of Chatham, vice Maberly. Lord Anglesea’s interests are well taken care of in his absence ; both the Marquis of Conyngham and Captain Byng being his sons-in-law. We cannot say any thing in commendation of these appointments, with the doubtful exception of Colonel Hay’s. Men of business habits and information are two, have never given evidence of possessing such requisities. Certainly the Ministry derives no strength or advantage of any sort from their selection. There has been another fracas in the Cabinet. The cause of this new dissension was the appointment of the Marquis Conyngham to the Post-oftice. We understand that, in order to keep the Administration a little longer together, it has been found necessary to revoke the ap- pointment of the Noble 3 ar yuis.— Morning Post, June 21. The Courier of this evening positively denies the truth of this story. The same journal, in terms as precise as the answers to a bill in Chan- cery, asserts the utter falsehood of another statement of the Post—that Mr. GrorcEe Ponsonsy had been promised a Commissionership of Customs; and being disappointed in getting that office, was then offered the Auditorship of the Exchequer; a four hours’ apprentice- ship to the duties of which he was also said to have served. Mr. Pon- sonby has personally authorized the absolute contradiction in every particular of this “‘ manifest falsehood,” as the Courier terms it. The prosecution of the True Sun is one of the most disgraceful measures of the Whig Administration. Year after year, the leading | members of the Whig party, when in Opposition, denounced the gross | iniquity of the Law of Libel. a | scruple to use it as an instrument of vengeance against an Opposition wanted inthe Government; and the new placemen, at any rate the last | > J > Captain G. Gipps, Royal Engineers, is appointed Private Secretary | to the new First Lord of the Admiralty. Don Carlos and his suite have landed at Portsmouth. On leaving the Donegal, which conveyed him to this country, the Don delivered a speech expressive of gratitude to the officers for their kindness and attention. Sir F. Maitland, the Commander at Portsmouth, received the exiled Prince with due honour. It is said that he wishes to reside asa private gentleman in the vicinity of London; but his destination is not certainly known, nor the terms which the Government may choose to impose upon him. We had prepared an account of the curious trial which took place a few days ago in the Court of King's Bench, relative to the Copyright of the Song entitled “ The Old English Gentleman ;’ but are obliged by press of matter to exclude it till next week. oa = IOS TSC P POSTSCRIPT. Satrurpay NiGur. The Vienna Congress have transmitted instructions to the German Diet at Frankfort, to inform the British and French Ministers, that the military occupation of Frankfort, against which they had protested, | vile were disgusted with such conduct. | by their vote the punishment of those gentlemen. concerns the Diet alone; and being a mere internal affair, the right of | intervention assumed by England and France cannot be acknowledged. | Notwithstanding this jealousy of “ intervention,” Congress are deliberating on the steps to be taken, in consequence of the Quadripartite Treaty for settling the affairs of the Peninsula, in which the Northern Despots conceive that they have an undoubted right to interfere. Mr. WaLtace’s motion for a Commission to inquire into the state of the Post-office will come on next Thursday. If the House of Commons were not an unwieldy body, the majority of whose Members are quite incompetent to discharge their proper functions, there would be no occasion for such a measure as Mr. WaLiace recommends. The Revenue Commissioners’ Reports, the contents of which we have taken a good deal of trouble to analyze and digest, furnish a body of evidence ugainst the existing system of Post-oftice management, which has never been refuted ; and which we will venture to assert. Mr. VER- NON Smrru, with all his flippancy and presumption, will f.il to meet the Vienna | Yet their Attorney-General did not journalist, who dared to recommend a course of defensive resistance to taxes, substantially the same as that which one of the most estimable members of the Whig nobility, and which another Whig, the brother of the Lord Chancellor,had openly advocated when such a course was deemed advantageous to the interests of their party. All but the base and ser- An opportunity will be offered to Ministers, on Monday, to regain a portion of the credit which they lost on that occasion. A motion will be made by Mr. Feraus O’Con- Nor (who presented the petition of a public meeting on the subject) to address the Crown to remit the sentence pronounced upon Messrs. Granr and Beti—a sentence of imprisonment, for that which in the case of Earl Frrzwitt1am and Mr. Broucuam was deemed no offence, butameri*. After the recent declaration of the Lord Chancellor before the Libel Committee, that al/ Government prosecutions for libel were indefensible, and that the prosecution of the True Sun formed no ex- ception to that rule (for Sir Joun Camezect asked him the question in almost direct terms), it is hardly credible that Ministers will refuse to liberate the journalists, or that the House of Commons will sanction It is usual, on all such occasions, for Ministers to shelter themselves behind the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown; but in this instance, the Head of the Law, the foremost man in the Government, has avowed his opi- nion that the prosecution of the ZYrue Sun was improper. It is im- possible to exaggerate the odium which will rest upon Ministers, if, in the teeth of this declaration, they persist in refusing the only repara- tion in their power. MONEY MARKET. Srock ExcHance, Fripay AFTERNOON, The Eoglish Market has been heavy, and shown a disposition to decline. Consols for Account have been as low as 923 ; but close this afternoon at 925 —3 > at §- Money has been in demand ; but is likely to become more plentiful, as the Bank has given notice that the proprietors of the Dissented 4 per Cent. Stock ma receive their capital immediately upon allowing 3 per cent. discount to 10t October, at which time the payment becomes due. The business in the English Funds has not been extensive, and all the interest of the speculators and brokers seems centered in the Spanish Bond:. These S-curities have fluctuated between 524 and 484, and closed this afternoon at 493 50. Portuguese Regency Bonds have been at 704; have since fallen to 78, and close this afternoon at 78} 2 The other Foreign Securities are nearly at last week’s prices. A disposition was evinced, while the heaviness of the English Market continued, to sell Dute Bonds ; but the sales were not extensive, and the market has recovered its tone. Columbian Stock is not so high; having been at 55. The South American Stocks generally are rather in request.
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ee — oe A deputation from the Committee of the Spanish Bondholders had a con. ference yesterday with the Spanish Ambassador, and M. AuLenne, the Direc- tor of the Sinking Fund, who arrived in London Jast week from Madrid, for the purpose of arranging the recognition of Cortes Bonds. Nothing definite was arranged as to this important subject; but, after considerable discussion, the Spanish negotiators proposed that the present debt should be converted into a 6 per cent. Stock at arate of 50/. for every 100/. Cortes Bond, and that the overdue dividends, amounting to 52/7. 10s. per cent. should be converted into a deferred Stock, which is to bear an interest of | per cent. at the end of five years, and to increase annually in interest 1 per cent.; until at the end of ten years, both principal and interest will be converted into a 6 percent. Stock. Various calculations have been made as to the value which this arrangement would confer upon the Cortes Bonds ; but that there do not exist any precise data upon which to ground the estimate, may be inferred from the difference between the valuations; some placing the value as low as 46, and others elevating it to 62, and even 67. Conflicting statements of what occurred are afloat, and all given on the au- thority of members of the Committee, who have not, as was expected, published any report. From the opportunities we have had of ascertaining the feelings of the Bondholders on the subject of their claims, we are not inclined to think that the majority of them will be satisfied with any thing short of com- plete recognition. They say, and with justice, that any compromise will place them, who are more entitled to consideration from the present Government of Spain than any other class of the national creditors, and who have hitherto been the victims of their faith in Liberal institutions, in a worse situation than those creditors who by supplying the wants of the Camarilla have enabled it so long to resist the establishment of that system under which the nation is about to enter upon a new career of liberty and happiness. They ask, therefore, of the Cortes, to place them upon the same footing as all other national creditors, by an acknowledgment of the whole of their claims; and if, upon a review of the financial state of Spain, it be found that her pecun‘ary obligations are such as to drive her to a bankruptcy, such composition ought to be general, including all the creditors, and not to operate partially and unjustly upon any particular class of them. It is, however, idle to discuss as propositions proposals which can be considered as little more {than individual suggestions: all that can be predicated with certainty is, that, in some shape or other, the recognition of the Cortes Debt may be considered as secured. Saturpay, TWELvE o’cLock. The English market is totally inactive; and the little business doing in the Foreign Market has been confined to the Spanish Bonds, which have been at 50, 493, and are now 49} 3. Saturpay, Four o’ciocx. The only fluctuation which has occurred has been in Spanish Stock, which has been in demand at 49§ and 3, has touched 493, since receded to 493, and closes at 495 3. 3 per Cent. Consols,....«.. shut | Dutch 24 per Cents. ....... 523 Z Ditto for Account.......... 923 4 French 3 per Cents ........ -_— New 34 per Cent, Annuities shut Greek, 1833, 5 per Cents.... 105 Bank Stock...... erecceees 217 Mexican 6 per Cents....... 454 46 India Stock ..... Corescoces Portuguese 5 per Cents..... 7St Exchequer Bills.....+....+ 50 52 Do. Regency Scrip,5perCent 78 Belgian 5 per Cents........ 97} 84 Prussian. 1818, 5 per Cent... —— Brazilian 5 per Cents..... os 754 76 Russian, 1822 5 per Cent... 1064 Danish 3 per Cents......+. « Gat 75 494 ¢ Spanish, 1821, 5 per Cent... EAST INDIA SHIPPING. Arrived—At Gravesend, June 16th, Leslie Ogilby, Hogg, from Van Diemen’s Land; and 19th, Funchall, Ascough, from New South Wales, Off Falmouth, Mary Ann, Hornblow ; and Abberton, Shuttleworth, from Madras. At Liverpool, 13th, Amity, Scott, from Bombay. In the Clyde, 16th Fergus, Masson, from ditto. Sailed—Fiom] Gravesend, June 14th, Mansfield, Williams, for Van Diemen’s Land; Elphinstone, Dormett, for Madrass; and Adams, Mills, for the Cape; 15th, Bombay, Killaway, for China; 16th, Jean Graham, Thompson, for Singapore; 18th, Diana, Dudman, for Batavia; and 19th, Prince Regent, Aitkin, for New South Wales, SOME ACCOUNT OF LORD BROUGHAM’S EVIDENCE BEFORE THE LIBEL COMMITTEE. Lorp Brougham has been examined as a witness before the Select Committee on the Law of Libel. It is one of the beautiful anomalies, that while Committees on Private Business are open to all who please to walk in, the Public Committees are held in secret conclave; and the publication of evidence isa breach of privilege. We are therefore un- able to give a verbatim transcript of the Lord Chancellor’s evidence ; but enough has transpired indirectly to enable us to furnish some ec- count of it. We dare not say that the following is an exact epitome ; but we could lay a wager it is not far removed from the actual truth. Lord Brougham appears to have been as much puzzled as other people to give a correct definition of a libel. All the definitions he had ever seen were wanting in some requisites of a good logical definition. The same might almost be said of sedition. Horne Tooke, warped by his love of etymology, said that a libel was merely a “little book,” and that there was no such thing as that which lawyers call alibel: but he might as well have said that there is no such crime as forgery, because to forge is to beat iron into a form when it is red hot. Besides, libellus alone is not the English ‘libel:” that offence is signified by libellus famosus ; and there is a title in the Pandects ‘ De injuriis et libellis famosis.” The want, however, of a correct definition is not, after all, productive of much evil; for the Chancellor never knew of an instance of an indivi- dual being oppressed or a jury misled by the want of precision in the terms employed. The existing law, the Chancellor considers in many respects too leni- ent to the defendant. For example, spoken slander is frequently more injurious than written slander; yet, unless a person imputes to another an indictable offence, he is liable to no action at law. He may calla man a coward, knave, profligate, or adulterer, and escape: but if he had puta small part of this in writinz, and it is only read bya single person, an action will lie for libel. It is only or chiefly as regards what is called actions, that the law is too lenient to offenders: the criminal branch does not lean that way. Lord Brougham very much approves of the mode of proceeding by criminal information. It erects the Court of King’s Bench into a court of honour; for the complainant is obliged to deny on oath the charge which he declares to be libellous. There are many charges which cannot be disproved; and to bring an action, or to in- dict the aggressor, is useless. For want of evidence on the part of the defendant, a verdict may be gained with damages; but the cl a- racter of the plaintiff is not cleared; and to indict a person, is deemed almost the same as acknowledging the truth of the libel. Even the mode of proceeding by criminal information is not fair to the pro- secutor, when it is rendered necessary for him to clear himself of every tittle alleged against him. This rule bore hard upon a man who was charged in the same libel with embezzlement and usury: tub. st eacrArun 581 he cared nothing about the charge of usury, but wanted to disprove the peculation ; as, however, he could not deny the smaller offence, he left the Court as if the whole charge was true. This rule has in some degree been relaxed by the Court of King’s Bench. On the whole, the nole of proceeding by criminal information, Lord Brougham thinks by far the most satisfactory to persons defamed; although in another respect the law leans to the defendcn’, in giving him the privi- lege of swearing last, and not permitting counter affidavits by the pro- secutor to be putin. Sometimes, however, e nyictions cannot be had after the rule has been made absolute ; for the prosecutor, who has it all his own way upon paper, may not stand a viv i voce examination; and when such takes place, an acquittal is sometimes the result. The expense is not much larger in criminal proceedings than by action ;* and the prosecutor is not to blame because it is larger, as it is the Court, not he, that regulates the expense. Where there are contradictory affi- dayits, and the Court does not know which to believe, the best way is to send the case for trial. The greatest absurdity in the whole libel law, or in almost any branch of the law, is the denial of the right to give the truth in evidence. The truth should not be made decisive either in civil or criminal proceed. ings,—for in some cases the truth may be an aggravation. not a justi- fication of the libel; but it should be given in evi ence, and}the Court would judge whether it were an aggravation, a justification, or neutral. In almost every case, falsehood would be decisive of guilt: the truth might prove innocence, or it might not. Were the truth allowed to be given in evidence, proceedings by indictment would be as efficacious to prove the innocence of the calumniated party as criminal informations, except in those cases where it would be almost impossible for the de- fendant to prove the truth: then the only way for the prosecutor to purge himself, would be by making oath, as in criminal informations. The Stamp-duties upon Newspapers are one very great cause of the worst of libellous publications, both private and public. ‘The laws, ge- nerally, made to restrain the press, have a tendency to lessen the respect- ability of the persons engaged in that profession, and therefore todiminish the best description of security the public possesses against libels. There are two remarkable instances of injurious practices against the press, and therefore agi ist the public, whom they were designed to protect. One of them is one of the Six Acts of 1819, by which conviction on a second offence is made punishable by banishment,—though that has never been put in force; the other is the tendency of the Judges to deny editors of newspapers that protection to their characters which the rest of the community enjoys. Nothing can be more palpably effectual to destroy the respectability of any class of men, than for a Judge on summing up to treat newspaper editors 2s not entitled to judicial redress. Yet Lord Brougham knew of an instance, where a Judge had told the Jury, that the prosecutor for one of the foulest libels ever published was only the editor of a newspaper, and therefore, had the cause been undefended, not entitled to a conviction. The act of 39th George III., was good as far as it compelled editors to furnish evidence against themselves; but one part of it would be perfectly intolerable if acted upon,—namely, that by which the right is given of filing a bill in equity to discover the author of any paragraph: were it not the law of the land, and therefore entitled to his respect, Lord Brougham would call it contrary to all principle and alljustice ; but its existence is known only to few. The previsions which require newspaper proprietors to register themselves at the Stamp-office are justifiable ; but the Stamp-duties merely encourage contraband trading. The worst libels appear in the unstamped papers, published almost all without the printer’s name, and quite untraceable. The Attorney-General of the day once showed Lord Brougham a list of more than one hundred and fifty of such papers—all containing the most infamous trash. If you remove the stamps, you apply the right principle of lowering the duties to destroy the smuggler, with whom at present the fair trader has no chance. The best security for good government is the diffusion of political informa- tion. All classes should have access to sound and impartial publica- tions. It is very fit that the labouring classes should read the debates in Parliament and the public news. Were this combined with other useful and moral information, millions of cheap papers would be read, where thousands are now. As to increasing the severity of the law against unstamped publications, it would be mere brutum fulmen. If it were made a capital felony to publish a libel, as some people have wisely suggested, no jury would convict at all. The established newspapers would hardly suffer by the removal of the Stamp-duty, as they would come into the field with great advan- tages over new competitors. The stamp now operates to narrow useful competition, and to give a monopoly to obscene, blasphemous, and se- ditious writers, who neither mind the old law of the land, nor care about a breach of the Stamp-laws. Taking away the duty would not be beneficial to the great newspapers; but the interest of the consumer, not the grower, is to be attended to. Most assuredly, the great bulk of the people of England would prefer decent and useful newspapers to those which deal in ribaldry and obscenity; but then, they will have news, and they ought to have it cheap. In this way only can you expel the abominable class of publications from the dwellings of the poor. Prosecutions do no good ; Carlile’s trade has broken down, since pro- secutions against him have been suspended. The loss to the revenue arising from the abolition of the Stamp-duties would be nearly made up by an increase of advertisements and inthe consumption of paper. Some means ought to be taken to prevent men of straw being regis- tered as prcpietors of papers. It has been intimated that the party libelled should have some security on the press from which the libel issued. This is matter for consideration. Something should be done to remedy the great grievance under which the sellers of newspapers labour in being liable to prosecution for distributing a libel, which they had not the least participation in writing, and never even read. The costs in actions for libel ought to be given in reference to the amount o° damages. Courts of Common Law ought to have the same discre- tion as Courts of Equity in regard to costs. Now the Judge tells the Jury, ‘* You have nothing to do with costs ;” but Lord Brougham would say, ‘* You have to do do with costs ;"and Lord Denman now follows that rule. [ We hope next week to give the sequel to this account. }
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582 THE SPECTATOR. LETTERS FROM PARIS, BY O. P. Q. No. XVI. APOLOGY FOR THE FRENCH REPUBLICANS—CONCLUDED. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SPECTATOR. Paris, 18th June 1854. S1r—The enemies of the French Republicans are more formidable and more nu- merous in England than they are in France. In France, they are chiefly men who have either a direct and positive, or an indirect and party interest, in opposing the establishment of a Republic—are, generally speaking, enemies to instead of friends of liberty—are men who enjoy certain privileges and monopolies of which they fear being deprived—and are much more concerned for the welfare of their sheps, the prosperity of their banks, and the increasing demands for their manu- factured goods, than they are for the excellence of the laws, the integrity of the governors, or the liberality of the institutions of their country. They are enemies to all changes—because repose and cobwebs, stillness and dirt, are in their eyes more desirable than agitation and cleanliness, reform and purification, This is not the case with the enemies of the French Republicans in Great Britain. The French Republicans are aware, that some of the most talented, most learned, most upright, and even most liberal fi iends of the popular cause in Europe, are in England opposed to the French Republican party. At the commencement of my last letter, I stated the reasons alleged, and the objections made, by English Reformers and English patriots to the supposed measures, upposed views, supposed designs, and supposed desires of the Republican party. he objections are principally English ; and I therefore reply to them, not in a French journal, but in the English Spectator. Accustomed as are the friends of liberty in Great Britain to the steady march of a regular constitutional Government—to parish meetings, county mectings, Reform meetings—to petitions, addresses, resolutions—to all the machinery by which public opinion is expressed, and all the lawful excitement which is allowed and indulged in—the friends of constitutional freedom in your country cannot understand why the triumph of Liberal opinions, and even of | Republican sentiments, if national, cannot be secured by the means resorted to, in order to accomplish similar ends in Great Britain. But there is a vast deal of ignorance of France in all this—of her situation, her laws, her institu- tions, and her habits. We are constantly told by English correspondents and English friends, ‘‘ Why do you not meet in each commune?” To which the answer is—Because the law will not allow us; no, not even two or three at a time, to meet and discuss the conduct of the Government, and the best measures to be resorted to in order to save France from the necessity of making another revolution. In like manner, we are asked, ** WHy po you NoT PETITION ?” To which we reply—It is very difficult indeed to get up petitions, when you may not meet to agree as to the language to be held, and as to the form to be adopted ; and when this petition must be taken round from house to house, instead of lying at the church or the tavern for signature. But, in spite of all these diffi- culties, we do petition. Last session, more than one hundred thousand Frensh- men petitioned for Electoral Reform—all being men of character and honour, and having even a certain position in life: and vet these petitions were unat- tended to—not reported—not debated—-neglected—because, by the constitution of the Chamber of Deputies, all petitions are referred to Committees or Commis- sioos—are not presented or read to the Chamber—and are mere dusty parch- ments; a few of which get noticed of a Saturday, when nothing else more pressing than the petitions of the people occurs to prevent even that day from being occupied with their consideration, Petiticning, in Franee, is a farce. The Chamber of Deputies, formed under the Restoration, pays no at- tention to petitioris; and thus the right of petitioning is me:ely nominal and wholly useless. In like manner we are asked, Way we DO Nor ELECT BETTER Dervuries; and why do we not send those Represcutatives to the Chamber who will cause our petitions to be heard, and will raise their voices in behalf of the people? I will answer this question, which is one most interesting, and most pressing, by recording, for your information, a conversation which curred in my presence a few days ago, between A. B. (an Englishman), Monsieur ARMAND Carret, the editor of the Mutional, and one of the writers, if not the very best, of ihe Republican party. I cannot possibly reply to the objection more satisfictorily than in this way; and I crave your best attention to the following conversation, which I shall report verdatim as it eecurred. A.B. “ Well, Mr. Carrel, shall you be returned Deputy at the approaching General Elections ?” Carrer. ‘ I suppose not: Iam nota candidate anywhere.” A.B. “ Why are you not a candidate ?” Carret. * Becau-e, in the first place, I have personal ¢ vhiel relate to my personal situation, and which prevent my entering at this tir secondly, I could do no good in the Chamber of Deputies, elected as it is by about 100,000 electors, who out of a total list of 200,000 proceed to the elections : thirdly, Ido not know of any Electoral College, where the Republicans alone, without a union with some other patty, have as electors a majority.” A. B. “ You co not then expect to see many Republicans elected as Depu- ties at the approaching elections ?” Carnet. “ Very few indeed. The réason is very easy to understand, The electoral system under which we have the happiness to iive, ex- cludes the Republican party. The Republicans are to be found in the Schools, in the University, in the Journals, among the National Guards, in the Acade- mies of Science and of the Arts, in the Army and Navy portion of the younger Clergy: the Republicans are to be found in the w« shops and in the manufactories, among the peasants and the labourers: none of these are electors. cessary, and that amounts to little short of universal suffrage. With such a Fepresentation, you are sure to get on in England. But in France, where pro- perty is so much divided, and where men have very moderate fortunes, the law Fequires that an elector pay 200 francs or 82. oF TAXES per annum; and if he does not pay this, he has no right to be represented. The consequence of this electoral system, and this enormous amount of qualification, has been, that out of thirty-three millions of inhabitants, there are only 200,000 electors: so that, allowing five persons as constituting the fmily of each elector, only one mil- Jion of Frenchmen are represented out of thirty-three millions.” ~ A. B. ‘ Certainly that is a terrible system ; and you ought not to submit to it, after the Revolution of 1830. But why do you not meet, and petition, and do as we did in England to obtain the Reform Bill?” Carrey. “ You du not seem to be aware, Sir, that in France we cannot meet ; that all associations are put down ; that petitions are disregarded, even when prepared ; and that their preparation is very difficult.” A. B. ‘* Your position is indeed very difficult—much more so than I thought for; but you must enlighten the people by means of the press.” Caxrret. ‘ This was our wish, and our object. We only ask for the right of association, for the liberty of educating the people, and for the right of hawk- ing about journals. With these weapons, and aided by these means, we should succeed. But the privileged members of the privileged Chamber of Deputies have, by a large majority, passed laws to deprive us even of the rights conferred en us by the Charter.” and even among a but In England, you have a 100. a year rental only ne- A. B. ‘You have, then, no hope that the approaching Chamber of Depu- tigs will be able to effect any vast good for the country?” — Carrer. ‘ None whatever. The Minister, by means of fraud, corruption promises of places, of Jocal improvements, and of Honours, will assure in a large proportion of the coileges a decided majority, composed of shopkeepers, landed proprietors, and manufaciurers, who, paying the amount of taxes required by law, are entitled to vote at elections, and who are a part of the privileged classes, who enjoy patents, privileges, and mcnopolies, to the exclusion of the mass of the people.” A. B. “ Are you, then, entirely without hope for France? and do you see your country abandoned to a futurity of corruption, intrigue, and despotism ? Carret. “Tam far from being without hope for France: but the conflict will be long and deplorable, and it will be perhaps necessary at the end to resort toarevolution. It is possible, indeed, that France may open her eyes to the degradation of her position without, and to her abased condition within—when a longer perseverance in the present system shall have convinced her that it must lead to bankruptcy, ruin, internal divisions, and foreign invasion. The day when it shall come will be terrible: but when that may be, I cannot predict. In the mean time, we have youth for us; and we must labour on incessantly by every means in our power to enlighten the people, and show them their rights, interests, and duties.” A. B. “ Are you, then, opposed to the alliance of Carlists and Republicans at the approaching elections?” Carre. ‘Most decidedly lam. There is not, and cannot be such an alli- ance. ‘There may be an alliance between the Monarchical Opposition with the Legitimists, to overthrow the Ministry and its partisans. ° Both having Monar. chical views and principles, they may coalesce to secure this result. But there can be no coalition between the Republicans and Legitimists. In fact, the Legi- timists would be great fools to make such a bargain; for how few electors are Republicans, when compared with Legitimists! In several colleges the Royal- ists can carry the elections of such men as Cuatreausriann, HENNEQUIN, Firz-James, Hype pe Nevuvitte, Berryer, and Janvier; but I do not know the college where there are Republican electors sufficient to carry a Repub- lican candidate without the aid of another party. If we Republicans were re- presented in the nation, at the electoral coileges, and in the Chambers, we should not have so much right to complain: but we are excluded, by the law which requires that every elector pay asum of SJ. per annum as taxes. With the elections, then, the Republicans ex masse have nothing todo: and I am op- posed to all union between the Carlists and our party, as I disapprove of re- sorting to bad means even to accomplish a good end—for with me the end does not justify the means.” A. B. ‘At what age may a person who has the right of voting give his vote ?” Carnet. When he is twenty-five yeas ofage. But in order to exclude a large number of young men who have attained the required age, from the right of voting at the approaching elections, the Government has fixed a period much earlier than necessary, that five years may naw elapse (in the event of the Chamber not being before dissolved) prior to the men who have now twenty- five years of age being called upon to vote. If the Government had acted with fairness, it would have adjourned the elections till after the harvest and vintage, and allowed all these young men, who are now twenty-five years old, but have not yet inscribed their names, and cannot legally do so till the autumn, to vote at the next elections?” A. B. “Then, by this manmuvre, the Government has excluded a large body of citizens who even pay the 8. taxes, from the right of voting at the next elec- tions, because they were 1more liberal and progressive in their opinions than the Cabinet ?” Canrren. ‘Precisely so. Under all these circumstances, the Republicans en masse cannot take any interest in the approaching elections: and though, here and there, some will be elected, in consequence of the Legitimist party giving them their votes to throw out a Ministerial candidate, still on the whole the Republicans are by the electoral law, and by the pressing on at this time of ’ the year the general elections, wholly excluded from the elections.” 9 This was the conversation. What- can Isay more? Since then, that same Carrev has had his life in jeopardy at Rouen, even if it be not so at the in- stant Iam writing, in consequence of an unfortunate accident to a small bout in the Seine off that town; and Prosrer Consett, his friend, his companion, his fellow-labeurer, and his fellow-sufferer too in the cause of liberty and virtue, hor | patvictism, has met with a too sudden and a watery grave. Un- s honour, untainted his character; he was noble, generous, dis- rrigid and stern morality, and of acknowledged werth; and the getic, but sound and philosophical enemy of corruption, cowardice, hness, avarice, and vice. His death at this moment is a public loss ; espe- cially at a time when every expedient is resorted to, to purchase the suffrages of the patriotic, and corrupt the young and inexperienced by splendid promises of wealth, power, place, aud honours. Although this testimony to the worth and the talents of the departed Conseivis a little deviation from the order of this essay, yet I must be excused for a digression which was natural, and which was dictated by feelings of gratitude and respect. The Republicans, I have shown, are not few in numbers—do not resort to force as a substitute for right, or to physical strength in the place of moral in- fluence: the Republicans have been persecuted—have greatly suffered and greatly forborne: the Republicans are excluded from the enjoyment of repre- sentative rights; and cannot even avail themselves of the press, of associations, or of the distribution of popular journals among the poor, in order to secure the success of their principles and system. Those who oppose the Republicans make the laws, and laws against them. Those who make the laws, refuse even to examine the petitions of those who object to the laws which are made against them. And even those who would have the right of being electors in the au- tumn, are deprived of the privilege of voting, by a Ministerial trick, which, with- cut any majority whatever, decreed that the elections should take place ia June instead of October. Who, then, can feel any surprise, that the Republicans, not merely in Paris, but all over France, have more frequently than we could have desired, descended into the streets and the market-places, and expressed their indignation and horror at their unjust and proscribed position, by violence, by émeutes, and by insurrections? I am not the advocate of these measures ; and most heartily do I desire that some remedy may be found, without having recourse to them. But let me not be told, that the Republicans are the agitators, the discontented, the disorderly anarchists, levellers, Robespierrians! They are no such thing. They ask for a national representation—for a free press—for the right of a:soci- ation—and for personal liberty. Their demands are just. Those who refuse them are the true revolutionists and the real anarchists. That two hundred thousand privileged citizens out of thirty-three million of people should alone have the rightof voting, is not order, but disorder—not liberty, but despotism. This is my defence of the French Republicans. Defence, really, they need not; but in the form of an ancient apology my essay must be considered ; and I hope it may be useful in removing prejudice, and in cementing the bonds of union between British Reformers and French Republicans. Your obedient servant, a. P. Q. bold and ene
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~~ «= Ww om ce ww w we 2 oe ea eS a o =F"? wera Vv ’ eB eeu ee eS oO we THE SPECTATOR. 583 TOPICS OF THE DAY. SLOVENLY LEGISLATION; BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, Mempers of Parliament are constantly complaining of the labo- rious nature of their public duties. They rise early and retire late to rest: they breakfast amidst a crowd of applicants for fianks or votes; hurry down to the House, and wait three hours in the hope of finding an opportunity to present a few dozens of petitions, frequently coming away disappointed: then they have six or eight Commi tees to attend, and perhaps their dinner to get, in the two hours which intervene between the morning and evening sittings : a long debate on the Poor-law Bill, or some other less important measure, occupies them till two or three o'clock the next morning ; and at last the jaded senator crawls up to his chamber az troisiéme, and catches a few. hours of slumber, broken by fancied, cheers of the Members and sonorous calls to “ order” from the Chair. No wonder, that after six or seven months of such a life as this, the really industrious and conscientious Representative finds his health and spirits grievously impaired, But whose fault is it that a more rational system of conducting Parliamentary business’ is not adopted? The slovenly and wearisome. practices. accord well enough with the views of the Ministerial Leader; whose cue it is to get the Supplies voted, and the Mutiny Bill passed, and to do as little as. possible besides. But Representatives of the People should not permit themselves, year after year, to be made the tools of any Minister. Why they should pertinaciously adhere to old rules which are produetive of vast personal discomfort to them- selves, and constant grumbling among all their constituents whose business condemns them to haunt the purlieus of St. Stephen's, it is difficult to imagine. We need not repeat what we heave so often stated in this journal, that the public interests suffer most materially by the Parliamen- tary modes of doing business. If a master tailor or bricklayer were to order his journeyman to handle the goose and the needle er the hod and the trowel at the same time, he would be looked upon as an ignorant idiot. But this is what the House of Com- mons is constantly doing. Sir Ropgerr Pex stated, on Tuesday, that twelve Committees were sitting, and that he was a member of six of them, and he had besides other business to attend to in the House. Many other Members are in the same situation as Sir Roser; as any one may discover by referring to our table of “ Impossible Attendance on Commitices,” published a short time before the assembling of the Reformed Parliament, in the delusive hope that some rational, methodical system of condueting busi- ness, would be adopted by the freely-chosen Representatives of the People. Nothing of the kind was attempted by those who had sufficient influence to bring about any change for the better. On the con- trary, they opposed all such efforts with dogged obstinacy. The consequences are now apparent. Lord Atruore admits that the business of the House is in an unusually backward state; and this, too, notwithstanding the speechmaking propensities of Mem- bers have been meritoriously restrained during the session,—for, with the exception of the Repeal debate, the tine of the House has not been consumed in unusually lengthened discussions. How long Members of Parliament will persevere in practices which, ifapplied to the ordinary business of life, would gain them the reputation of being fit only for Bedlam, it is impossible to fore- tell. We have, however, observed symptoms ofa growing feeling among their constituents, as far as relates to private bills, which sooner or Jater must break out in action. Every one is annoyed at the scandalous manner in which the Committee business of the House is conducted. Questions are decided by men who cannot by possibility have heard a tithe of the evidence upon them, but who are driven in by the attornies and agents just at the time of division. Then, there is such dunning in the lobbies, such prompting in the committee-rooms, such manoeuvres for delaying or hurrying on the matter in question, with such fiequent dis- closures on the part of Members of the profoundest ignorance, that almost every man of sense and proper feeling returns full of re- sentment from the House of Commons after these really melan- choly exhibitions. parties interested in a bill be certain; andthatis, prok pudor! that the points at issue will zoé be settled according to their real merits, but according to the supposed personal interest of the Members of the Commitiee or their connexions; for in almost every instance there are a sufficient number of Members who act upon selfish grounds, to overpower the really well-informed and conscientious few. All this has, we hope, and have some reason to think, produced at length a salutary feeling of disgust among the constituencies, which cannot be entirely destitute of good effects on the future conduct of their Representatives, and must lead in time to the adcption of some improvement in the proceedings of the House. But there is no immediate prospect of such reformation. LORD BROUGHAM BEFORE THE LIBEL COMMITTEE. Ir it be true that Lord Brouecuam’s judgment is weak (as his extenuating and apologizing friends allege, when the public are shocked by some piece of inconsistency in the Chancellor's con- Of one thing only can the agent for and the, better guidance than at others. The Chancellor is intluenced bry honest counsels: and a regard to. his reputation, as well as by the flattery of hangers-on and an iteh for intrigue. He has probably sincere friends, as well as chattering and most unserupulous puffers, who foolishly misrepresent his words and inientions—with the view possibly of adding to the honour and glory of the god of their idolatry, but most certainly in the hope of magnifying their own personal importance, by pretending an intimate acquaintance with the thoughts, words, and actions, of the Lord High Chan- cellor of England. Lord Broveuan’s better genius had the aseendaney when he gave evidence before the Select Committee on the Law of Libel. The opinions he then avowed are, for the most part, worthy of hic best days. We do not (it were strange indeed if we did) partak« of his admiration of Criminal Informations ; and there may be other parts of his evidence which contain questionable opinions; but on the whole, it was a manly avowal of generous sentiments and enlightened principles on questions of great importanee. Iu his testimony to the worthlessness of Government: prosecu- tions for libel, the sagacity as well as liberality of the Lord Chan- cellor was evinced. This is the doctrine of the American consti- tution, The shrewd men who framed that constitution, saw clearly, that a Government which could not bear attacks of aeute and in- telligent adversaries, ought not to exist; and that, & fortioré, it ought to be overthrown if the efforts of violent and. seditious writers could endanger its security. Moreover, WaAsHiNGTOoN, FRANKLIN, and JEFFERSON, Were aware that no Government since the world began had ever gained ground in public estimation by opposing arguments with legal prosecutions, while many had been utterly stripped of popularity by such proceedings. The example of these great men, and the reasons which prompted them to deny to the Government of their country the power of instituting eri- minal prosecutions for political libels, have not been without their effect on Lord Brouatam ; as his direct reply to Sir Joun Camp- BELL proves clearly. Sir JoHN, doubtless smarting irom the re- collection of his partial and oppressive prosecution. of the True Sun, and its consequences, asked Lord BrouGcnan, if it were not justifiab’e to prosecute a journal which recommended the non-pay- ment of taxes? To this cunning question Lord BroueHani re- turned a prompt negative, and thus showed his readiness to fel- low out his principles to their results. After this solemn and de- cisive declaration from the Head of the Law, it will require no little intrepidity in the Attorney-General again to outrage public opinion by prosecutidws of the press for political libels. Lord BrouGcuam’s willingness to promote the dissemination. of political as well other useful information among all classes of the community, is also worthy of remark and approbation. The danger, as he most truly said, is not of the people learning too much, but of their knowing too little. Its fit, he maintained, that the people should take an interest in publie affairs; that the whole community should be well informed upon its political as its other interests; and that they og to read the news of the day, and the debates in both Houses of Parliament. Lord Brovenam also avowed his perfect reliance on the good sense and honest ii- tentious of the great mass of the people; that he never had the least fear of them, even when most excited: and that they. are very morally and peaceably disposed, and willing to respect and submit tothose abovethem. Nothing ean be truer and more incon- trovertible than this. The patience and long-suffering of the people of England are marvellous. They will submit to almost any thing for the sake of a quiet life; and their reverence for rank and station is still, in spite of all the injuries they have reecived from the corrupt and ignorant portion of the Oligarchy, such as is no- where else to be found among civilized nations. If the upper ranks were to adopt Lord BrouGuan’s wise and liberal sentiments, and treat the people, as they deserve to be treated, with confidence and kindness, there would be no need cf oppressive legislation, nor reason to dread the growth of revolutionary doctrines. We are desirous of placing faith in the sincerity of Lord BROUGHAM'S declarations before the Libel Commitice; being sensible of the importance in that ease to be attached to them. We hope that he has not been prompted to the display merely by a desire to regain some of the popularity which he has recently been losing. His actions must prove his sincerity, If he has only been talking and showing himself off all the while, we ean tell him that his end has not been gained, and that instead of rising, he will have sunk himself deeply in public estimation. We look ferward, however, to better things. Lord BrougHam’s principles, in regard to a taxed press and political libels, are sound aud statesmanlike—now for his performances. REPRESENTATION OF EDINBURGH. Tuere is a passage in Mr. AbeRcRoMBy’s address to the electors of Edinburgh, which merits a remark or two. ‘*] should deceive you, if I were now to state, that while in office my votes would on all occasions be such as 1 might be disposed to give if I was altogether unconnected with office. Union is essential to the success of every Government, and no man who acts in concert with others can expect that his particular opinion should always prevail. I could not with consistency or honour have accepted office unless I entertained a confident and conscientious belief that the measures of the Administration will, in essential points, be such as I should willingly have supported when acting as a Member of Parliament. If. my ex- pectations as to the measures of the Ministers shall be realized, my means of use- fulness will be increased: if I find that I have been mistaken or too sunguihe in my estimate of their future conduct, I shall be ready to retire.” , duct), it must yet be admitted, that it. is sometimes under much This: is an explicit avowal to the Edinbugh constituency, that
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584 -THE SPECTATOR. Mr. Asercromsy, though returned by them to Parliament, will not be stvictly and properly ¢heir Representative. His own private opinions—the wishes and interests of the electors of Edinburgh— may be at variance with the plans of the Government; but Mr. AxnrErcromsy will feel bound to sacrifice them to the more im- portant object of preserving unanimity in the Cabinet—or rather, the false appearance of unanimity, by which the public has been and may again be deceived. ri a In future, there will be no means of ascertaining the opinions of the inhabitants of the Scottish capital through their Members ; both of whom must be considered representatives of the Govern- ment in the House of Commons. Assuredly the electors, thus publicly warned, will have no right to complain when they find, that instead of their own weight being brought to bear on that side of any question which they may espouse, it is thrown into the scale of the opponent. Mr. Asercrompy_ has distinctly said, “TI can no longer vote on all questions as I would do, and as my con- science would dictate, were I an independent member of the Legis- lature; for union is essential to the success of every Goverrment, and I am now a member of the Government.” The passage cited from the address seems to have provoked remarks from some of the good people of Edinburgh; and Mr, AxrrcromBy, in his speech to the electors on Monday, thus alludes to them— ‘* There is one point in my address to you on the present occasion, which IT un- derstand has been much criticized. | I told you I should deceive you if I said that my votes would be on all occasions the same as if I were unconnected with Government. Some gentlemen have said, that this was speaking too plain— that I should have held my peace; and if it should so happen as I had stated, I should leave it to be found out. Gentlemen, I am of a contrary opinion. Judg- ing from experience, I think the possibility may occur which I have stated ; and if I did not forewaru you of it, then I should have to mystify and explain, and split hairs, and define, and endeavour to persuade you that [ had done right: and what would be the result ?—Why, that I should lose my own self-respect, and forfeit your confidence. I therefore thought it right to warn you in good time of what may by possibility happen; and it is for you to judge whether, in these circumstances, I am still fit to be your Representative.” Nothing can be more candid and honourable than this. If the eyes of the Edinburgh constituency are not fully opened to the real position of their Member it is no fault of his. But it will be said, that in essential points Mr. AsERcromBy may still be relied upon by his constituents. Here the question presents itself, what points do Mr. ABERcROMBy and his consti- tuents deem essential? A list of questions should be presented to the candidate, and an explicit declaration required from him on each. For example, is not the Corn-law question one of great importance, and in a high degree ‘ essential?” Well—Mr. Apercromby voted with Mr. Hume in favour of an alteration in the Corn-laws, which the Cabinet in a body voted against: will he in future vote on this essential question with his colleagues, or with his constituents and his own conscience ? On this point, and other similar ones, the electors of Edinburgh will gain no information. Mr. Apercromsy, in the speech above referred to, distinctly declared, that though he was ready to answer any questions relative to his past Parliamentary conduct, he would say nothing of his future intentions ; because he could not speak on the subject without compromising his colleagues. ‘* T shall be quite ready,” he said, ‘‘as it is my duty to do, to answer any questions which may be put to me in respeet to my past conduct. For that, T alone am responsible; and if in any thing I have erred, I must bear the blame. But if Iam questioned respecting what may be my future conduct, I do not see how it is possible for me to answer. I am no longer a single individual, standing and acting alone; and I do not think it would be right, standing in the connexion which I now do with others, to give any answers by which those others might be affected.” This is another illustration of the unfitness of men in office to represent extended constituencies, and of the propriety of giving Ministers official seats. It is desirable that the representation of Edinburgh, Manchester, and all large places, should be real, effectual, direct. It is mot desirable that the Heads of Depart- ments should be cut off from communication with the Legislature, as has recently been the case; for although the necessity of a re- election may indirectly have the effect of administering reproof to an unpopular Government, yet this is not an adequate compensation for the direct injury and hindrance it occasions to public business. Mr. Asercrompy and his colleagues should sit in the House in their real characters of responsible advisers and servants of the Crown; while Edinburgh, Manchester, Northamptonshire, and Coventry should be represented by men who can vote with or agoinst Government according to their own consciences and the interests of their constituents. It is also time that the farce of pretended wranimity should be finished. We have nosecurity whatever that the Cabinet is unani- mous upon any question, in the fact of their voting together upon it. Why should not the public know how the matter really stands, so that all may not be compromised by the unpopular acis of a bare majority, or take the credit of good measures to which they are opposed? It by no means follows that the Cabinet should break up on every occasion of open difference. We have seen that sonic- times the Cabinet Members vote against each other without any such result. The late case of Baron Sirs is one in point. CLERKENWELL JUSTICE. TuReE months nearly have elapsed since Lord BrouGHam intro- duced his bill for improving the administration of justice in Lon- The bill was read a first time, and ordered don and the vicinity. poured in upon the Chancellor from all quarters; for every one feels how deeply disgraceful it is that the ignorant blunderers who now sport with the lives of the poor wretches subject to their jurisdiction, should continue in the exercise of such important functions. Was Lord Brovenam satisfied with the expressions of gratitude which his good intentions elicited? Is the bill to lie over till next session, like so many others, on the reputation of which the Cabinet has contrived to keep up a languid existence ? or is it altogether abandoned ? In the meanwhile, Mr. Rorcn is playing his fantastic tricks, just as usual, in Clerkenwell. He is determined to afford the Chancellor no excuse for his procrastination; and it is to be hoped that such proceedings as are detailed in the following report, copied from the Morning Chronicle of Tuesday, will spur his Lordship onward to the performance of the task he has undertaken. John Driscoll was indicted for stealing a shawl of the value of 10s., the pro- perty of Mary Ann Brown. The prisoner, who was supported by Mr. Pren- dergast, pleaded Not Guilty. The prosecutor and witnesses having been sworn to the identity of the prisoner by the back of his coat only, and the Chairman Fg | it to the Jury to draw their own conclusions upon his guilt or innocence, they found a verdict of Not Guilty; and immediately afterward retracted it, and found the prisoner Guilty, but recommended him to mercy. The Chairman said—‘ Gentlemen, what is your reason for recommending the prisoner to mercy ?¥ : Foreman—“ There are some gentlemen who have their doubts.” Chairman—*“ Do you mean you have doubts, or that the witnesses had ?” Mr. Prendergast—“ The Jury must have doubts, for they have once returned a verdict of Not Guilty!” Chairman—* You have done your duty, Sir; don’t interrupt me.” Mr. Prendergast—‘‘ But it is my duty, Sir.” The Chairman again asked the Jury the ground of their recommendation ; observing the witnesses had sworn positively to the prisoner. The Foreman said, the Jury thought the witnesses had doubts. Mr. Prendergast said, the witnesses had so stated. Chairman—* Sit down, Sir; you must not interfere between the Court and the Jury.” Mr. Prendergast—“ If you peremptorily order me, I must yield; but I am fulfilling my duty as an advocate, and contend I have a right to remark on the two verdicts.” Chairman—** Sit down, Sir.” The Chairman then sentenced the prisoner to seven years’ transportation. The prisoner as he left the bar, said—‘‘ I thank you, Sir; but you are a pretty Chairman to transport me after a verdict of Not Guilty.” Mr. Prendergast, addressing Mr. Allen (the Clerk of the Court), observed that he should apply for a mandamus to compel him to record the verdict of Not Guilty. We perfectly agree with the remark of the convict: Mr. Rorcu is “a pretty Chairman,” to transport a prisoner under such cir- cumstances. Almost every week, instances of gross ignorance on the part of jurymen demonstrate the necessity of extreme caution in the selection of judges; andas the Government is now perfectly aware of the utter unfitness of the Chairman at the Middlesex Sessions for the duties he has to perform, the public has a right to complain that nothing has been done beyond the first prelimi- nary steps to deprive him, and such as he is, of their (we wish we could say Zittle or brief) authority. As it is, more than two hun- dred prisoners must be tried before the “ mistaken "’ Magistrates in the course of their sittings, which commenced on Monday last The case we have cited was one of the first tried; and a very cha- racteristic beginning it was. CURRENT CORN CATECHISM. [ORIGINAL, AND FOUNDED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE PASSING MOMEN%.] ( Continued. ) 201. Risson Trane. A. What are their unmerited sufferings ? Morning Post. House of Not being able to sell what people do not Lords. 18th June 1834.— want from them. There is no doubt that The petitions which he was 4 man may suffer by this, and that the suf- about to present, were 80 faring may be unmerited so far as that mcans very numerously signed, de- boing not brought on by his wilful act ; and scribed with so much force 8 a re gee and truth the unmerited suf. 2 does a man suffer from being the owner ferings of such a large por. Of a bad piece of land instead of a good one, tion of the community, and oY a blind fiddler from not being able to play involved considerations of like Paganini. But the question is whether such vast national import- this createsa right torob the public to make ance, that he could not con- up the difference,—whether it is ground tent himself with &c. for a motion that the man be paid for a good crop instead of a bad one, or the fiddler take Paganini’s wages by force, for the express reason that nobody will give them without. 202. They complained of A. The statement, therefore, of the pe- the great and intolerable titioners is this, They state that they can- distress into which that trade pot make cheap ribbons, and that other men had fallen, and they attri- can, Their request therefore is, first, that buted it to the overwhelm- 4 stop may be put to that portion of British ing importation, legal and il- teade: and wenetectur hick : legal, of French ribbons into ene a FARUIAELURSE) WHICH, NOW 'R0ES the British dominions. The broad to procure ribbons for the consumer petitioners believed that the @t the cheaper price ; secondly, that a stop only remedy to this evil was May further be put to that portion of British prohibition, —-Ib. trade and manufactures which is now set in motion by the expenditure of the difference of price by the consumer; and lastly, that the consumer may be robbed of the difference of price, or made to surrender it without receiving any thing in return. So that their prayer is, that without a fragment of gain to British commerce in the aggregate to balance it, the consumer may be robbed,—that the difference of price in question may be given once to them, and lost twice over by somebody else. The public that would bear such a proposal must be in a state of idiocy. ‘The House of Lords is obliged to huddle up a negative without a division. 203. And yet we talked A. Ifthey cannot compete, then the ra- to be printed, on the 26th of March. Thanks and applause of competition, and called for tional inference is that they must give over. b-icks when straw where- « We cannot compete; therefore pay us = re et ee OM _— a
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THE SPECTATOR. 585 with to make them was de- nied. Competition indeed ! Of the impossibility of any thing like fair competition between the English and French ribbon - manufactu- rers, Dr. Bowring was again his witness. —Jb. because we cannot compete ;” this is the demand put forward. The facts are plain enough : there are things in which the Eng- lish cannot compete with the French, and things in which the French cannot compete with the English ; whereupon stand up the noodles on both sides of the water, and say, “« Let us by all means pay the men, because they cannot compete.” The blunder, the noodleism, is in faneying that any good is done to English or to French trade in the aggregate, by heroically resolving to purchase the dear article instead of the cheap ; the fact being that on either side, the employment to trade (excluding all notice of the consumer) is just the same in the aggregate in either case, and the loss to the consumer stands out a pure u ibalanced loss and stupid tyranny, as much as if he was forced to pay fo sous for being shaved with a blunt 204. He thought that the difference was in no point more plainly shown than in the disregard which had been manifested towards the adoption of any one of the safe and ingenious plans for the suppression of smuggling in foreign silks which were suggested in evidence before the House of Commons.- Jb. 205. And for whom, or for what, had these vast sacrifices of human happi- ness been made? The ques- tion of cui bono forced itself on every man’s mind. — If indeed it could be shown that out of the ruins of Coventry other cities and towns were likely to rise into eminence and prosperity —if other parts and places of the em- pire were to be made vicher or happier by her passing away from the map of Eng- land—it might then become their duty, however painful and severe, to leave her to her fate, and to make no ef- razor, instead of one with a sharp. A. Can he not diseern, that the Govern- ment is met by the opinion everywhere gaining ground, that smuggling is the natural way of letting down an enormous wrong ; that the smuggler is in fact a meri- torious member of society, toiling, and with considerable risk, in neutralizing the absur.. dity of governments, and saving thousands upon thousands annually to the ‘community ? A. This is mere clap-trap, founded on misrepresentation or mistake. The argu- ment never was, that the thing is to do good to France. The argument was, that Eng- land is not to commit the folly of putting down one portion of her industry to serve another portion of it to an equal amount and no more, and with a national loss through the consumers, who are as deserving people as anybody else, besides. If the mover is sincere, he is answered upon his own terms. It is precisely because the interests of a greater portion of their fellow-subjects are not to be sacrificed to serve the men of Coventry, that the men of Coventry must continue as they are. forts to save her. But in the case before them, it was not a portion of their own fellow subjects whom they were called upon to sacrifice for the sake of bettering the condition of the remainder. The only party which could by any possibility be benefited neither belonged nor were connected with us; and he could not understand why, he would not say Coventry, but the meanest village in the em- pire, should be doomed to destruction, merely that a French town should rise triumphantly on its ruins. This might be called illiberality ; but he was no professor of that liberalism which would take the very life-blood of tens of thou- sands of our industrious population at home to pamper the prosperity of com. petitors and rivals abroad.—Jb. 206. Were they able to A. Decidedly they are. By ceasing to demonstrate that a greater pay the petitioners for what they cannot anows of advantage had jake, the petitioners lose, first, the ex- Pseap i adh begs penditure on them of the foreign price,— id ealtins chide Soak secondly, the expenditure on them of the sai ring Ww nh hac een differ « b tw th f = d inflicted on the trade whose Bee ee ee ie ao rea pore ee exisiannouhe weasrondaavonrs theirs. Per contra, the expenditure of the ing to defend ?—Ib. foreign price will be gained by the dealers in the goods with which the foreign ware will be purchased; and the expenditure of the difference between the foreign and the petitioners’ price will be gained by the dealers with whom it is laid out by the consumer of rib- bons in consequence of not being obliged to give it to the petitioners for nothing. Balance of the account with British trade and manufac- tures in the aggregate (exclusive of the consumer), il. Remains then, that in one case the consumer pays the difference and gets no- thing for it, and in the oth lay it out upon. case, of the difference. 207. There was no reason why one trade’should be pro- tected and another left to destruction, If the prin- ciple were worth any thing, What was good for one was good for all.— Zo. 208. They had heard a great fleal of free trade in other countries, but, in his opinion, there was no such thing as free trade at all. The ob- Ject of every country in the alrangement of its commer- cial system was the very laudable one of protecting its peculiar manufactures ; and, in his opinion, it was the duty of Government to Watch the progress of those Manufactures, and so to alter the rate of duties from time to time as to give protection to the manufacturers.—Zb. 209. He thought that the documents which he had read to the House had proved ' ag of grievous wrong.— ner he gets value in whatever he chooses to “ Tottle of the whole,” a national loss, in the first A. That is sure enough. Will the mover join in procuring the general appli- cation? If not, he must not quarrel with other people for creeping when they cannot walk. A. The noble reasoner would soon un- derstand the question better if it were a matter of pipe-clay. The opinion he has to combat is, that the attempt in any coun- try to what is called “ protect its peculiar manufactures,” instead of being anything ‘“* Jaudable,” is a hoax, a fraud, a blunder, a piece of stupidity ;—that it means courting a national loss through the consumers, with- out a shadow of gain to the national trade and commerce in the aggregate to set off against it;—that it is like trying to increase the strength of an army by drafting men from one battalion to another, and leaving half of them in ditches by the way. A. The terrible wrong, of a man’s not being allowed to make other people buy of him what they do not want! But the world knows the bearings of this question. A. What moral consideration is there, in giving work to men that cannot make the thing wanted, by taking it out of the mouths of those who can ? Oris the moral consideration increased by the fact, that after this process has been consummated, a servant girl is to be found to have been robbed in her ribbons besides? There may be no ill-intent ; but the whole is a blunder, a thick-headedness, in not perceiving that not an atom is done towards opening the paths of honest industry in the aggregate, but on the contrary the industry of servant girls is robbed. 210. He was content to leave the remedy in their Lordships’ hands, more par- ticularly in the hands of those who thought, as he did, that the question involved higher, because moral, considera- tions; thatit was nota mere matter of pounds, shillings, and pence ; but that it turned upon the principle that the more widely they threw open the pathsof honest industry to their population, the more effectually they closed the avenues which led to guilt and crime.—Jb. ( To be continued. ) COMMENCEMENT OF THE ROYAL MUSICAL FESTIVAL. TuoseE who have been accustomed to read our musical lucubra- tions, are sufficiently apprised of the importance we have attached to the Provincial Festivals,—regarding them as the most powerful agents, as well as the most favourable indications of any advance in our musical taste: and we have often endeavoured to stimulate public attention and incite professional enterprise towards a similar attempt in the Metropolis, where every facility exists to insure perfection and command success. In estimating the general character of the Royal Festival, we shall therefore have regard not only to its positive, but its compa- rative excellences—we shall judge of it not merely per se, but as one inter alia. It is not, as in 1784, a solitary specimen, but one of a numerous and thriving class, in which cultivation and emula- tion have been constantly producing new beauty and increased perfection. We must also estimate it with a reference to the means and facilities which its managers have enjoyed above all others. Provincial Festivals are produced with immense labour, and with considerable uncertainty as to any profitable result. Here, all doubt as to success was removed by the King’s ready announcement of his intended presence; which, of course, would include that of his family, induce the attendance of his nobles, and, therefore, of the “ world.” Here, too, the best band that Eu- rope could produce for such a purpose, was at hand, ready to be assembled at any hour. Instead of being hurried down toa country town, where every moment is occupied with rehearsing or perform- ing (one day only being usually allotted to rehearsal), there was abundant time as well as ample facility for preparation. The re- cords of all the Provincial Festivals were open tothe managers ; their excellences, their defects, might be scanned and turned to the ad- vantage of the undertaking. The best advice, the most matured experience, was constantly within reach ; every doubt, every diffi- culty was removed; and it rested sole/y with the managers to ren- der this Festival the most perfect that ever was heard. In truth, the difficulty was to prevent its being so. In this position, then, the managers have voluntarily placed themselves; and under this weight of responsibility they have chosen to act. Upon them will rest the entire credit or disgrace of the selections, and of the appointment of the singers and the band. With regard to the latter, failure or mistake was impos- sible. The orchestras of the Philharmonic, the Opera-house, and the Theatres, would, if engaged en masse, supply nearly, if not quite, the requisite instrumental strength ; while the Ancient and the Vocal Concerts would furnish the principal singers. On these points there could be no mistake, for there could be no choice. It was quite obvious, that whatever persons were added, unconnected with any of these establishments, must take only subordinate parts in the general arrangement. We have endeavoured to furnish our readers, by anticipation, with something like a correct view of what the Festival would be; and the result has proved, as far as it has proceeded, that we were not mistaken. We have stated—in contradiction to all assertions, official or demi-official—that the entire band would not exceed 600 performers. The printed list gives a total of 589. Our anti- cipated proportions, too, are in some of the principal features realized; the number of violins and violas being exactly as we conjectured, 80and 30. The number of violoncellos and double basses is sadly limited; being only 18 of each, instead of 30—the proper proportion for such an array of treble and tenor stringed instruments. The numbers and proportions of the wind instru- ments nearly accord with our anticipatory list. The chorus is out of all rule,—being 136 sopranos, 68 altos, 64 tenors, and 100 basses,—unless we suppose that 30, at least, of the ladies are placed in the orchestra for show rather than service; which we very much suspect. This mistake in the proportions of the band necessarily impairs the effect of the whole performance; and being made in opposition to the best foreign and English authorities upon record, is wholly inexcusable. But it is only one proof of the incompetence of the noble Committee, and of their determination not to avail themselves of the experience which they had at com- mand, and which would assuredly have directed them aright. The Instrumental Band is almost exclusively Metropolitan; the Chorus chiefly Provincial, and selected from the Choral Societies of Norwich, Liverpool, Birmingham, Leicester, and Manchester with a very scanty sprinkling of the choir-men from our cathedrals Several choral rehearsals have been held in the Music-hall, Store Street, during the week; and on Thursday morning the entire
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586 THE SPECTATOR. ‘band was assembled in the Abbey. The Orchestra is placed, as in 1784, under the West window ; an organ of sufficient power having been erected for the occasion, by Mr. Gray. The Instrumental Band fills the centre aisle, and the Chorus is thrust into the side aisles; the sopranos and altos on the left, and the tenors and basses on the right, as you look at the orchestra, The arrangement of the Instrumental Band is excellent, and bespeaks the attention and judgment of the Conductor—except, that of the violoncellos and double basses 12 only are visible. The performers all took their appointed places without the slightest bustle or confusion, The front row of the orchestra is oceupied by the principal singers, behind whom is ranged a Semi-chorus of 40. The organ-keys are brought down to about the centre of the orchestra; and, by an in- genious contrivance, the organist fronts the conductor instead of the organ. The rehearsal extended only to HaNDEL’s Coronation Anthem, “The King shall rejoice,” Purcett’s Anthem, ‘“ Behold I bring you glad tidings,” and the Dead March in Saud. This, however, was sufficient to enable us to judge of the general effect of the band in various parts of the Abbey. And, beyond doubt, the first impression that the senses receive is that of disappointment. This was strongly expressed by those who had not experienced a similar feeling at York, where a larger band occasioned a sensa- tion as disappointing, arising from a different cause. At York, a large portion of the sound ascended to the lantern tower, or was dispersed in the choir and the transepts. In the Abbey, the long rows of massy pillars form a screen which shuts out the view of the chorus from the majority of the auditors. In a great part of the reserved seats, not a chorus-singer can be seen; while those of the company who are situated in the North galleries hear an im- mense preponderance of tenor and bass, a similar overweight of treble and counter being the exclusive share of those who occupy the South galleries. The immense difference in height between the centre and side aisles, gives a different degree of :everbera- tion to the voices and the instruments, as if they were in two different 1ooms. The power of the latter has ample space to ex- pand in the lofty roof of the centre aisle, but that of the former is confined within very narrow limits. Ilence, there is scarcely a place in the Abbey in which the true proportions of the band can be heard. The auditor may take his choice between voices and instruments, and in the latter he may select either trebles or basses; but to realize the entire effect of the orchestra, is impos- sible. The worst places for hearing ave the reserved seats in the centre aisle; the best (but these are very few) some back seats in the North and South galleries, through which a transverse sec- tion of the orchestra is visible and audible. In many of the seats nothing is visible but the pillars. The completest amalgamation of the band is in the choir; but this is, perversely, shut up. The decorations are tawdry and ill-contrived. As if to absorb the greatest possible quantity of sound, the side galleries, which project into the centre aisle, and thus still further impede its pro- gress, are hung with a profusion of coarse red baize—a vulgar contrast to the fitting up of York Minster and the Norwich Town- hall. The various entrances to the Abbey are judiciously made avail- able to the commodious admission of the company of all classes, * humble™ as well as noble. The first performance, for the ‘‘ humbler classes,” was on Friday morning: we call it a performance, for in this Festival there is no rehearsal. Every singer and player is in his place, and every note of the seleciion is given with more precision and attention than at many conceits even after rehearsal. This should be un- derstocd; for the public were, probably, deceived by the misnomer, as the Abbey was very partially filled. We repeat, therefore, that there is nodiflerence, as regards the duties or exertions of the band, between the half-guinea and two guinea days. Sir Grorce SMart (punciual, as usual, to the minute) had assembled his troops at half-past eleven, and precisely at twelve the performance com- menced—and commenced with a display of bad taste, The Crea- tion should have been reserved for the second or third morning, being the only great modern work that is admitted into the selec- tions : but on this occasion, having discovered, when too late, that the introduction of this oratorio was not the happiest or most strik- ing opening of a festival, the Directors clapt in * Zadok the priest,” by way of prelude to Chaos: and thus, immediately before the sub- limest effort at musical description that human genius ever per- fected, we were indulged with the clamours of the Jewish mob on the election of King Solomon. And this is intended as a compli- ment to our WixttiAM the Fourth! Nothing could be more indecorous, more vulgar, more distasteful, than in such a place to make such an arrangement, It would have been offensive even at Drury Lane. But, if a Coronation Anthem was necessary, why not have taken Arrwoon’s, for his present Majesty, instead of this, at once the most hacknied and the worst, of HANDEL’s ? We take some credit to ourselves for the performance of Crea- tion entire. This we know, that it was, at first, intended by the managers to have indulged us only with the first act, and that the decision was reversed after our strong remonstrance on the subject. We have very little to say as to its performance ; having exhausted the subject in noticing the last Norwich Festival, where it was given as perfectly, and in some respects better—for MaLiBran was the prima donna. One thing was sufficiently evident this morning, and every musician must have been gratified by it—that this glorious work, though driven from the concerts of London, and unknown to the fashionable world, is familiar to the weavers of Manchester, Norwich, and Leicester, and to the button-makers of Birmingham. We anticipated from such an instrumental band as we saw before us, the most finished and perfect performance of the oratorio; and we had it: but it was not a whit more perfect than the chorus-singing, and less extraordinary—for here were men gathered from all parts of the kingdom, collected from looms, factories, and forges, and meeting for the first time, yet going through the whole of this oratorio with the nicest precision. There was not a halt oran error from beginning to end. The principal singers were Madame Caraport, Miss STEPHENs, Madame StockHausen, and Mrs. H. R. Bisoor: Messrs. Bra- HAM, VAUGHAN, SApio, BELLAMY, PuHiLuips, Seauin, and BE, Tay.Lor. The Messrs. Rosinson (mentionedin a former article) are from St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, and respectable performers in their way. We need not go into any detailed criticism of singers and songs, of whose merits we have so often had occasion to speak. Branam maintained, his long-lasting supremacy, Again we have to tell him, that an enlightened musical foreigner, who had previously only heard his theatrical singing, and who had thence put him down as a mere noisy, vulgar bawler, was equally astonished and delighted by his pure and powerful delivery of ‘Total eclipse.” (A similar instance fell under our notice, and was mentioned some time since, at one of the’ Philharmonie con- certs.) Sapio sung better than we had anticipated. But the purest and most finished style and voice were produced by Hosss, Madame SrocKuavuseEn sung “On mighty pens,” very sweetly; but she failed in the energetic delivery which Mrs. Dickons used to impart, and which, added to all her other vocal excellences, made this song herown. ‘faken asa whole, the principal parts of this oratorio were feeble when compared with what we have heard —when Bittineton or Dickons and BartLeMan were BRAHAM's associates in it. But the instrumental and choral parts never were executed more perfectly—could the united force of their efforts have been heard, There was some variation from the time to which our ears have been accustomed, in several of the pieces ; and all of them changes for the better. We have now the advantage of an edition marked by the metronome with Haypn’s own time. This was followed in many instances, as it ought to have been in all. The allegro in * The Heavens are telling ” should have been faster; and the two movements of “ Rolling with foaming billows” should have been in the same time—the author indicates only a change of mode, not of time. The Chorus “ For ever blessed be his power,” was sung much too loud: it is the distant anthem of the heavenly choir, and should be given with merely a murmur of the voices. The printed books exhibited the improved text of this oratorio; which some of the singers, who, as Appison said, “ usually think that sound and sense never ought to unite,” refrained from using. Madame Caraponrt, for instance, gave us this delectable couplet— ** To shady vaults are bent the tufty groves, The mountain's brow is crowned with closed wood.” Thus far of Creation. The morning’s performance con- cluded with a meagre, miserable piece of patehwork, from Sam- son; from which many—nay, most of its finest features, were excluded, and the chorus descriptive of the creation of light carefully retained—because, it is to be presumed, we had heard another on the same subject in the course of the morning. It was just a Covent Garden selection,—* Total eclipse,” ‘ Honour and arms,” the ** Dead March,” and “Let the bright Seraphim.” We longed for “ Then round about the starry throne,” “ Then shall they know,” and the majestic chorus which HawnbEt stole from Carissimis ‘ Plorate, filia Israel.” Any, or all these, would have been fit employment for such a band, instead of songs which we have heard these ladies and gentlemen warble at Drury Lane and other places for twenty successive years. Having said thus mueh of the band, let us add, that the audience—the ‘ humble” audience—were most attentive and well-behaved : they evidently listened with delighted ears. The Festival has excited much interest throughout the kingdom, and brought together many provincial prefessors of eminence. We accidentally came in for a musical gratification in consequence of this congregation of talent. After the Thursday's rehearsal, the usual morning service was performed in the choir of the Abbey; in which Mr. Ture gratified his auditors with TuLuis's majestic service, and GinBons’s incomparable ‘“ Hosanna to the Son of David.” We observed the following collegiate and cathedral organists assisting in the choir, or, like ourselves, delighted listeners,—Atrwoop, St. Paul’s; Pappon, Exeter; Buck, Nor- wich; WuHa tt, Lincoln; Camipge, York; JeANs, Ely; SKEATS, Windsor; Turte, Armagh; besides many other professional gentlemen of provincial celebrity. PHILHARMONIC CONCERTS. Tue season concluded on Monday night, with the following scheme. EIGHTH CONCERT—MONDAY, JUNE 16. AeT 1, Symphony, No. 11 ........4..- Seseweers $09 heed - Haypy. Song, Mr. Brauam, “ Oh! ’tis a glorious sight,” Oberon C. M. von WeBER. Concerto in E flat, Pianoforte, Mrs. ANDERSON.......+ BEETHOVEN. Scena, Mademoiselle Gaist, * Dal asilo’”’........... «» Cosra. Overture, Egmont ...cc.e-ceeeeeeee cossevecseveceeses BEETHOVEN. acr II Symphony in C Minor...,......., err grt ee BEETHOVEN, Aria, Madame Carapori ALLAN, “Come per me sereno” Beviint. Concerto Violin, Madame Fitipowicz......, ay err Rovenri. Aria, Mademoiselle Grisi, “Tanti affetti,” Donna del Dns oo ve cccccepecearceseresee sees Rosstnt. Overture, Jubilee .....-.....0+- BeROUL Teh eet s 24s C. M, von WEBER ader, Mr, WeicuseL—Conductor, Mr, Neate,
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—- ae = a= SS a ewe peewee -— am & Som OO OO ewe he mw © “e Piwee THE SPECTATOR. 587 Admirable as was much of the instrumental yart of this selection, it yet betrays carelessness and want of judgment. There is no grouping in the picture. Three of BeerHoven’s finest works should not have been produced in the same evening, and certainly not in almost immediate succession, The most novel of the three was Mrs. ANpERSON’s Concerto; a work strongly indicative of its au- thor’s fine imaginative mind, which could stamp even on a con- certo for a single instrument the power and grandeur of a sinfonia. We tender our hearty thanks to Mrs. ANDERSON for this gratifi- cation: when this lady consults her own good taste, instead of yielding to the suggestions of patronizing ignorance, it is sure to point in the right direction, Hayonn’s Sinfonia was as fresh as ever. It ought not to have interrupted the continued succession of BEETHOVEN, by being placed at the commencement of the second act. The Violin Concerto was a very finished and capital performance. Did we feel more than usual interest ia this lady’s success, because she is the wife cf a Polish rebel (in this case, a term of the highest honour), earning her living, among strangers, by the display of her fine talents? Wehope so. Her motives would have disarmed criti- cism (except perhaps, that of the Post) of its severity, had there been even an approach to failure; but we admire her playing as much as we honour her character. She isa worthy pupil of Sponr. Brauam's Song came out finely—never better. We have sel dom derived more pleasure or felt more excitement from its per- formanee. The other songs were very trashy. “ How is it,” said a subscriber to a Director of these Concerts, “that you always con- trive to give such bad vocal selections?” ‘ The secret is easily told,” was the reply : “ good musie we give to incompetent singers, and to good singers we allot bad music: this keeps the balance steady.” The ladies’ songs this evening were all alike, and all bad: mere exhibitions of volafe and reiterations of roulades. A set of modern solfegii, opened at a venture, with the words “ bell’ idol mio,” “O Dio,” ** son disperata,” occasionally intreduced, and ending with “felicita, felicita, felicitd” would have sufficed just as well as these things called “ scenes,” or “airs.” Cosras Aria was a mere copy of Pacrinr's ‘II soave e il bel contento,” with a new coda. The most truly vecal music of the evening was the lovely andante in Mrs. ANpERson’s Concerto. The utmost that can be said of the Philharmonic Society this year is, that it has retained its character—not advanced it. We have had the fine old favourites of Haypn, Mozart, and Beer HOVEN but nothing more. We have heard the same pieces that have been performed for the last ten years, and no others, except the Bartholomew Fair Overture of Ries. In the eight concerts there have been six violin concertos, and not a single quartet or quintet for stringed instruments. There has been a total want of plan, preparation, or arrangement; the sole endeavour has been to get over every concert with the least possible trouble. We might state one reason, among others, why no improvement of the Philharmonie Concerts was to be anticipated this year; but surely it must suggest itself to the mind of every member. WHO ARE THE CHURCH ROBBERS? THE present is not a poliiical week. Its leading interest is musi- cal. Let us take the opportunity which the great topic of the Festival, together with Dr. Honges’ Apology,* affords us, of re- lieving our minds a little on the subject of Church music and the appropriation of musical funds. Musie, in almost every form, has been a prominent subject of attack with bigots and fanatics of all ages; and the music of cur Church has experienced their bitter vituperation from the time of TAuuis to the present day. But it is something new to find any educated portion of Churcbmen joining in this tirade, and espe- cially to hear the organ of the Conservative High Chureh party foremost in the cry. It is the appropriate vocation of the Record; but when the Sfexdard volunteers an attack upon church music, Dr. Hopees may well exclaim, “ Et tu, Brute!” Let us see how this has come to pass. At the cera of the Reformation, which in England cannot be considered as established before the reign of Exizaperrn, that shrewd and sensible princess, aware of the prejudices in favour of Popish forms and ceremonies among a large class of her subjects, and of the attachment to Puritanism in another numerous body of them, preserved the cathedral worship for the one, and enjoined psalm-singing to please the other. Aware also of the necessity of providing a suecession of men instructed in music, as well as learnedly educated, in order to carry on the cathedral and colle- giate service of the Church, she published an injunction, from which the following is an extract. bes For the continuance of the use of singing in the Church of England, it is enjoined, that no alterations be made of such assignments of living as heretofore ave been appointed to the use of singing or music in the church, but that the same so rcmatn: and that there be a modest and distinct song so used in all the common prayers, that the same may be plainly undeistood: and yet, neverthe- less, for the comforting of such as take delight in music, that in the common prayer, cither morning or evening, there be sung a hymn or such like song, in . . 5 es the best melody and music that may be conveniently devised.” “ According to which order,” says Hry.in, “ as plain song was retained in most parish churches, so in her own chapels and in the quires of all cathedrals and some colleges, the hymns weie sung after a more melodious manner, with organs commonly, and sometimes with musical instruments.” * An Apology for Church Music and Musical Festivals, in answer to the Standard end the Record. By Edward Hodges, Mus, Doc, Published by Rivingtous. The Catholic Church had made ample provision for the musical education of its clergy and for the support of choirs. Exizanetra Wished and ordered the appropriation of this provision entire to the service of the Reformed Church, in language as strong and pre- cise as could be employed. In furtherance of the same object, the charters of the Royal Schools provided for the classical and mu- sical instruction of the singing-boys: see, for example, what those of Eton ordain—* Item, statuimus, &c. quod in dicto nostri regale collegio sit futuris temporibus unus magister informator in gram- matice suflicienter eruditus, qui scholares dicti collegii nostri ac pueros choristas scholas granmmatica exercentes,” &c. &e. The statutes further enjoin, that the choristers shall sueceed to the vacant scholarships, in preference to all other candidates; and that an honest and virtuous clergyman, well instructed in sing- ing and in playing the organ, “et aliis bene ac sufficienter in- structo,” shall teach them music. To the same end, the statutes of many of the colleges in Oxford and Cambridge provide for the education of choristers and the maintenance of choirs,—that of New College for more than thirty, including priests and lay vicars; to the same end, professors were appointed and music-schools founded in the Universities; and to the same end ample provision was made in every cathedral ia the kingdom. All these facts prove that music was regarded as a liberal art, and an important portion of the Church service. And what was the result? Our PurceE.ts, ALpricueEs, Crorrs, GREENES, and Boycrs; and the production of a body of sacred music which, for true sublimity, de- votional feeling, and variety of character, may be safely pro- nounced unrivalled. For awhile the ordinances of EL1zaBeTu and the endowments of founders were respected ; but, by degrees, the clergy began to lay their unhallowed hands on the property of which they were the guardians: instead of trustees, they be- came plunderers, until they have, at length, appropriated to their own use all but the scanty and miserable pittance which they dole out to the few subservient and often wholly incompetent vassals whom they admit into the colleges and cathedrals under pretence of performing the Church service. In St. Paul’s and Westminster Abbey, it is notorious that the choir is paid from the “ show- money :” a disgraceful tax being levied on the public that its re- venues may go into the pockets of fat dignitaries ; while at Eton and the other publie schools, the boys have long since been, unjustly and in defiance of the statutes, deprived of the education originally desigued and provided for them. Now, in this state of things, the fanatics in and out of the Church assail its musical service. This is nothing new: they did so two centuries ago. But in what position are the sot-disant Conserva- live party in the Church placed? They who see nothing but de- struction in every effort to amend its discip‘ine or correct its abuses —they who are for keeping every thing as it is—who denounce innovation as heresy, and anathematize reformers as blasphemers —ithey who, with brazen effrontery, exclaim against “ alienation’ of the revenues of the Church+—in what situation do these men stand when this yell of bigotry is abroad? Their language to one another must be this—‘*We have violated our trust: we have appropriated to our own private use and benefit that which was left for the worship of the Church; and we dare not, we cannot put ourselves in array against these men. We cannot defend the musical service of the Church, for we have alienated and daily pocket the revenues by which it should he supported. We have culy one course left—we must join the fanatics and attack it.” And they do. Hence the new light and the new logie. Hence the discovery, that ‘t sensuality of every kind, whether culi- uary cr musical, ought to be for ever excluded from the seats of learning and religion.” Hence the “persuasion,” that “ the great majority, if they dare confess it, feel even the very small infusion of music usually permitted in our liturgical service an obstruction, rather then an aid to religious contemplations.”— Perhaps the re- sult of this new light will be a motion from the Bishop of Lonpon to draw off even ‘the very small infusion” which thus imbitters the Conservative cup. And why not follow up the anti-sensual war by despoiling our cathedrals and abbeys of their monuments and relics, and converting them into usefulcash? Finally, why not rase these costly and useless building, and sell the materials? Why should the enjoyments of the eye be preserved, while those of the ear are to cease? The atiack of the Bishop of Lonpon on Festivals is also the result of the situation in which he and his party are placed. He is no fanatic, but a sharp and shrewd man of the world. He has no distaste for music; and as fur his cant about ‘“‘ desecration” (that is the new word), every one laughs at the notion of his at- taching any superstitious reverence to bricks and stones, or any impiety to a performauce of sacred music ia the walls of a church. He knows better, and such absurdities are not in accordance with’ his character. But he is pressed on by fanatics; and, feeling that he and his party in the Church occupy but ticklish ground, thinks it politic to join in their cry: his noise is the result of cowardice, not conviction. “It is asserted by the opponents of Musical Festivals,” says Dr.: Hopges, “that the moral and religious character of the per- formers is not such as to justify their being employed ina church.” Our reply is, let characters of notoriously immoral and profli- gate habits be excluded. Some knowledge of the profession enables us to state that none such need be admitted. But the: habits of our Aristocracy (taking a very recent example as a nillus»: + See the speeches of the Archbishop of Canrernury and the Bishops of Lonrop : and Exerer iu the House of Lords, June 6th. ¢ See the quotations from the Standard in Dr, Hopexzs’ Apology, p. 5—6,
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588 THE SPECTATOR. tration) lead them to flock in crowds to support an individual whose presence all the respectable part of the profession avoid as they would a pestilence, and whose touch they would regard a con- tamination. Butare these the men to cast the stone at musicians ? —they who have deprived them of the moral and religious train- ing which the piety and good sense of their forefathers provided ! They shut up our schools, they turn adrift our masters and scholars, they exclude us from Universities, they degrade and vilify the practice and the profession of music, and then insult us with our ignorance and our profligacy. Is this Christian charity: —is it common justice ? : It seems that we have been made parties in this controversy. “The Spectator,” says Dr. Honass, “ gravely suggested to the managers of the approaching Festival a wish that Mozart's cclebrated Re- quiem, ‘‘ Missa pro defunctis,” might be heard in Westminster Abbey. The editor of the Standard did not fail to take advantage from this circumstance to allege that the words are not taken into account by musical people, but that the pleasure they ex- .perience is solely derived from the music. But how knew he but the writer in the Spectator might be a devout Roman Catholie, by whom the expression of such a wish might be by no means im- proper?” We beg to assure Dr. Honaes, that, whatever be our religious creed, we have no desire to insinuate Popery into the ears either of the Royal or vulgar auditors who may chance to attend the Festival. We saw that, with the Royal sanction, music for the service of the Catholic Church was to be performed there— Perco tes: having written no other; and the height and front of our offending is that (such being the case) we preferred Mozart to Percgotest. To our ears the doggrel Latin rhymes of the Requiem have no great charm; but the Offertorium alone contains any religious sentiment that a Protestant Episcopalian need startle at; and even this might be retained, as Dr. Hop@rs suggests, by the substitution of ‘ nobis” for ‘eis,’ wherever the latter word occurs in the prayers for the dead. Dr. Hopges, on the authority of many eminent divines of the English Church, successfully repels the barbarian attack which is thus levelled at her simple and elevating form of wor- ship by these her pretended friends. Perhaps we have unra- velled the mystery which he sought in vain to dispel, and laid bare the motives which prompted this ruthless attempt at spolia- tion and desecration. The really weak point in the arrangements of the approaching Festival is (in part) its wncharitable object. We repeat uncharitable—for every shilling that goes into the pockets of the Directors of the Tenterden Street School is so much taken from “ decayed musicians or their widows and orphans.” Whatever be this amount, it might as well be given to the Zoolo- gical Gardens, or the Linnean Society. Of this fact the Dukes of NewcastLe and CumBertanp either were or chose to be ig- norant, in their skirmish on this subject in the House of Lords. MR. VANDENHOFE'S “CORIOLANUS.” Tue character of Coriolanus is one of the most trying which an actor could choose for his debut; for, independently of its associa- tions with the fame of Kemstr, the requisites of a fine person, an expressive face, a powerful voice, an air of nobleness, and intellec- tuality of the highest order for the stage—qualities so rarely com- bined in any individual actor—are essential to its complete personation. In our opinion, the new tragedian failed to realize the beau ideal of Coriolanus; and we are neither sur- prised nor greatly disappointed that it should be so. If, however, applauses are to be taken as the measure of success, Mr. VANDEN- HOFF may consider himself triumphant; for not only was he greeted on his first appearance with enthusiastic cheering, but during the progress and at the close of his performance he was loudly applauded. Much of the applause proceeded from the friends of the actor; and from a feeling among the audience, that, on his first appearance in London ten or twelve years ago, when Kean, Younc, Cuartes Kemser, and Macreapy occupied all the high places in tragedy, he was in a manner sacrificed to pre- judice and stage cabal. Some opposition, indeed, appears to have been expected on the present occasion; and the friends of the new actor eagerly seized upon one or two passages in the dialogue and applied them to his situation. In the personal requisites for a tragedian, Mr. VANDENHOFF is not deficient : his voice too is manly and powerful; and his action unconstrained and energetic, without being redundant. We do not know how far he is improved since his former appearance in London, not having seen him then; but we hear that his long ex- perience of the stage has not been lost upon him; and we cannot doubt that his powers have been matured by practice. As the leading tragedian at the Liverpool Theatre, he has sustained a very high provincial reputation; he has also performed at Edin- burgh with eminent success. Mr. VanvEenuort's Coriolanus is a vigorous, spirited, and natu- ral performance,—a broad and effective personation of the rough, honest, and hardy soldier, habituated to command, alike impa- tient of the praises of his friends and despising the censure of his enemies. It is more the Coriolanus of history than the ideal crea- tion of the poet, who treads the earth like a demigod, towering above his compeers like the colossal statue of Mars inthe Capitol. It lacked the inborn dignity, the lofty and imperious air of the proud patrician, Though Mr. VaNpENnHorFF delivered his taunts of the mob with great effect, his contempt for the people did not seem to be merely the irrepressible overflowing of his pride and superiority. His gestures of disgust, when he craved the voices of the plebeians, were a little too ostentatious. His sneers partook somewhat of peevish discontent; and this pervading expression of his face was too strongly marked. A glance of the eye, a curl of the lip, an involuntary movement of the hand, should be the only external evidence of the scorn and aversion abiding within him. His rage when he was baited by the tribunes, was foo shal- low and noisy, and wanted the check of dignity. When his mother entreats him to make his peace with the people, his demeanour was not sufficiently controlled by that respect and veneration which Coriolanus really bears for Volumnia. His obeisance to her when he returns from the wars, was made, however, in a gallant-style- and inthe scene were Volumnia and Virgilia supplicate for mercy to the Romans, he manifested feeling, in the tenderness with which he embraced his wife, and the marily fondness with which he clasped his boy in hisarms—the son, the husband, the father, and the hero, spoke in his look, voice, and action. This was the best part of his performance; and, together with the naturalness with which he threw in those little homely touches of familiar speech which relieve the loftiest passages in the dialogue of SHaKsPEARE, convince us that he will not belie the good report that we have heard of Mr. ANDENHOFF'S powers in characters of domestic interest, such as the heroes of KNow gs’s plays. The two famous scenes with Aufidius were the least successful of his efforts; especially in the first interview, where he discloses himself. In the last, the violence of the exasperated soldier was not adequately supported by a noble bearing. He applied the epithet “ measureless liar” to Aufidius in a noisy, scolding manner, not as though it rose from the depth of his disdain: and in his reiteration of the epithet “boy,” his rage at the indignity, and his supreme contempt for him who offered it, were not ex- pressed with that grand indignation which is forced to stoop to notice insult. The action with which he accompanied his trium- phant answer to this affront— “ec Like an eagle in a dovecot, I Fluttered your Volves ”...... was positively ludicrous: it was a caricature of the fault which Mr. VANDENHOFF has in common with Macreapy and other emi- nent actors, of suiting the action to the word too literally. We shall hope to be able to give a more uniformly favourable report of Mr. VANDENHOF?r’s performance, in a character which affords more scope for his powers of expressing natural emotions. Talent such as he possesses is a welcome acquisition to the London stage. THE NEW ENGLISH OPERA-HOUSE. We looked in this week to see the progress of the works in Mr. ARNOLD's new theatre. The interior is in so forward a state as to convey a complete idea of its arrangements, and a partial one of its style of decoration. It promises to be the most snug, compact, and elegant theatre in the Metropolis. We were particularly struck with the great extent of the stage, both in depth and width. A famous perspective of actual space may thus be obtained—a great desideratum in these days of scenic display and illusion. The audience part is very convenient for seeing, and the greatest care has been had to render it equally advantageous for hearing ; but this can only be ascertained by trial. It is of the horse-shoe form, and most like the Victoria in shape and size. There are two tiers of boxes: the lower, or dress circle, projects a few inches, and its front will be an ornamental railing of trellis-work, which will have a light, elegant, and novel effect. Behind is a range of small boxes, for family parties. There are also three private boxes at each end of each tier, besides those on the stage. At the sides, on a level with the gallery, are the slips as usual. There being only one gallery, it might have been carried all round: but per- haps the owners of the private boxes might not like to be sub- jected to the stare of the gods. The pit has,apparently, a greater ascent than usual from the orchestra; a convenience that will be welcomed by a numerous portion of the playgoing public. The architecture of the building and its decorations, as far as we could judge, appear to be in classic taste; and will add greatly to the reputation of Mr. Beaz.ry, the architect. The ceiling, which is circular, and slightly concave, is ornamented with coloured arabesques in compartments: and its effect is warm, rich, and chaste withal. The principal entrance, from the new street, 1s under an elegant portico of six lofty fluted columns of the Corin- thian order; those at the two extremities being coupled—that is, placed on one base. Passing through a hall, with an arched roof, the visiter enters a vestibule opening into the dress circle, with a double staircase on each side, leading to the upper boxes, and the saloon. The saloon is, very properly, placed out of the way of all who do not choose to seek it. The operatic company will be very strong. Mr. ARrNoLp intends, at last, to give English music a fair chance. Two new operas, by young English composers, are already prepared for the opening. At the late Frankfort fair, fifty thousand copies were rapidly sold of translations in the German and French languages of the English pamphlet, entitled “* The Reform Ministry and the Reformed Parlia- ment.” The sale was so quick, that the authorities, if so disposed, had no time to suppress their circulation. The circumstance shows the avidity with which every thing is sought and read, particularly in Germany, which relates to a representative form of Government.
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THE SPECTATOR. 589 SPECTATOR’S LIBRARY. TRAVELS Italy ; ‘with Sketches of Spain and Portugal. By the Author of “ Vathek.” 2 vols. Bentiey. BrooRapny, The Autobiography, Times, Opinions, and Contemporaries of Sir Egerton Brydges, Bart., K.1. (per legem terr@) Lord Chandos of Sudeley, &e. 2 vols. Cochrane and M‘Crone. By the Dutchess of Lives and Portraits of the Celebrated Women of all Countries. Abrantes. Part IIL.............- SPT e ers Chi Cinna veds sees +e Bull and Churton. FICTION, | Trials and Triumphs; comprising The Convict’s Daughter, and the Convert’s | Daughter... cccsese C5 GUS re HOR OMETT INE CATON nn eee ..-Smith and Elder. | PorrrRy, The Revolutionary Epick. The work of D’Israeli the Younger, author of “ The | Psychological Romance.” Books Il. and TIL... .. cece cece eee e ee eee eees Moxon. BECKFORD S ITALY, SPAIN, AND PORTUGAL. To the present generation, the name of BrcKkrorp is better known than his works. Had his celebrity depended altogether | upon his productions, it would probably have been less than it is. | His voluptuous tastes, his enormous wealth, and the extraordinary uses to which he turned it—the singularity of some parts of his | career, the affected mystery of others, and the solitude which has | overshadowed its close—have given him in some sense a repu- tation of circumstances. said, that had his apparent advantages of fortune been less, the gifts of nature would have been turned to greater and to better account. His works—and they were all written ata very carly ing, a laborious cultivation, the manure of study, and the accom- plishments of practice, would have enabled to vie with any of his contemporaries. The name of Beckxrorp would illustrate the moral nocitura of excessive wealth, better than the names of Lonainus, SENECA, and Lareranus, exhibited its physical evils. The first of the two volumes before us has been privately printed for many years ; of the whole of the second, we are, from internal evidence, somewhat more doubtful. The cause of their present appearance is the approval with which some authors of high repu- tation have read them, and the uses to which they have applied their reading. “¢ Some justly-admired authors,” says Mr. Beckrorp in his Advertisement, having condescended to glean a few stray thoughts from these Letters, which have remained dormant a great many years, I have been at length emboldened to Jay them before the public. Perhaps, as they happen to contain passages which persons of acknowledged taste have honoured with their notice, they may pos- preg less unworthy of emerging from the shade into daylight than I ima- gined. ” « Most of these Letters were written in the bloom and heyday of youthful spirits and youthful confidence; at a period when the old order of things existed with all its picturesque pomps and absurdities; when Venice enjoyed her piombi and submarine dungeons; France her Bastile; the Peninsula her holy Inquisition. To look back upon what is beginning to appear almost a fabulous era in the eyes of the modern children of light, is not unamusing or uninstructive ; for, still better to appreciate the present, we should be Jed not unfrequently to recall the intellectual muzziness of the past. ** But, happily, these pages are not crowded with such records; they are chiefly filled with delineations of landscape, and those effects of natural phe- nomena which it is not in the power of revolutions or constitutions to alter or destroy.” These Letters, which have at last appeared, seem all to have been addressed to one individual, the confidant of the writer's jocosa and seria—if at that time really serious matters oppressed the mind of “England's wealthiest son.” The greater portion of the first volume is devoted to a descriptive account of part of his grand tour. The first letter, written in 1780, is dated Ostend; whence the writer proceeded to the Hague, by Ghent and Antwerp. Travelling onward through the Low Countries, and occasionally skirting the Rhine, he reached Bavaria; crossed the mountains into Italy; sojourned at Venice; and passing on, visited the chief cities of Italy, from Padua to Naples. A second excursion, in 1782, gave rise to other epistles; the best of which describe his visit to the Carthusian convent-of the Grande Chartreuse. In 1787, he went to Portugal; saw the sights and the curiosities of Lisbon and its vicinity; mixed with its court and its nobles, and made sport of its characters. Unwillingly obeying, as we understand him, medi- cal orders and presettled arrangements, he travelled by land to Madrid; where the volumes close. The subject matter of the work has been partly indicated by the author himself, in the passage already quoted. Nature, natural phenomena, and the picture-like effects which men or their produc- tions throw over a scene or present to the eye, are not, however, all upon which his pen is exercised. Throughout, but especially in the second volume, we have sketches of manners, indications of character, and reports of conversations with the great ones of the earth—princes, nobles, bishops, and inquisitors—intermingled with light and elegant, but somewhat mystical criticism, on works of art and vertu. The pervading spirit of the work is that of an elegant volup- tuary—of an Aristippean who lives for pleasure, whose wealth is unlimited, whose health is sufficient, and the exercise of whose will is unshackled by a thought of means. Is he tired of his car- riage—a horse is at hand for more manly exercise. His gon- dola, though swift, is slower than he likes—he gets into “abark with six oars, which sweeps along the waters.” The country he is passing through is dreary—he sleeps away the monotonous ride, and spends the night in a garden or a grove, surrounded by the flowers and plants of a Southern clime, and canopied by a Southern sky with its brilliant lights. In the more civilized countries, he takes no heed of his table—milk, bread, wine, and On the other hand, it may be truly | | fruits, are almost the only eatables he mentions: ina barbarous region like Spain, we guess from a casual expression, that, like Pharoah, a chief baker attended him, to supply the breakfast- table with hot rolls. From the triumphs of art he is content to receive an impression, without tasking his mind to investigate the causes which have produced the effect. But the scientific follower of pleasure knows that its essence is variety and contrast: the Sybarite was not unreasonable who complained of his crumpled | rose-leaf, fora luxury should be perfect in itself; but a harder bed would at times be necessary to add soundness to slumber. Mr. Becxrorp knew all this. When the formal dulness of a court and its courtiers wearied, or the inane chatter of dowager dutchesss dis- gusted him, he stole away to the solitude of a mountain, or the society of a mixed company. He would leave his carriage or his steed, to thread forests or climb crags, brave the most piercing wind or the most scorching sun, for the sake of a prospect, and cross a stream that he might look at a cottage and its children. It must not be understood from this, that there is any thing boastful or obtrusive in his book. What we have stated broadly and briefly is scattered in detached passages, only perceptible to close attention, and at last indicated naturally and by the by. We know not whether he had a valet, or even a “ man;" his liaisons are barely hinted at. There is nothing of the gross and gloomy licentiousness of Childe Harold about him. His luxury is more than Oriental, but ennobled by a classical taste, and dig- nified by a gentlemanly tone, a chivalric “ sensibility of prin- | ciple, under which vice itscif lost all its grossness,” if it lost not period—exhibit indications of genius, which a sterner moral train- | * half its evil.” The literary character of the work is soon told.. Its merits are— a flowing narrative, much vivacity and animation, with an elegance which would have been greater had the point and smart- ness been less. Its defect is—slightness and superficiality, and want of hearty sympathy with man; not that Mr. Beckrorp is here heartless, but there is sometimes too much of ‘ let them eat pie-crust”—or rather, perhaps, the necessity of bread is over- looked. The style is clear and terse, frequently sparkling ; the tone coloured by the feelings of the writer. In this point of view,. it has some of the interest of an autobiography. We see the mo- dern Creesus (without a Sulon)—amused, pleased, nay sometimes gratified, if not contented, with the first novelty of foreign scenes, and the excitement of rapid motion. As these lose their freshness, a stronger stimulus becomes necessary; bolder but more barren prospects must be viewed, higher and bleaker mountains must be climbed. When nature fails, he must resort to friendship, or what is called such, whimsies, characters, and high life. We feel that even these pall upon the jaded pleasure-hunter, so wretched as to have no object of pursuit, till at last he is found referring to the bygone days, when he was “ fervid and eestatic, the toy of every impulse, the willing dupe of every gay illusion.” We have little room for extracts; but here is a picture of THE SPANISH NOBILITY OF 1795. If the race of grandees could, by judicious crossing, be sustained as successfully (as the King’s bulls), Spain would not have to lament her present scurvy, ill* favoured generation of nobility. Should they be suffered to dwindle much longer, and accumulate estates and diseases by eternal intermarriages in the same family, I expect to see them on all-fours before the next century is much advanced in its course. These little men, however, are not without some sparks of a lofty, resolute spirit; very few, indeed, have bowed the knee to the Baal of the present hour, to the image which the King has set up. A train of eager, hungry dependants, picked out of inferior and foreign classes, form the company of the Duke of Alcudia. Notwithstanding his lofty titles, unbounded wealth, solid power, and dazzling magnificence, he is treated by the first class with silent contempt and passive indifference. They read the tale of his illustrious descent with the same sneering incredulity, as the patents and decrees which enumerate the services he has done the state. Few instances, perhaps, are upon record, of a more steady, persevering contempt of an object in actual power, stamped with every ornament royal favour can devise to give it credit, value, and currency. The next is a bit of description, which proves that he might have forestalled WaAsHINGTON IRviNG in elaborate clegance of style and fancy, even if he had not chosen to aim at higher ex- cellencies. 1 am resolved to journey along with Quiet and Content for my companions. These two comfortable deities have, I believe, taken Flanders uuder their espe- cial protection; every step one adyances discovering some new proof of their influence. The neatness of the houses, and the universal cleanliness of the vil- lages, show plainly that their inhabitants live in ease and good humour. All is still and peaceful in these fertile lowlands: the eye meets nothing but round unmeaning faces ut every door, and harmless stupidity smiling at every window. The beasts, as placid as their masters, graze on without any disturbance; and scarcely recollect to have heard one grunting swine or snarling mastiff during my whole progress. Before every village is a wealthy dunghill, not at all offensive, because but seldom disturbed ; and there sows and porkers bask in the sun and wallow at their ease, till the hour of death and bacon arrives. But it is high time to lead you towards Antwerp. More rich pastures, more ample fields of grain, more flourishing willows! A boundless plain lies before this city, dotted with cows, and speckled with flowers,—a level whence its spires and quaint roofs are seen to advantage. The pale colours of the sky and a few gleams of watery sunshine gave a true Flemish cast to the scenery; and every thing appeared so consistent, that I had not a shadow of pretence to think myself asleep. A contemporary, referring to the Preface, considers that Rogers in his /éaly, and Moore in his Rhymes on the Road, have been indebted to the Letters, but doubts about Byron. To our apprehension, the coincidences between Beckrorp and Byron are the most striking. It is not likely that the noble poet had read the Letters before the First Canto of Childe Harold was written, but there is a faint reflection of similar ideas in the Letters from Lisbon; and they each saw the same curiosities, and travelled when departing the same route. The coincidences of thought, and even of plan, in the Third and Fourth Cantos, are
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590 THE SPECTATOR. more perceptible. And perhaps the closing part of the following extract might have furnished a hint for the magnificent opening of the Fourth. * T stood in Venice, on the Bridge of Sighs, A palace and a prison on each hand.” Be this as it may, the passages have an interest of their own. I was entering into a grand harum-scarum discourse with some Russian counts or princes, or whatever you please, just landed with dwarfs and footmen -and rnors, and staring like me about them, when Madame de Rosenberg ar- rived, to whom I had the happiness of being recommended. She presented me to some of the most distinguished of the Venetian families, at their great casino which looks into the piazza, and consists of five or six rooms, fitted up in a gay flimsy taste, neither rich nor elegant; where were a great many lights and a great many ladies negligently dressed, their hair falling very freely about them, and innumerable adventures written in their eyes. The gentlemen were lolling upon the sofas or lounging about the apartments. The whole assembly seemed upon the verge of gaping, till coffee was carried round. This magic beiicene diffused a temporary animation; and for a mo- ment or two, conversation moved on witha degree of pleasing extravagance ; but the flash was soon dissipated, and nothing remained save cards and stupidity. In the intervals of shuffling and dealing, some talked over the affairs of the Grand Council with less reserve than 1 expected ; and two or three of them asked some feeble questions about the late tumults in London. It was one o'clock before all the company were assembled, and I left them at three, still dreaming over their coffee and card-tables. Trieze is their favourite game; uno, due, tre, quatro, cinque, fante, cavallo re, are eternally repeated: the apart- ments echoed no other sound. I wonder a lively people can endure such monotony; for I have been told the Venetians are remarkably spirited, and so eager in the pursuit of amusement as hardly to allow themselves any sleep. Some, for instance, after declaiming in the Senate, walking an hour in the square, and fidgeting about from one casino to another till morning dawns, will get into a gondola, row across the lagunes, take the post to Mestre or Fusina, and jumble over craggy pavements to Tre- viso ; breakfast in haste, and rattle back again as if the Devil were charioteer ; by eleven the party is restored to Venice, resumes robe and perriwig, and goes to Council. _ This may be very true, and yet I will never cite the Venetians asexamples of vivacity. Their nerves, unstrung by early debaucheries, allow no natural flow of lively spirits, and at best but a few moments of a false and a feverish activity. The approaches of sleep, forced back by an immoderate use of coffee, render them weak and listless ; and the facility of being wafted from place to place in a gondola, adds not a little to their indolence. In short, I can scarcely regard their Eastern neighbours in a more lazy light; who, thanks to their opium and their harems, pass their lives in one perpetual doze. . xs * At last, I reached once more the colonnades at the entrance, and caught the sea-breeze in the open porticos which front San Giorgio Maggiore. The walls are covered in most places with grim visages sculptured in marble, whose mouths gape for accusations, and swallow every lie that malice and revenge can dictate. I wished for a few ears of the same kind, dispersed about the Doge’s residence, to which one might apply one’s own, and ‘catch some account of the mysteries within; some little dialogue between the three Inquisi- tors, or debate in the Council of Ten. This is the tribunal which holds the wealthy nobility in continual awe ; before which they appear with trembling and terror; and whose summons they dare not disobey. Sometimes, by way of clemency, it condemns its victims to per- petual imprisonment, in close, stifling cells, between the leads and beams of the palace; or, unwilling to spill the blood of a fellow-citizen, generously siaks them into dungeons, deep under the canals which wash its foundations ; so that, above and below, its majesty is contaminated by the abodes of punishment. What other sovereign could endure the idea of having his immediate residence polluted with tears? or revel in his halls, conscious that many of his speci consuming their hours in lamentations above his head, and that but a few beams separated him from the scene of their tortures? However gayly disposed, could one dance with pleasure on a pavement, beneath which lie damp and gloomy caverns, whose inhabitants waste away by painful degrees, and feel themselves whole years a dying? Impressed by these terrible ideas, I could not regard the palace without horror, and wished for the strength of a thousand antediluvians, to level it with the sea, lay open the secret recesses of punishment, and admit free gales and sunshine into every den. 5 . i: Abandoning therefore the sad tenants of the piombi to their fate, I left the courts, and stepping into my bark was rowed down a canal overshadowed by the lofty walls of the palace. Beneath these fatal waters the dungeons I have also been speaking of are situated. There the wretches lie, marking the sound of the oars, and counting the free passage of every gondola. Above, a marble bridge, of bold majestic architecture, joins the highest part of the prisons to the secret galleries of the palace; from whence criminals are conducted over the arch to a cruel and mysterious death. I shuddered whilst passing below ; and believe it is not without cause, this structure is named Ponte dei Sospiri. Horrors and dismal prospects haunted my fancy upon my return. I could not dine in peace, so strongly was my imagination affected ; but snatching my pencil, I drew chasms and subterraneous hollows, the domain of fear and torture, with chains, racks, wheels, and dreadful engines, in the style of Piranesi. About sunset I went and refreshed myself with the cool air and cheerful scenery of the Fondamenti Nuovi; a vast quay or terrace of white marble, which commands the whole series of isles, from San Michele to Torcello, “That rise and glitter o’er the ambient tide.” "Nothing can be more picturesque than the groups of towers and cupolas which they present, mixed with flat roofs and low buildings, and now and then a pine or cypress. Afar off, a little woody isle, called Il Deserto, swells from the ocean and diversifies its expanse. The slightness and superficiality already alluded to, is traceable perhaps to the absence of a pursuit—to the want of knowledge ‘either scientific or practical. The condensation of verse gives weight and vigour to individual ideas, which become diffusive in rose, and retain their chief interest only for a temporary period. acts are more enduring; at least as objects of comparison, if no Jonger of instruction. The power of the work, too, is perhaps chemical—combining, rather than creative. It has more the spark- ling effervescence of a mineral water, than the spirit of wine; at “all events, the wine had scarcely sufficient body to keep for so long a period as forty or fifty years. SIR EGERTON BRYDGES. Tues volumes are not so much an autobiography, as_remivis- cences and opinions. An idea of the life of Sir Egerton Brypcges may be gleaned from them; but the materials are secant and scattered, and buried in a mass of foreign substances, consisting of disquisitions on genius and poetry, antiquarian or genealogical discussions, curious sketches of characters of all kinds, from “ Billy Pitt the Tory” down to some unknown squirein the Weald of Kent, and pleasant gossip on many matters. The work has been called melaneholy, and the impression it leaves has been represented as lugubriously tristeful. We have had few if any feelings of this kind excited. The subject-matter is not indeed of a cheerfol or a happy cast: we see the ad- vantages of fortune thrown away, and witness the continual efforts of a vain ambition to acquire a disctinction which na- ture, we think, had gainsaid, and which at all events was pursued without vigour, consideration, or effort. But the strange and exaggerated manner in which these things are treated of, sometimes excite smiles, sometimes provoke laughter. The pedigrees are more wearisome than melancholy ; the public charac- ters, though somewhat coloured, it is to be suspected, by the medium through which they have passed, are interesting; and the sketches of private individuals who figure in these volumes are somewhat too sharp to be sad in the eyes of strangers. The au- thor rather defies than deprecates judgment—“ mea virtute me involvo :* and truly, a person who passes so free a censure upon other individuals, whom he merely met in private life, will have no right to complain of the censure which others may pass upon him, The hero of these memoirs was born in 1762: his mother was an Egerton, his father a Brypces of course. The combination produced a family amongst the most illustrious in the world, if that of Conrucius be excepted. The author traces his descent to CHARLEMAGNE; and, coming down to the next epocha of the heralds, the Conquest, he proves himself connected on the female side with no fewer than one hundred Anglo-Norman non-enume- rated Barons, besides fifty-four whose titles are told. Nor is this all: the elder branch of the Sruarrs is extinet; the family of Sardinia, to whom the High Church looked in the days of Grorce the Fourth and the Duke of WELLINGTON, may pass away ; even the house of Brunswick may cease to reign: but there will still be balm in Britain—the hydra of Republicanism must succumb whilst a Brypges is in being; for who so fit to mount the throne as a man connected with houses— ROYAL. All the chief branches of the Royal Houses of the Conqueror, Plantagenet, and Tudor. FOREIGN ROYAL AND PRINCELY HOUSES. 1. Merovingian Kings of France; 2. Carlovingian Kings; 8. Capitian Kings; 4. Royal Houses of Spain; 5. Emperors of Germany, of all the Houses; 6. Portugal; 7. Ancient Dynasty of Russia; 8. Many of thesmaller Principalities of France; 9. Several of the princely Italian Houses, as Visconti, &e. But though thus ennobled by his ancestors, Egzrron in early life was a younger brother. He felt, perhaps, that even the ho- nours of the race of CHARLEMAGNE were chiefly reflected on the eldest born: he might desire to render the illustrious by birth yet more illustrious by genius: he could not but remember that his | bleod, so rich in kings and ‘heroes, was unable to boast of being s Were | enriched by the sacred veins of apoct. Long pond 4 1 ring over these | things, and the nightly visitations of something like a muse, in- | duced him to touch the lyre. At two-and-twenty, he published a volume of poems, which fell still-born from the press; and about the same period he married. The ill success of his first courtship (of the Muses) crushed his powers of composition for a time: but after seven years they revived; and since 1792, his life has beena long disease of the cacoethes scribendi. We has contributed to many periodicals, and edited some himself; he has composed no- vels, poems, pamphlets, travels, essays, and genealogical trees; he has written treatises on law, poetry, political economy, and high descent; and lastly, he has written his life. Besides this, he sat for a short time in Parliament, and served for a still shorter as a captain of the train-bands. He dabbled in agriculture, as an ama- teur; became involved by his own neglect, and,as he says, by the rascality of his agents; and at last was compelled, by increasing difficulties, to reside abroad. In addition to all this, he had another employment, which has given a colour to his mind. His childless elder brother laid claim to the dormant title of Lord Cuannos of Sudeley ; but all the difficulties and troubles of the case were de- volved upon our author; who had to hunt up the evidence, prove the pedigrees, and rectify the evils which sprung from his brother's occasional intermeddling. This claim was finally rejected ; contrary, as our author says, tothe “legem terre.” But he had many enemies to contend with. The parvenus of the Peers were opposed to him; two of the ancient nobility disgraced themselves by voting against him. The Law Lords were his enemies; ELLENBOROUGH misrepre- sented the law; RepespaLe made it for the nonce. Yet all this would have availed nothing, had not his brother sent round a cit- cular requesting an attendance on the great, the important day, big with the fate of the Carlovingian race. This was interpreted into acanvass. Some friends were shocked, and went away ; others voted against the claim, to show their purity ; parvenus aud medio- critists (Peers neither old nor new, but more mischievous than either) howled with triumph; those who had never attended the progress of the case came down to pass judgment; the ranks of the conspirators were swelled by a new creation of fro days old; and the claim was held “ not sefficient’y proved.” This decision eventually killed his elder brother. It has soured the mind of his suceessor. Hear him on the hardships he underwent, on the miseries he experienced. The order of things is not very con- secutive, but it is not eur fault. The hostile resolution of the Lords on the Peerage claim was received by our enemies with grins of extreme delight, as. we were all mavle to feel it in varlons ways by the countenances and addresses, of these into whose company we ele ew = Se oS ss OL
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THE SPECTATOR. 591 | tered. One noble lorJ, at whose house I paid a morning visit, and with whom I had been on something like confidential terms, never came into the room when he heard I was there. He was a man of the world, and took up things warmly when they went well: he had made a long and able speech for the claim, and then declined to vote. He has been dead many years: I never saw him after- wards, nor wished to see him. He had been a most successful, yet was not a happy man: Pitt and a rich marriage had lifted him from a mean birth toa high station and large estates. He was, with some other successful children of capricious fortune, of a Northern, though not Scotch race. Of the little reliance to be put on modern aristocracy, we had innumerable roofs. One of Mr. Pitt’s Peers introduced himself to the claimant, for the purpose of hearing from him every thing confidential which he could learn, and then went and reported back the whole to the agents of the fiercest opponents. The wife of a mitred dignitary, who had long known the family, paid visits to get out all the gossip, which no doubt she related to her brother, who, though he never once attended a Committee, came down to vote against the claimant, — probably sent by a powerful house of intriguants, who in less than a century had raised themselves from mean and poor gentry into the highest offices, rank, and wealth of the state. Another Peer, unfortunately of an old title and house, was met in the street the day after the Lords’ resolution, anc on mention of the event, cried, “‘ Ah! I am very sorry I was not there, for I had promised to come down and vote against it!” though he had actually never been present for a mo- ment at a single hearing! This honourable Peer’s sister had been particularly intimate with one of the claimant’s family. _ Another Peer was brought by a soi-disant friend to meet the present writer at dinner several times, and pre- tended great cordiality and good intention towards the claim ; but this noble lord was also among the voters in opposition, to the utter astonishment of us all. He had been himself made a Peer, but not by Pitt. There were, however, a noble few who, in spite of all intrigues, were i **—__. faithful among the faithless found.’ I cannot think of those days without indignation and disgust ; observers won- dered how I bore it as I did. The truth is, that I had been so tormented about it for a number of years, and kept in such painful and provoking suspense, that any termination to the contest, however unfavourable, appeared to me at the moment to be preferable to a continuance of the same sufferings. My brother was always in such a fever and irritation that he would not give me a moment’s rest; he was at my door from four in the morning till past midnight ; he even often called me out of my bed: and when he did not call me, he complained that he had been sitting for hours in my room below waiting for me. He had no firmness of mind, aad could rely in nothing on himself: he was driven about like a feather by every breath and calumny and whisper; and I had such absurd misrepresentations to answer, that I often lost all patience. bad * This has been a most painful situation, and aggravated in this way,—that the unsuccessful are always supposed by the malevolence of the world to be in the wrong. ‘* What!” they said, “the high tribunal of the Lords! can you sup- pose they would do an act of injustice? What interest could they have in coming to a wrong decision?” Lord Redesdale has himself seaward dhe; he has told them what interest the Lords had in such a case. He begins his speech on the Banbury case in these memorable words—‘* This is a question not simply between the Crown and the claimant; it affects every Peer whose patent is of a subsequent date to the patent of William Earl of Banbury.” Is any thing further wanted than the assertion of their own favourite judge? Then Lord Ellenborough complained how hard it was that persons should be put among the Peers who had not worked for it, as he had done !—an odd argument against a seat in the House, of which the essence was hereditabilify. This, it will be said, was temper, not ignorance or incapacity of argument: but want of temper is a greater disqualification in a judge, than want of capacity or want of knowledge. One great point insisted on throughout the volumes, is that success is no proofof merit. If time and space allowed it, many passages—some sharp, some ludicrous—might be quoted; and the subject itself is not unworthy of a calm discussion. But, in the sweeping decisions of Sir Egrrron, it is easy to see that the judge has an eye to hisown case; for few men who have laboured so long and so earnestly, were ever, perhaps, more completely un- successful on all points. One great object of his life was the elysium of which poets sing—a rural retreat, and a state of literary leisure, free from internal care and external annoyances. He had a seat in a beautiful country; in early life he possessed a com- petent, in later years an ample income: yet his solitude was con- stantly haunted by the cares and anxieties ofan embarrassed man. He had set his heart upon the Chandos Peerage; his peculiar Studies ought to have told him either of the truth or falsehood of the claim. After years of litigation and expense, it was condi- tionally rejected. From that time to this, he persists in asserting his right ; and has assumed the title, but has taken no steps to bring the claim before the Lords, or another tribunal which he Says isopen to him. The desire of present renown and future fame was his earliest, his most enduring, and his strongest passion, *¢ What shall I do to be for ever known, And make the age to come my own ?” was his constant question, which he has never yet been able to re- solve. Ina favourable and perhaps a friendly notice of the man, in the last Quarterly, this is attributed to want of steady industry ; for it is said, “he possesses the temperament of genius in as high & perfection as any author of our times.” The phrase is not spe- cific. If by temperament be meant a sensibility of mind, we be- lieve few of the higher intellectual qualities are more common, and, unless balanced by other powers, few more mischievous; for, like hervous irritability in the bodily system, it is a proof of weakness rather than of strength. Of steady industry, indeed, we believe Sir Egerton Brynezs incapable by nature; for he wants the thewes and sinews necessary for continuous labour. He has no Tuminating power, which would enable him to make the know- edge he acquires from books and obseivation his own. Nor has he the mens sana, or, as the Quarterly acknowledges, the logical power which is requisite to form a first-rate intellect. Lastly, he wants the unknown principle of mental life, the power of genius. These observations must be applied to the high literary rank to which Sir EGerton Brypvers has aspired, and which he some- what covertly claims for his powers, if not for his productions. In a lower sphere he has considerable merit; and will obtain a place 4n history among the literary actors of the present day, though his station on the vo/e may be lower than he would iike. For this re- putation he will be indebted to performances which he now despises—to his heraldic and bibliographical works: and why ? Because they are at the head of their class, if they be not in spirit altogether unique. As an English bibliographer, he perhaps equals Disprn in a knowledge of books, and very far surpasses him in his useful acquaintance with their contents: he has, which the other has not, a tolerable taste, and a delicate perception; he has, too, all the enthusiasm of the Doctor without his twaddle and his cant. Asa fanciful genealogist he is without a rival; as an elegant herald he stands alone. MADAME JUNOT'S CELEBRATED WOMEN. Tre subjects of these biographical notices have been hitherto, almost exclusively, either unhappy in their destiny or unamiable in their dispositions. The Third Number contains the memoirs and portraits of Cuartorre Corpay, the lovely and misguided ° murderess of Marat; JOSEPHINE, the amiable and repudiated wife of NaPoLEoN; Bloody Queen Mary; and a personage less familiar to the reader, and whose career is most remarkable of all—Maryna Mniszecu, a Polish lady, who became Czarina of Muscovy. The adventures of this woman belong to the romance of bio- graphy. Her father was an ambitious man, whose ruling passion was flattered by a fortune-teller predicting that his daughter, then a child, should wear a crown. From that moment the idea took possession of his brain; and he not only anticipated the fulfilment of the prediction, but had his daughter reared up in the expecta- tion of her high destiny. It is scarcely to be wondered that the girl also become inoculated with this fever of ambition; but that they should have ultimately accomplished the object for which alone they lived, is strange. Their diseased aspirations found a congenial subject in the person of an impostor, who pretended to be Dairry, the murdered son of Ivan the Fourth; with whom the father of Maryna contracted his daughter in marriage, on condition of his obtaining possession of the usurped throne of Muscovy. The artificial sympathy which these two deluded crea- tures entertained for each other, ripened into a strong natural affection; and the overthrow of the usurper and the accession of the pretended rightful heir to the throne of Ivan realized their dream of greatness. Their felicity was, however, shortlived. So soon as the usurper's fate was sealed, doubts were raised as to the legitimacy of the claims of the new Czar: his pretensions would not bear scrutiny; plots were formed against him, and the un- happy man was murdered in the Kremlin. The subsequent career of his widow affords an extraordinary instance of the predominance of the ruling passion. On her way to her native country, she was captured by the troops of a man who, they stated, was her supposed murdered husband, recovered from his wounds. Being led into his presence, she was struck with amazement and disgust, at beholding a loathsome, vile, and ill-looking Jew—a brute from whose violence she had formerly reseucd a young and help'ess maiden, ‘This wretch, stimulated only by desire of gain, and encouraged by the success of her hus- band, had proclaimed himself the murdered Czar; who was thus represented to have twice miraculously escaped the daggers of his enemies. The very extravagance of his pretensions seems to have aided his success; or the people were so eager for a Czar, that they grasped at the shadow of a Sovereign. The Jew was at the gates of Moscow, backed by a victorious band of followers; and only wanted the assistance of Maryna to accomplish his 0 dject. Urged by her father’s entreaties, and stimulated by her own thirs€ for power, she consented to’be a party to the trick, and publicly acknowledged the hateful Jew as her identical husband. She soon found, however, that the impostor sought money only, and not cominand, and that he had seized upon the vacant throne only to sell his abdication. This she resolved if possible to pre- vent. Scornfully upbraiding him, she said, “ Thou shalt either reign, or die; and kept a strict guard upon all his movements,: At last, in the confusion of a battle that ensued, the wretch con- trived to escape : but MaryNa, now mad for sovereignty, disguised herself as a soldier, pursued, and brought him back. In defence of her throne, she performed prodigies of valour; but was at length taken and condemned to death. The very night before her intended execution, she was liberated by one of her coun- trymen, who had loved her from a youth, and had followed her through all the vicissitudes of her fortune. She became his wife, and at the same time mistress of a horde of Cossacks, of which he was the chieftain. Not contented with a predatory rule, she planned and achieved the conquest of Astracan; where for a short time she once more reigned over a kingdom. But here too her power was of short duration: she was attacked and defeated by’ the Russians in a pitched battle; andescaping only with life, wan- dered with her husband and her infant over the frozen steppes of the Oural Mountains ; where the miserable group perished by the hands of'a troop of soldiers, and found a grave in the snowy desert. History does not furnish a more fearful lesson upon the miseries of false ambition, than in the life of this wretched woman; who but for her father’s folly might have equally adorned the world by her talents and her beauty. : The portraits that aceompany the largeedition of these memoirs, :¥e beautiful and spirited specimens of French lithography. Those in the smaller series, are not only inferior in point of execution, but the faces are unlike, and deficient in character,
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592 THE SPECTATOR. TRIALS AND TRIUMPHS Is a singular volume. It has crept forth unheralded, and, so far as we remember, unannounced. It is published in a shape unat- tractive to the pure novel-reader; and though containing to all intents and purposes novels, the subjects, the tone, and the cha- racters are not only in the main too seriows for the supporters of the circulating library, but even for many of those whom Mr. Ricuarpson would style the “liberal” perusers of sketches of society and descriptions of manners. The writer, too, seems some- what unpractised, or at least unskilled in author-craft. In his lighter passages, there is rather too much attempt at wit, anda forced endeavour after sustained smartness,—most palpable, how- ever, in the beginning of his book: an incident is now and then more convenient to the author than probable in itself: and his three most prominent male characters are only generalized repre- sentatives of peculiar classes, and therefore want both the truth and strength of individuality, Stating these matters plainly, we may say as plainly, that there is s¢éwff'in the author—fresliness in his manner, and interest in his book, without excitement. His narrative is rapid; his story consistent with itself; his style al- most picturesque ; his remarks are judicious and shrewd, inter- mingled witha subdued vein of satire, albeit upon Liberalism and Dissenters. The tales are two. The scenes for the most part are laid in the highest circle of middle life, from which class the principal cha- racters are taken. The object of both stories is the same—to enforce the rigid performance of our duty, without regard to any temporary suffering it may inflict upon us; and to show the peace and mental comfort that a humble and rational faith will always bestow,—meaning by rational, the faith of the Church of Eng- land and Ireland, without whose pale the author seems to imagine that all religion is hypocrisy or fanaticism. We shall not describe the stories, or even attempt to convey an idea of them by extracts ; but content ourselves with picking out a few passages here and there from the memorandums we made in our perusal. TOWN AND COUNTRY DIRT, There are dirty and miserable abodes in the country, into which the benevo- lent frequently enter on their errands of mercy ; but the dirt of a great old dirty town is far different from the dirt of a cottage. A cottage in the country has heaven above it, and air around it, and the bright sky is visible through its broken windows; but in the little narrow allies in the long black streets of the lower part of a closely-built town, there are dwellings past description for their utter destitution and deplorableness. They are more dismal than dungeons, for dungeons have not the mockery of furniture, nor essentially the aspect of dila- ce and destitution ; but the miserable abodes of the poorest of the poor ave not even the comfort of a dungeon, which at least promises its tenant se- curity, and affords a shelter from the weather. Ill-built houses, occupied be- fore they are finished, and never finished after they are occupied,—where room is piled above room, and wall almost meet3 wall, so that daylight can scarcely creep down between the space to let in a little indirect ray, are filled from cellar to garret with tenants whose wretchedness may vary in aspect, but is the same in substance ; and in each of these apartments may be seen fragments of chairs, tables, beds, grates, and crockery, all dirty and miserable. Into one of these rooms, up three pair of stairs, which were so black and decayed and broken that they looked as if they would scarcely last till she came down again, was Jane Latimer introduced. It was mid-day, but the room was so dark that for a moment she was unable to discern whether it were inhabited or not. As soon, however, as the eye had reconciled itself to the gloom of the place, she observed two females sitting by the side of a dirty fireplace, each apparently wrapped in her own thoughts, from which absorption they were presently roused by Jane Latimer asking, ‘‘ Is this the apartment of Mrs. Turner?” © SICK READERS. She was sitting in an easy chair by the fire-side, and a book was open before her. There isamusement to some sick people in the sight of a book, even though they be too feeble to read it. They look atit, and read a few lines ; And these few lines, perhaps, recall adream of bygone days; and the fancy roves and wanders and loses itself for a while in a pleasant delirium ; and then they wake from their dream, and are fatigued, and they close the book, and seek for a sleep that shall have no dreams, and the spirit stagnates; then, when ennui creeps on them again, they open the book and dream it over again. So had Mrs. Henderson been amusing herself. Her life had become a flickering kind of light, weak and feeble, but not gloomy ; there was certainly a look of sorrow in her countenance, but there was resignation too—not the Stoic resignation, which destroys, but the Christian, which sanctifies sorrow and makes it exceedingly beautiful. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN PHYSICIANS AND LAWYERS. Mr. Camp was a new acquisition in the way of acquaintance to the sick mother and the broken-hearted daughter; but he was not quite so agreeable in his mannersas Dr. Drinkwater. There is indeed a strong characteristic and pro- fessional difference between a physician and a lawyer—especially those of much practice: not that these gentlemen had much practice, but they had an ambition of practice; and they perhaps each of them might be in the habit of exercising a kind of mental rehearsal,—the physician how he should deport himself in asick chamber, the lawyer how he should manage a knave or a fool of a client. The physician has intercourse with affliction, with pain, with death: his voice is naturally attuned to mildness and gentleness; his step is light and quiet; his face is susceptible of a look of sympathy; he has to do with humanity in its feebleness, to listen to the complaints of the suffering, to bear with the moans of the distressed ; it is part of his business to be and to look amiable—who can speak unkindly to the dying? A brute of a doctor must be a brute indeed. But a lawyer deals with rogues, parchments, and subtleties ; he aids and abets men in their deepest and deadliest struggles ; he comes in contact with humanity when its covetousness is rampant, when its revenge is craving, when its passions and its thoughts converse with living interests, and when antipathy is most strongly developed. Therefore he has a keen eye, aready skill, a bold and bluster. ing confidence of manner ; he is professionally hard-hearted, however constitu- tionally kind he may be. There was all this professional difference between Dr. Drinkwater and Mr. Camp. Both of them were conceited, but the lawyer ma- nifested his conceit more impertinently than the other ; but still Mr. Camp was what is commonly called a very clever man; and so, though he might not be esteemed for his urbanity, he was admired for his abilities. We have spoken of Tales and Triumphs as we always speak— from the impression which a perusal makes upon our mind. The general reader may perhaps regard it with different feelings. Should this discrepancy exist, it may be resolved by the following extract, Whata strong stimulant is to the over-excited metro- politan, a freshness, an ownness of manner, is to the jaded critic, A pleasant and striking instance of the miscalculation of impression is recorded in the history of Prince Lee Boo; who being brought from an uncivilized island of Asia into this country, was delighted and enraptured with all that he saw of the contrivances, accommodations, and facilities of civilized life. Seeing how full of admiration he was at all the ordinary and familiar contrivances for human convenience, his importers and friends took it for granted that he would be still more rapt in astonishment at the sight of that which to themselves was extraordinary and new; so they took him to see Lunardi’s ascent in a balloon, which to the people of this country was then a novelty. They were, however, diseppointed in their expectations ; for the young foreigner merely remarked that he thought it very foolish for a man to fly in the air Jikea bird, when there were so many convenient and agreeable conveyances for him on Jand, Thus it is with the luxurious and highly-stimulated inhabitants of the Me- tropolis ; they may and must have a relish for many stimulants, which the quieter and less excited care little about. He that eats fat bacon, and swings upona gate, would not relish caviare: this is no proof of any natural want of taste, but merely shows that his palate has not been trained up to that point. It might be worth while for those who pride themselves on their refined taste, and who look contemptuously down on others on account of their want of taste, to enter more particularly into this line of inquiry, in order to ascertain whether their own superiority of taste be any thing more than the result of the repeated application of stimulants. It has been stated that Mr. RicHarpson is no friend to Liberals in polities or to Nonconformists in religion. To the honest although one-sided personification of the qualities of particular classes, no moral objection need be made; perhaps not even to the intro- duction of a public character, whilst he is only exhibited'in his public capacity. But Mr. RicHarpson has gone further than this; and we put it to him, whether, after marking Mr. Willoughby so strongly as to identify him with Mr. Irvine, it is fair to represent him as an actor in private life, not very creditably, and there can be little doubt untruly. THE REVOLUTIONARY EPICK. Tue present fasciculus of this work contains the second and third books. The former is devoted to the pleadings of Lyri- don, “the genius of Federalism,” in reply to Magros, and in favour of the people; the latter begins the story of the poem. This opens on the eveof the fight of Montenotte, and terminates. with the battle of Lodi and Napoteon’s triumphal entry into- Milan. The rival genii turn out to be, as we predicted, the ma- chinery of the epic. Demogorgon, like the Deity of Lucretius, is “wrapt up in self;” declines all interference in the business; states that ‘*In man alone the fate of man is placed ;” and recommends the Spirits to seek NaPoLEoN,— *¢ For unto to him are given Fortunes unproved by human life before.” Magros is too disdainful to act upon the hint, or the Spirit of Revo- lution is too quick for the Conservative. Lyridon receives the fealty of the hero of Montenotte, and leaves nothing to his rival, but. to take up with the poor old head of the Court of Turin. Both of these guardian angels are, however, but.the ghosts of epic machinery. They are more like spies than gods. They do little as yet, but convey secret intelligence, to put each side upon its guard. Noris there much of art in their management. Ifman is the arbiter of his own fate, and NAPoLEON the instrument to effect it, the super- natural interest is pretty well over when the mortal has made his election. The human fable is also defective. It is only a rapid narrative of a campaign—a gazette in verse, without story or dramatic action. The execution is scarcely equal to that of the first book. There is the same turgid efflorescence of language, but more vague generalization of ideas ; nor are there any single passages equal- ling the description of society during the decline of the Roman empire. The two best are the battle field of Montenotte and the night scene representing the ruler of Savoy in his palace after the French invasion of Italy. ARTS AND ARTISTS. POLITICAL CARICATURES. H. B. has given a zoological version of Mr. Stanley’s opposition to the appropriation of Church property; wherein he represents O’Con- nell as the great boa, with wide-expanded jaws ready to swallow @ Church (Protestant, we presume), which Lords Althorp and John Russell are feeding him with. Mr. Stanley recoils with horror from the sight; Lord Melbourne only affects disgust ; and Lord Ripon faints away in the arms of the Duke of Richmond; while Althorp, the keeper (who is used to cramming animals), wonders ‘ what’s the matter with the gemmen;” and his man Russell says, ‘they usedn’t not al- ways to have such delicate stomachs.” The recent contest for Cambridge is typified by a pony-race fora saddle (a seat); the Duke of Wellington and Lord Grey being the riders, and Rice and Sugden the nags. The superior jockeyship of Grey has enabled him to win by a length; and he leers round at his rival with the trencher-cap, shouting ‘“‘ Cambridge for ever!” to which the jockey with the foolish face replies, “I only wish I had you at Oxford.” . John Bull, as umpire, looks stupidly eager, as if he was excited and did not know why. We hope H. B. has been at Oxford? Next week will show. MR. BABBAGE’S CALCULATING MACHINE, THURSDAY was a proud day for the Mechanics Institute; for, on the occasion of Dr. Larpner describing the Calculating Machinery in- vented by Mr. Bassace, Lord Broucuam introduced the illustrious foreigner M. Durtn; to whom Dr. Birkseck, on behalf of the Insti- tute, presented its diploma. The theatre was of course crowded in