The Outlook 1915-12-29
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The Outlook DECEMBER 29, 1915 Offices, 381 Fourth Avenue, New York THE STORY OF THE WAR: A WEEK THAT MARKS AN EPOCH The week December 15-22, 1915, will go down as an important epoch in the history of this war, and particularly in the history of England’s part in the war, for it was marked by two decisive shifts in the British strategy ; namely, the substitution of Sir Douglas Haig for Sir John French as Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in France and Belgium, and the practical abandonment of the attempt to force the Dardanelles. The withdrawal of 100,000 men from the Suvla Bay and Anzac positions on the Gallipoli Peninsula is generally hailed by military critics as a relin- quishment of the campaign against Constan- tinople, although there has been no official announcement to this effect as we go to press, and although the positions at Sedd-el-Bahr are to be held by the allied forces afloat and ashore. But surely the voluntary abandonment of most of the foothold that was gained at the cost of about 100,000 lives and five ships to the British alone means that the Allies have definitely abandoned the hope of reaching the capital of the Turk through the historic straits or along their shores. ‘This step is the open acknowledgment of a failure which has- been apparent for months; and the feeling of the British public seems to be one of relief tinged with regret. ‘There is nothing to be gained by the Allies in attempting to mini- mize the gravity of the defeat of this expe- dition. The failure of the principal under- taking against the Turk will, first of all, discourage the Russians, for whose benefit primarily it was begun, but it will be as well a severe ‘blow to the prestige of the Allies among all the Balkan, Asiatic, arid African races whose support they want to hold or gain. The report that the Russians have captured Varna, one of the principal Bulgarian ports on the Black Sea, has not been officially con- firmed as The Outlook goes to press. The landing of a large force of Russians at Varna, threatening the Bulgarians in the rear, would materially brighten the prospects of the Allies in the Balkans. But it is noteworthy in this connection that in an interview with a staff correspondent of The Outlook, published last week, Sergius Sazonoff, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, speaking of similar reports of a Russian landing at Varna, said: ‘I don’t believe there will be a direct invasion of Bulgaria; certainly not on her coast line, where the natural difficulties are tremendous.”’ However, Sazonoff added: ‘* But the Balkans are no longer in the zone of diplomacy, and you should seek such in- formation, not from me, but from the military authorities.” As this is written nothing is known of the destination of the force of one hundred thou- sand, the withdrawal of which from Gallipoli was accomplished, according to the British War Office, with total casualties of only three men wounded. The force of a hundred thou- sand may be transferred to Egypt, where the Suez Canal has been threatened, or to Greece, where the second great undertaking of the Allies in the east seems on the verge of utter rout. Of course the main purpose of the Balkan expedition of the Allies failed when the Servian army was driven from Servia and isolated from its would-be rescuers ; but for the latter themselves to be swept out of Greece into the sea would mean a loss of prestige such as they have not yet sustained even at the Dardanelles, and would seem to mean the obliteration of all hope of Greek or Rumanian support. Therefore the most likely destination of the Gallipoli army would seem to be Salonika, where there is yet honor to be saved for the Allies even in the face of what is already a great victory for German arms. ENGLAND “TOO LATE” That the defeats of the expeditions against Bagdad, against Constantinople, and against the enemy in the Balkans have aroused Great Britain as nothing before is indicated in several ways. The British papers are full of warnings to the nation, and the House of Commons, after an all-night argument, adopted 1007
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1008 Mr. Asquith’s bill calling 1,000,000 more men to the flag, a step that will give England an army of about 4,000,000, the greatest she has ever had. Telling the House of Com- mons that ‘‘ the whole question depends on organized labor,’’ and that he must have 80.000 skilled and from 200,000 to 300,000 unskilled workers for new munitions factories, the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George, Minister of Munitions, sounded the following alarm, which the British papers have taken up and re-echoed through the country : ‘‘We have been too late in this, too late in that, too late in arriving at decisions, too late in starting this enterprise or that adven- ture. ‘The footsteps of the Allies have been dogged by the mocking specter of too late. Let not ‘Too Late’ be inscribed on the portals of our workshops.”’ THE SIR DOUGLAS HAIG FOR SIR JOHN FRENCH The removal of Sir John French is another indication that England is dissatisfied with the way her war on land has been conducted. In the retreat from Mons, when ‘ French’s contemptible little army” stood off a force of from four to six times its own strength, and in the maneuver from the Aisne to Lys, which stopped the German reach for Calais, Sir John French came up to all that his brilliant work as a_ cavalry commander in the Boer War led his friends to expect of him. As a corps commander his repu- tation is undimmed. But as a strategist, directing large bodies of men over a wide area, through the unique difficulties presented by modern trench warfare, Sir John has been a disappointment. As an appreciation of his undoubted abilities, however, he has been made a Viscount and has been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the troops stationed in the United Kingdom. ‘The appointment of Sir Douglas Haig comes as no surprise to those who have been carefully reading official reports of fighting in France and Flanders. Raised to the rank of general in November, 1914, for distinguished service in the field, Sir Douglas Haig, as commander of the First Army of the Conti- nental expedition, has been frequently lauded in the despatches of the man whom he now succeeds. In particular, he rendered con- spicuous services when the British were aiding the French in driving the Germans from the Marne across the Aisne. In reporting the operations of September 14, 1914, Sir John OUTLOOK 29 December French said: ‘ The action of the First Corps on this day under the command of Sir Doug- las Haig was of so skillful, bold, and decisive a character that he gained positions which have enabled me to maintain my position for more than three weeks on the north bank of the Aisne River. . Throughout the Battle ‘of the Aisne this advanced and commanding position was maintained, and I cannot speak too highly of the valuable services rendered by Sir Douglas Haig and the Army Corps under his command.” Like Sir John French, Sir Douglas Haig (whose portrait appears on another page) made a reputation for himself in the Boer War. In fact, this reputation was largely gained when, as Major Haig, he was chief of staff to Colonel French in the operations around Colesberg, which paved the way for Lord Roberts’s advance. In an interesting appreciation of Sir Douglas in the London ‘Chronicle ”’ it is said: ** Before the war he had never commanded in action anything larger than a regiment; in maneuvers never anything larger than a division. At the Aisne he commanded a corps, and now he com- mands an army, and as his responsibilities increase so do his praises grow.” THE WELLAND CANAL PLOT Another plot by German agents to injure the Allies while infringing upon American neutrality seems to have been frustrated by the arrest of four men charged with com- plicity in a conspiracy to wreck the Welland Canal. This canal joins Lake Erie with Lake Ontario and connects the heart of Canada with the mother country by an all- water route comprising, besides the Canal, the Great Lakes, the St. Lawrerce River, and the Atlantic Ocean. Paul Koenig, Chief of Police of the Hamburg-American Line, is the chief figure mentioned in the complaint which was the basis for the issuance of war- rants to the agents of the Department of Justice, who have been trailing Koenig and his associates since September. Arrested with him in-the conspiracy, which is described in the complaint as ‘‘a military enterprise to be conducted from the United States against the Dominion of Canada,” were a recently naturalized citizen named R. E. Leyendecker. a clerk of the National City Bank of New York named Frederick Scheindl, who is al- leged to have given Koenig information as to certain business transactions of the allied Governments, and a man named Fred Metz-
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1915 ler. Metzler turned State’s evidence in testifying against his associates before the Grand Jury. Koenig, Leyendecker, and Scheindl were held for the Grand Jury, Koenig in $50,000 bail and the other two in bail of $25,000 each. A veteran on the New York police force who is also suspected of assisting Koenig, but only in a minor way, is suspended from the force under charges from his Commissioner. The evidence unearthed by the tireless detectives who ran down the Hamburg-Amer- ican Chief of Police tends to show that he had at his disposal generous funds and an office staff of thirty persons, and indicates that he stood high in the opinion of the dip- lomats of the Central Powers, in the interest of which he planned to hinder the shipment of supplies from Canada to England by blowing up vulnerable parts of the Welland Canal. There is enough here alleged to afford one more proof of the necessity of guarding American citizenship jealously, making it a prize which should be earned by merit rather than a gift to be granted wholesale to strangers. THE ANCONA CORRESPONDENCE As the days pass there is little to relax the tension between the Government of Austria- Hungary and the Government of the United States occasioned by the sinking of the steam- ship Ancona and the consequent loss of American lives. The protest which this country sent to Austria was the sharpest note that this coun- try has despatched concerning the lawlessness of submarine warfare as carried on by Ger- many and Austria. ‘To that note Austria sent a reply, dated December 15, which was made public on December 18. It is virtually an attempt to prolong the discussion. In it Austria says that she expects that the United States “should precisely specify the actual circumstances ” on which it bases its demands for reparation aid for the punishment of the offending naval officer. Austria notes that the Government of the United States has “ failed to designate the persons upon whose testimony it relies and to whom it apparently believes it may attribute a higher degree of credibility than the commander of the Imperial and Royal Fleet ;’”’ ‘and that it also fails to inform Austria ‘‘as to the number, names, and more precise fate of the American THE WEEK 1009 ” citizens ” on board the Ancona. Austria ex- presses her willingness ‘“‘to enter into an exchange of views in the affair.” She asks the United States Government to explain why it “referred to an exchange of cor- respondence which it has conducted with another government in other cases ”’ (namely, ‘the series of notes exchanged with Germany), and declares that she ‘‘ by no means possesses authentic knowledge of all of the pertinent correspondence.”’ She also asks “ the Wash- ington Cabinet to formulate the particular points of law”’ alleged to have been broken. In conclusion, Austria ‘ sincerely deplores the fate of the innocent victims of the inci- dent in question.” To that reply Secretary Lansing despatched a rejoinder which was made public on Wednesday of last week. In his note he calls attention to the fact that the Austrian Chargé d’ Affaires submitted to the American Department of State a report in which ‘it was admitted that the vessel was torpedoed after her engines had been stopped and when passengers were still on board.”” This, says Secretary Lansing, is “ sufficient to fix upon the commander of the submarine which fired the torpedo the responsibility for willfully having violated the recognized law of nations and entirely disregarded those humane prin- ciples which every belligerent should observe in the conduct of war at sea.” On the basis of Austria’s own report, therefore, says Secretary Lansing, ‘the culpability of the commander is in any case established, and the undisputed fact is that citizens of the United States were killed, injured, or put in jeopardy by his lawless act.”” He makes it known to Austria that “the United States does not feel called upon to debate” the © rules of law and the principles of humanity which were thus violated. Secretary Lansing therefore renews the demands of the United States. It is evident that the Administration rec- ognizes that the people of the United States are not as patient as they were with extended correspondence about those piratical acts which, beginning with the destruction of the Falaba and resulting in the inhuman crime against the Lusitania, were continued month after month. Meantime, no settlement has been made with reference to the case of the Lusitania, and the people of the United States are wondering why the United States Government should not be as emphatic and insistent in its dealings with Germany, the
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1010 greater and more deliberate offender, as with Austria. THE MARRIAGE OF THE PRESIDENT On December 18 the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, and Mrs. Edith Bolling Galt were married at Washing- ton. On the same day the President’s grand- daughter, named for her grandmother, the President’s first wife, who died a year ago last August, was christened in the White House. Unlike President Cleveland’s wedding, which occurred during his Administration, President Wilson’s wedding did not take place in the White House, but in the home of the bride. The ceremony was marked with great sim- plicity. ‘The guests present consisted only of near relatives and connections and intimate friends. Coming at a time of tenseness in the inter- national relations of the United States, the absence of elaborate ceremony was particu- larly appropriate. The President and his wife left at once quietly for a brief sojourn at Hot Springs, Virginia. The avoidance of publicity there as well as of display at the time of the wedding is a lesson in good taste to all Americans. SECRETARY DANIELS'S REPORT The report of the Secretary of the Navy was made public on December 14. ‘The re- port of the General Board of the Navy was not made public until December 22. Upon the question of fundamental naval policy the General Board says: The navy of the United States should ulti- ’ mately be equal to the most powerful main- tained by any other nation of the world. It should be gradually increased to this point by such a rate of development year by year as may be permitted by the facilities of the country, but the limit above defined should be attained not later than 1925. The General Board believes that the course of the present war in Europe affords convincing reasons for modifying the opinion which it has expressed for the past eleven years as to the proper size of the navy. A navy in firm control of the seas from the outbreak of the war is the prime essential to the defense of a country situated as is the United States, bordering upon two great oceans. A navy strong enough only to defend our coast from actual invasion will not suffice. Defense from invasion is not the only function of the navy. It must protect our sea-borne commerce and drive that of the enemy THE OUTLOOK 29 Decembe: The best way to accomplish ai: from the sea. these objects is to find and defeat the hostil fleet, or any of its detachments, at a distanc from our coast sufficiently great to preven interruption of our normal course of National life. The Administration obviously does not intend to follow the General Board’s policy and we are persuaded that in making this decision the civil Government is wisely exer- cising its rightful prerogative. Upon comparing the General Board's statement of policy, however, with its recom- mendations for construction, it is seen at once that the number of ships asked for is by no means sufficient to place the United States navy in the position in relation to the other navies of the world which the General Board deems necessary for our Na tional safety. It is doubtful whether the construction recommended will even restore us to the position of second naval Power, which we once held. A careful reading of the General Board’s report discloses the fact that the General Board was not asked by the Secretary to outline the building pro- gramme. demanded by its announced opinion, but to draw up a programme which “ will continue for a period of five years with an expenditure of about $100,000,000 each year for five years on new construction only.” This is what has been called Secretary Daniels’s ‘‘ Five-Hundred-Million-Dollar Pro- gramme.” Accepting the limitation of the Secretary's request, the General Board recommends that of this $500,000,000 appropriation $96,792.- 500 should be expended in the first year towards the construction of four dread- noughts, three battle cruisers, four scouts, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, twenty coast submarines, four auxiliary vessels, two river gunboats, air-craft, and reserve am- munition. The Secretary (for work to be initiated in 1917) actually recommends an expenditure of but $67,003,000 to be used in the construction of two dreadnoughts, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fifteen destroyers, five fleet submarines, twenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one auxiliary vessel, air-craft, and reserve ammuni- tion. ‘The recommendations of the General Board were made with a view to providing the most needed ships at'the earliest dates. It appears that the Secretary has not accepted the ex- pert recommendations of the General Board
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d's m- at for ed on he la he re 1915 THE concerning the manner in which the sum allotted to the navy by the present Admin- istration should be expended. Many ques- tion the competency of our army and navy experts to tell the people of the United States how much they need in the way of armament, but few should question the wis- dom of letting our experts determine how the sums provided by the civil Government should be used. The most encouraging part of the Secre- tary’s report is contained in his apparent adherence to the policy of a continuing pro- gramme of naval construction. If such a policy is to succeed, however, it must in the future be presented without the apparent confusion of thought and purpose manifested in the present report of the Secretary of the Navy. THE FAREWELL OF FRANCISCO VILLA Latin-American dictators, like prima donnas, have a fondness for farewells, of which the public must be wary. _ It will not do, therefore, to accept too readily reports of the passing of Francisco Villa from the stage on which he has played so melodramatic a part for some three years, despite the recent publication of his serio-comic farewell address. ~Reports that Villa has taken the field again with a small force of experienced ‘“ bushwhackers ”’ conflict with other reports that he and Car- ranza have adjusted their difficulties and that Villa will come to the United States, the country to whose intervention he ascribes his ruin. Villa’s farewell address is marked by all the picturesque language which has char- acterized his other speeches since the early tutoring which he received from an astute American newspaper man. It is full of picturesque and pathetic avowals that the great **Don Pancho” is thoroughly beaten and knows it, interlarded with subtle hints that the man who eliminated Huerta from the Mexican drama will ‘be waiting in the wings for a call to return to the stage, if ever a part of prominence is offered him. Nevertheless, the appointment of Henry Prather Fletcher as Ambassador to Mexico is a step towards the preservation of order in that unfortunate Republic and toward the restoration of some degree of the much- damaged prestige of the United States in Mexigo. Mr. Fletcher, who was born in Greencastle, Pennsylvania, in 1873, and who was a Rough Rider in the Spanish-American WEEK 1011 War under Colonel Roosevelt, has made the diplomatic service his profession since 1902, when President Roosevelt appointed him second secretary of the American Legation at Havana. He has since been secretary of the Legations at Peking and Lisbon, and successively Chargé d’Affaires, Minister, and Ambassador to Chile, a post in which he has been continued by President Wilson, although Mr. Fletcher is a Republican. Mr. Fletcher has given evidence in the past of the possession of force, tact, and discretion combined to a high degree, and the Administration is to be congratulated on the appointment of a man of his abilities to the difficult and delicate position at Mexico City. PEACE AND INTERNATIONAL LAW The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has just issued in English and Spanish editions the report of Mr. Robert Bacon of the journey to South America which he made in the fall of 1913 as the representative of the Endowment. Mr. Bacon’s mission and its results were described in The Outlook soon after Mr. Bacon returned. Just now, when all the world is talking of peace, and probably more than half the world is skeptical as to whether such a state as enduring peace among nations may ever be brought about, this report is extremely timely, for it is a very succinct but complete exposition of the methods by which the trus- tees of the Carnegie Endowment hope to bring about the results to achieve which ‘the ten-million-dollar trust was founded. _ Briefly, then, we learn that the Endowment works along three lines: one historical, which em- braces the collection of statistics regarding wars and treaties ; the second social, which includes the visits of representative men and the dissemination of knowledge of one another among civilized peoples ; and the third scien- tific, which plans a broad structure of inter- national law as the base upon which all en- during relations between nations must rest. Just as there is a tendency now to scoff at peace, so is there a disposition, even in diplo- matic and official circles, to proclaim that in- ternational law is a dead letter that has’ failed because there was no force to compel its observance. It is true, however, that never in any war the world has known has so much been said of international law, never were its principles so generally recognized, even though not observed, and never were nations
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when guilty of a breach of the law of nations so eager to argue, excuse, or palliate the breach. As set forth in Mr. Bacon’s report, the contention of the trustees of the Carnegie Endowment, of which ex-Senator Elihu Root is President, is that law must supply the common standard for the conduct of nations. This is true of individuals ; it is the founda- tional safeguard of society, and it must apply as well to governments and peoples. The laws of nations must be formulated, agreed upon, and codified. It is in this direction that the Endowment discloses a scientific, thorough, and systematic plan for the future, such as one would expect of a Board of Trustees of which Mr. Root is the head. The Institute of International Law has existed in Europe only since 1873, but it has the adherence of the leading publicists and juris- consults of the world, and to it more than any other single factor is due, without doubt, the prevailing general consideration given to international law. About three years ago the American Institute of International Law, with Mr. Root and Dr. James Brown Scott at the head, was organized to perform a similar service in this hemisphere. National societies already exist in all of the principal Latin- American states. It is through these Insti- tutes, supported by an Academy of Interna- tional Law at The Hague, and a Permanent Court of International Justice, that the laws of nations may become formulated and adopted. The programme outlined is not for the peace of to-morrow, nor is it expected that it will be realized in a single generation. It looks far to the future, and plans for a real and reasonable peace upon which nations can rely in security, because it is founded not upon sentiment or compacts, but upon the enduring basis of law. It is true that law to be valid must be enforced. This is as true of international law as of any other kind. The fact, however, that the means for enforcing international law are at present inadequate is no ground for discarding it, but rather a reason urging both a regard for its principles and an attempt to find an effective way to make it respected and observed. MISS KELLER ON THE WAR Last week Miss Helen Keller made an ad- dress before the Labor Forum of New York City on “ Militarism and the Workers.” Miss Keller is a distinguished American not merely 1012 THE OUTLOOK because, despite total blindness and deafnes: she has achieved literary and intellectual ac- complishments of a high order, but becau she is well entitled to be called one of tho leaders in the great humanitarian endeavors of the day. The Outlook shares in the ge: eral admiration of her personality, characte: and spirit. It therefore regrets that it must totally dissent from the views which she ex- pressed in the above-mentioned address. Sh¢ appears to believe that the European war is wholly a “capitalistic war.” She asserted that the movement for National defense is wholly a capitalistic movement, and is reported to have said in support of her assertion that the firm of Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co. had created the agitation for their own selfish interests. Not even Helen Keller has a right to make such an accusation without at least endeavoring to present some concrete evi- dence to support it. Such sweeping unsub- stantiated allegations greatly weaken her in- fluence, for even the capitalist is entitled to justice and to demand the evidence on which he is condemned as an enemy of mankind. It is not, however, Miss Keller’s errors of language and emotion which we most deplore. We think her fundamental philosophy is erroneous. She said: Let no workingman join the army that is to be organized by order of Congress. ... No conqueror will beat down his wages and wreck his unions more ruthlessly than his own fellow- citizens of the capitalist class are doing. Nor will a union of the capitalists of the world be able to oppress him more than the masters of his own country have done. In other words, democracy has done noth- ing in the United States. We have no politi- cal or social philosophy which differentiates us from the military autocracies of Europe. We have no institutions the fruits of which millions have come across the ocean to enjoy. A free press, free schools, and a free church mean nothing. We have nothing to defend, for “if this country were conquered by a foreign foe the workingmen could not be worse off than they are now.” If this is really Helen Keller’s view, we believe she is as recreant to the welfare of her country as she believes Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co. to be. Our fathers won for us at great cost religious and civil liberty on this continent. We shall not win industrial liberty by indifference to those who fight here to maintain, or in other lands to win, for themselves and their children the
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CARTOONS OF THE WEEK ‘ James Montgomery Flagg in Judge” ‘ THE BEST IN THE BAG FOR YOU From the Bystander (London) Major (bidding farewell to “ downstairs”) : “ Take care of ’em all, Mathews, till I come back.” Mathews (wishing to say the right thing): “ I will, sir— an’ you can rest assured, sir, that though absent you will be always with us; we shall watch the Roll of Honor daily for your honored name.” IT MAY BE ACCEPTED NEXT CHRISTMAS! From Simplicissimus (Munich) THE BUTLER FORGOT THAT THE ROLL OF HONOR IS THE LIST OF THE DEAD Robert Carter in the New York Evening Sun IN THE WHITE HOUSE “Yes, Mr. Lansing, whether the Turks committed the \rmenian atrocities is doubtful; but the sad part of it is that, if they did, American munitions were not used "” “WE SHOULD WORRY!” GERMANY THINKS AMERICA’S ONLY INTERESTS ARE MERCENARY ONES THE TWO KAISERS AND THE ANCONA
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CARTOONS OF THE WEEK From Punch (London) THE PROMISE OF WINTER Russia: “ My season, I think.”
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THE religious and political liberty which our fathers won for‘us. We shall win industrial liberty by maintaining, at whatever sacrifice of life and blood may be necessary, religious and political liberty against all assailants. From the vantage-ground of that victory we can best go on to secure the extension of liberty to industrial vocations. PHILADELPHIA'S LOST OPPORTUNITY We print on another page an article enti- tled ‘‘ Philadelphia’s Strabismus ” by George W. Norris. Mr Norris is a well-known and successful business man of Philadelphia who went into the municipal service from a sense of civic duty.. We do not wonder that he deplores the fact that the people of Philadel- phia have transferred their government from a platform of efficiency to a platform of par- tisanship. It is true that the new Mayor, who is taking office, may disappoint the ‘“ ma- chine ” disagreeably and the efficiency party agreeably. That is, however, not the way that a change from non-partisanship to par- tisanship in municipal government generally works. For example, Morris Llewellyn Cooke, the Director of Public Works under the Blankenburg administration, is leaving office. Mr. Cooke is an engineer, and not a politician in the popularly accepted sense of that word. His report to the Mayor issued last autumn, an illustrated pamphlet of one hundred and eight pages, is really not a pub- lic document, but a delightful story of modern business methods applied to municipal admin- istration. It is a ‘‘house organ,” so to speak, like the periodicals which so many corporations are now printing for the infor- mation and inspiration of their employees and stockholders. In a little preface to the report Mr. Cooke urges those who receive it to at least look at the pictures. That the citizens of Philadel- phia did look at them is indicated by the fact that the first edition of the report was com- pletely exhausted and a second edition had to be printed. Any city official who has journal- istic training or sagacity, and who believes that he is administering a business for the benefit of the stockholders—the taxpayers being the stockholders—can make his reports humanly interesting in the same way. For no business is more human than that of making a city fit and comfortable to live in. Mr. Cooke’s report relates that his depart- ment offered prizes for the best account of WEEK 1015 real achievements in the department for the benefit of the city during the three years of the administration. We find that the second prize in Class A was awarded to Joseph Herrmann, a laborer in the Bureau of City Property, for submitting two photographs, the first showing a boy at a public square obtaining a drink from a running hydrant and the second showing a workman refresh- ing himself at one of the new bubbler foun- tains. The two photographs, labeled “ Be- fore and After,”’ are reproduced in the report with the following comment : Hundreds of these old-fashioned hydrants are found in city squares. Only a boy knows how to drink from them. Back-breakers and water- wasters! Modern bubblers have been introduced. They are artistic in design, saving in water, and low enough for even the “lit’lest girl” to get a drink. This incident may be trifling in itself, but it is big with importance as an indication of the spirit in which a really “ efficient adminis- tration ” can be carried on in any city. Mr. Norris in his article tries to explain why Phila- delphia has given up, temporarily at least, this kind of administration. It is a perplex- ing enigma. Perhaps the most probable basis of solution is the hypothesis that, after all, we are only a lot of grown-up children, subject to occasional fits of temper or quar- relsomeness or jealousy or downright naugh- tiness and rebellion. ‘These outbursts seem to be an essential part of the growth and development of child life. Perhaps they are also an essential element of progress in the social organism. TUSKEGEE'S NEW HEAD Major Robert R. Moton, of Hampton Institute, Hampton, Virginia, has been chosen to succeed the late Dr. Washington as Princi- pal of Tuskegee Institute. The new Princi- pal of Tuskegee is a full-blooded Negro, tracing his ancestry back to an African slave sold to an American in 1735. He was born in 1867, in Amelia County, Virginia, two years after the close of the Civil War. He entered Hampton in 1885, and graduated in 1890. General Armstrong, then head of Hampton Institute, prevailed upon him to remain there as a teacher. He took the position of drill-master and assistant to the Commandant, and within a few months was He promoted to succeed his former chief.
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was a friend and frequent associate of Dr. Washington, working with him in behalf of their race. From all that we know of Major Moton as an efficient member of the Faculty at Hampton Institute and from all that those who know his work best have said of him, it appears that he is peculiarly fitted for the great task for which he has been chosen. There are few positions in America entail- ing more responsibility than that of Principal of Tuskegee Institute. In selecting Major Moton for this position the trustees have called him not merely to head a great educa- tional institution, but also in a large measure to become the leader of arace. The traditions which surround the office created by Booker Washington tend to place the man who occu- pies that office in a position to mediate between the white and black races of this country. If the prestige of Tuskegee is pre- served in the future, there will be no man so likely to be listened to both in the North and the South with a minimum of prejudice and a maximum of sympathy as the Negro at its head. It is indeed fortunate that a leader has been chosen schooled both in the ideals of General Armstrong and the traditions of achievement and service established by Booker Washington. PUBLIC SCHOOL ATHLETICS If a visitor from Mars had visited Madison Square Garden in New York City on Satur- day afternoon, December 18, he would have believed himself to be thrust into the midst of a juvenile bedlam. The chatter, shouts, cheers, and whistling of thousands of boys crowding the great galleries made such a din that his guide, if he had had one, could scarcely have made himself heard in trying to explain that it was the annual athletic meet of the elementary schools of the Bor- oughs of Manhattan and the Bronx under the direction of the Public Schools Athletic League. The boys in the galleries and boxes, with a fair sprinkling of their adult friends and rela- tives, gathered to see several hundred of their schoolmates compete for indoor track and field championships. To judge by appearance, the competitors ranged from ten to sixteen years of age, but they had the air and bearing of trained athletes. They formed in military squads, and, led by the boy band of Public School 21, who, by the way, played like 1016 THE OUTLOOK 29 December musical veterans, the competitors first marched around the Garden in military evolutions and then faced in parade formation the box con- taining General Wingate, the President of the Public Schools Athletic League, and his col- leagues. There, led by the band, the entire gathering sang ‘‘ The Star-Spangled Banner ”’ and the athletes went through their impress:ve and effective salute to the Flag. The spec- tator who looked over his programme and had observed that ninety per cent of the boys bore foreign names must have been assured by the dramatic salute to the Flag, or ‘ oath of allegiance,’ which the young athletes fairly roared out, with their right arms and hands stretched out to the emblem of their country, that a deep patriotism does not mean militar- ism, and that a man does not need to count four or five generations of American an- cestors in order to be a first-class American citizen. The field and track events were of the usual kind, including running, jumping, shot- putting, and the like. That the Public Schools Athletic League has developed some good physiques is shown by the records. The sixty-yard dash in the hundred-pound class, for instance, was won by a boy named Donashefsky, of Public School 62, in the excellent time of seven and_ three-fifths seconds, against more than sixty competitors. The twelve-pound shot-putting contest was won by A. Kurzman, of Public School 186, with a put of forty feet four and one-half inches, a new record for the League. The running high jump in the eighty-five-pound class was won by E. Benziger, of Public School 42, four feet nine and one-half inches, a new record. The running high jump in the hundred-pound class was won by M. Silverstein, of Public School 46, with five feet three-quarters of an inch, also a new record. This phase of public school education in New York deserves the support of every- body who believes that a sound body is of the utmost importance in the development of a sound mind. THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA AND ACADEMIC FREEDOM An important action in the interest of academic freedom has been taken by the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania. When Scott Nearing, of the teaching staff of the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, was virtually dismissed by the
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d d 1915 THE ‘Trustees of the University last June, The Outlook took occasion to point out that the fitness of a professor for his position is not a question of finance, but a question of edu- cational policy, and, as such, should not be determined by the trustees of the property, but by educational directors. ‘The reason for this is plain. Whether con- sciously or not, those who give money for the maintenance of an educational institution are likely to have great weight in the educational policy of that institution, unless that policy is taken out of the hands of those charged with the care of the property and put into the hands of those who are not concerned with financial questions. Academic freedom does not mean limitless license to use one’s official position for the furtherance of any cause, but it does mean that considerations extraneous to the real educational purposes of the institution should not determine the official conduct of the members of the Fac- ulty. This principle is recognized by the action of the Trustees of the University of Penn- sylvania taken last week. This action is in the nature of a self-denying ordinance. By the adoption of an amendment to the regulations that govern the University, the Trustees have given to the Faculty a share in the appointment, reappointment, and dis- missal of University teachers. 3efore any reappointment or promotion is made the Trustees must request a recom- mendation from that group of instructors with which the individual involved is asso- ciated. In the case of the failure of that recommendation being accepted, or in case no recommendation is made, the Trustees will follow their own judgment. Similarly, they are expected to take the adVice of the proper group of instructors in reference to original appointments. An exception is made in cases where delay might result in the loss of the services of a man of recognized ability. Appointments, it is understood, shall cease unless notice of reappointment is made at a prescribed time before the expiration of the term of the teacher. In the case of an instructor this must be in April before the end of the academic year ; in the case of an assistant professor, a year before the expira- tion of that professor’s term of office. The omission of a notification of reappointment is thus equivalent to a notification that the teacher will not be reappointed. In the WEEK 1017 case of removal of a professor or assistant professor, action shall be taken only upon a report from a committee consisting of mem- bers of the Trustees and members of the Faculty. In taking this action, of course, the Trustees are limited by the terms of the charter of the University. It is possible that without those limitations they might have gone.even fur- ther. As it is, their action deserves the warmest praise. Its influence will extend far beyond the University of Pennsylvania itself. A CONTROVERSY IN THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH We have already reported the fact that early in 1916 there will be held in the Re- public of Panama a Congress on Christian work in which it is hoped that all Protestant churches of the United States will participate. An unfortunate controversy has arisen in the Protestant Episcopal Church of America over this Congress. The Episcopal Board of Missions at its meeting last spring by a very large majority passed a resolution to send delegates to this Congress, and elected as these delegates seven members of the House of Bishops. Provision was made that invita- tions to the Congress should be ‘sent to the Roman Catholic as well as to other organized churches, or, in the words of the Mission Board, ‘‘ to every communion having work in Latin America.” The Panama Congress has been approved by three of the Protestant Episcopal bishops in Latin America, and also by an archbishop of the English Church for the West Indies. Apparently the relation of the American Protestant Episcopal Church to the Congress was satisfactorily arranged, but a group of clergymen representing what is popularly known as the High Church section of the Episcopal Church made a fost facto protest against the action of the Mission Board. Their view seems to be that the Panama Congress is merely a Protestant body, while the Protestant Episcopal Church in America is not. ‘Their spokesmen have stated that the Panama Congress may perhaps be an affront to the Roman Catholic Church, and, while they themselves are not Roman, they are Catholic, and desire, therefore, to refrain from anything that can endanger a conceiv- able future reconciliation of the Roman and Anglican branches of the Catholic Church. The so-called Broad Churchmen support the action of the Board of Missions and wish
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their Church to be represented at the Panama Congress. There the matter stands to-day. IS THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH CATHOLIC OR PROTESTANT? An appeal has been made to the House of Bishops, a special meeting of which has been called for January 12, and if it sustains the Mission Board the American Protestant Episcopal Church in America will be repre- sented at Panama, although it is strongly contended that the House of Bishops has no jurisdiction in this matter, and the Panama Congress will have taken place before the next meeting of the General Convention. But, in any event, it is probable that some fundamental issue raised by this controversy between the High Church or Catholic party and the Broad Church or Protestant party will be carried to a General Convention of the Church. Perhapsit is well that this issue should be brought to the next General Convention. It is hardly necessary to say that The Qutlook, with full recognition of the place and work of the Roman Catholic Church in Latin America, sees no more reason why a Protestant congress should not meet in Panama—so long as it is a congress of Christian gentlemen—than why a Roman Catholic congress should not meet in the Puritan city of Boston. We are not sure, moreover, whether the authorities of the Roman Catholic Church will not have a greater respect for the position of the Protestant group of Episcopal clergymen than the Catholic group. If The Outlook were a Roman Catholic newspaper, it would be inclined to look with a little amusement upon the claim of the High Church Episcopal clergymen to be regarded as true Catholics. We should be tempted to say to them: “If you want to be reconciled with the Church of Rome, the process is a very simple and easy one. All you have to do is to walk into the door which the Church of Rome is always holding open for you.” But we should add: “ If you do enter that door, remember there can be no more splitting of hairs about the word Catholic. The only true Catholic Church is the Roman Catholic Church.” In other words, which is the Roman Church most likely to resent, a non-polemical and non-bigoted gathering of Protestants, or an organized body of American clergymen who insist that the Roman Pontiff is a mere bishop with no greater claims to historical orthodoxy than any Anglican bishop ? 1018 THE OUTLOOK THE RUSSIAN CHOIR The Russian Cathedral Choir which du: ing the season of 1913-14 aroused mu interest among musicians and music-lovei in the vicinity of New York appeared agai in public at a concert in olian Hall las week. The war in Europe prevented the choii from giving any concerts last winter. Sing ers are not exempt from military duty, and one of the bass singers who had arranged to come to this country was not allowed to leav: Moscow, while another was arrested and detained as he was about to sail from Archangel. Three bass singers and a tenor, however, were secured by the new Archbisho}) of the Russian Greek Church for North America, who brought them with him by the way of Lemberg, Rumania, Bulgaria, Athens, and Naples. The Russian bass singers form a distinctive feature of the choir. ‘There are perhaps none like them in the world. Thei: voices are deep, resonant, and reach extrao1 dinarily low tones and sound often in part singing like bassoons or English horns. This exceptional voice—called contra-basso—is found only in Russia. ; Z The entire concert in olian Hall was given without any instrumental accompani- ment whatever. The first part’consisted of ecclesiastical music, and the choir appeared in the picturesque ecclesiastical garments otf the Russian Greek Church, which are red and blue gowns or surplices trimmed with gold cloth or braid. The body of the choir consists of boys, some of them very small, who are supported by an octette of tenors and basses. The ritualistic music of the Russian Church is extraordinarily effective and moving, and its interpretation by this choir has made a deep impression upon or- ganists and choir-masters of this country of all denominations. The second half of the Eolian Hall concert consisted of folk-songs and lyrics. During the intermission the choir doffed its ecclesiastical vestments, the men appearing in conventional evening dress and the boys in a uniform suit appropriate to school-boy wear. The choir sang at the con- clusion of the concert the “ Russian National Hymn ” and “ America.” To these who still have a lingering notion that the Russian people are semi-barbarians the singing of this choir, which is truly repre sentative not of a small musical class but ot the whole Russian people, is a remarkable revelation. ‘Their technical excellence as part 29 December —- “a2 A AO ~
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nher 1915 THE singers is extraordinary, in spite of some peculiarities of phrasing which, while they give an interesting foreign touch—a sort of cultivated primitiveness—do not altogether conform to European and American ideas of vocal technique. An interesting incident of the appearance of this choir this season was its visit to the Hampton School, where it sang for the Negro students, after which the Negro choir sang Negro folk-songs for the -Russians. Those who heard this concert in the Hamp- ton Assembly Hall describe it as being very impressive. A tropical people and an Arctic people, both deeply musical, met on common ground and were each deeply impressed with the wonderful creative development and com- mon love of what is noble in the African and Russian people. The Russian choir is not only a notable musical organization, but it is contributing not a little to the growing understanding that there is such a thing as a human brotherhood of aspirations which no racial or geographical conflicts can destroy. THE NEW CHINESE EMPEROR In a cablegram to the United Press, pub- lished in the New York “Sun,” President Yuan Shi-kai, of the Chinese Republic, who must now be called Emperor of China, makes his first public statement since assuming the new dignity. His private secretary, acting for him, wires as follows : Your telegram has been translated and sub- mitted to his Majesty’s perusal. I am instructed to reply as follows: “The sovereignty of the Chinese Republic resides in the whole body of the people. The convention of the people’s representatives, con- sidering a republic unsuitable on account of historical reasons and public opinion, and wish- ing to establish permanent peace, have unani- mously adopted a constitutional monarchy. The status of the state’s chief is naturally subject to public will. The acting Legislature has re- ported to me the same and stated that the provincial and district conventions of the peo- ple’s representatives have unanimously elected me Emperor.” The secretary’s references to “his Majesty ” indicate that, though Yuan is not yet enthroned, he wishes to be regarded as already Emperor. The alleged ‘“‘ unanimous ” character of the elections above mentioned has already been explained in these pages. So far from WEEK 1019 unanimous were they that the southern Chinese in this country belonging to “ the Chinese Republic Association ”’ (said to have a membership of hundreds of thousands) have already recommended a Provisional President for China, and have named the man. The Chinese Chamber of Commerce of Portland, Oregon, has also cabled its protest to the Parliament at Peking against the proposed change ; the President of the Chamber of Commerce is quoted as saying that “ the Chinese people will never permit this reac- tionary programme to be carried out. We fully expect to see Yuan assassinated.” One does not, however, need to believe in the unanimity of Yuan’s election to believe that he will probably retain his throne. LORD ALVERSTONE A great English lawyer has died. But he was much more than that. He was an all-round English gentleman of the best type. Seventy-three years ago Richard Everard Webster was born. He was educated at Charterhouse and at Trinity College, Cam- bridge. His school and university and his later days were marked both by mental clever- ness and physical prowess. He took part in the First University Sports, held in 1864. He was entered for the steeplechase, and came in second. The next year he won the mile and two-mile races. It is said that he had frequently done the mile in four minutes and thirty seconds. He was one of the earliest men to ride a bicycle, and kept at it until a few years ago. He played tennis until after he was sixty, when he gave it up for golf. He was a cricketer of reputation and held the highest cricket honor given the Presidency of the Marylebone Cricket Club. Lord Alverstone was equally well known in another department; he was a gifted singer and appeared in public on many occasions. In 1868 he was called tothe bar by Lincoln’s Inn and had his chambers in Pump Court. When only thirty-six he became a Queen’s Counsel and appeared in many celebrated cases, among them the Parnell Commis- sion case for the London ‘“ Times.” From 1885 to 1900 he was Attorney-General, dur- ing which time he was knighted. Then he became Master of the Rolls. On the death of Lord Russell he became Lord Chief Jus- tice, and was created a Viscount. He con-
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1020 tinued in this exalted office until 1913, when he resigned. Through his efforts the Crim- inal Court of Appeals was established. Americans should always remember Lord Alverstone, for he was England’s representa- tive on the Alaskan Boundary Commission of 1903, and to his decision our Government is indebted for its victory in establishing an equitable boundary. He was bitterly at- tacked in Canada at the time because it was believed that he was giving up rich terri- tory, and also because it had been believed that no British commissioner would decide against a British case! History will prove the real statesmanship of the great English jurist and arbitrator. THE PAN-AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS When we use the word “scientific,” we generally think of something which has to do with such sciences as chemistry, physics, or medicine, with astronomy, metallurgy, or meteorology. When the Spaniards use the word ‘cientifico,” however, whether they apply it to a political party, as in Mexico, or whether they apply it to the object of a Con- gress such as that about to be held in Wash- ington, they refer to education in general. The ‘‘ cientifico”’ party in Mexico, for instance, means the party of men educated, first of all, in books, but also by experience. Thus the Congress at Washington, begin- ning on December 27 and lasting thirteen days, might be more accurately defined as a Congress of knowledge, of learning, or of education. Its nine sections include such topics as the following : Uniform laws throughout the Pan-American countries for the protection of antiquities. Conservation of natural resources. Education—and here some of the sub-heads are interesting: To what extent should elementary edu- cation be supported by local taxation and to what extent by State taxation? Should universities and colleges supported by public funds be controlled by independent and autonomous powers or by the central State authority ? To what extent is exchange of students and professors among American republics desir- able ? The establishment of a uniform railway gauge in Pan-America. International law. Thus the Congress is to be of a very far- reaching character. Its underlying idea is THE OUTLOOK 29 December not original with ourselves ; it is a distinct! Latin-American conception. It was initiated in 1888 by Argentina and for a few year: was applied only to the larger South America: countries. In 1908 it was broadened to in clude all the American republics. Delegate: from all of them (and this means the firs: Pan-American function in, several years to which Mexico will send delegates) will be present. This is the second of the dis tinctly Pan-American Scientific Congresses. the first having been held at Santiago, the Chilean capital. The second is to be presided over by Sefor Eduardo Suarez-Mujica, the accomplished Chilean Ambassador at Wash ington. The wide scope of the Congress and the high character of the delegates mean much, we believe, not only to the educational and economic progress of each country in volved, but also to future intercourse among them. JAPAN HONORS CHRISTIANS It is said that only a quarter of one per cent of the fifty million people in Japan be- lieve in Christianity. Hence the news is all the more surprising that half of the decora tions to educators bestowed at the corona- tion of the new Emperor have gone to Christians. Writing from Kyoto, where the crowning took place, the Rev. Otis Cary, Secretary of the American Board’s (Congregational) Japan mission, points out the contrast between this event and the coronation of the late Emperor. Then Christianity was_ strictly prohibited. Now among those honored, posthumous Court rank is given to Neesima (the Japanese lad who ran away from Japan, was educated in America, and returned to work for his coun- try) and to Yamamoto, who united with him in founding the Doshisha University. Other educators who were honored include President Harada, of the Doshisha; Dr. Motoda, of St. Paul’s College (Episcopal) ; President Naruse, of the Congregational Woman’s College ; Mr. Ebara, a Methodist ; and two women, one at the head of a large Presbyterian institution and the other connected with a Methodist school—all Japanese, of course. Some Chris tians were also included among the business men who received decorations. Thus, though the numerical percentage of! Christians in Japan is very small, it contains material evidently precious to the Japanese Government.
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191s—A RETROSPECT 191I5—A RETROSPECT Never has the world been so united as in this year of war, 1915. As metals fuse under great heat, so have the people of the earth fused under the heat of war. Even those portions of the globe that are remote from the common inter- change of civilized life have found themselves welded with the rest. Singhalese and Cana- dian, Russian peasant and Italian nobleman, Rumanian and American, have shared with the Englishman, the Frenchman, the Bulga- rian, the German, a common experience. This is always what happens in the face of a great calamity. The fire that devastates the city makes both the millionaire and the tramp refugees, and consumes, for the time being at least, the barriers that ordinarily separate them. In the face of a common peril strangers can in an instant become comrades. What has happened often to a village or a city or ever a larger community has now happened to nearly the whole world. The fortunate ones are not those who have escaped this experience. Rather are they to be pitied, for they are the exiles. To have sat tranquil and content, unmoved by what has stirred the rest of mankind, is to have been visited with a great misfortune. Some who have thus sat peaceful in these days are like Peter by the brazier, choosing to warm himself rather than share with his Master the glorious sacrifice; but others are merely victims of circumstance, not to be blamed but rather to be commiserated with because they have not shared in the common lot. Rather are to be envied those who have been free to enter into this experience and serve. None are so happy as those who have been doing their part near the flames. Under this common experience the histo- ries of many nations have flowed together to make for at least this year one world history. Heretofore there has been the history of France, of Germany, of England, each touch- ing others at the edges. In other years the great events of one nation might have been unknown to the history of many another. Now, however, the greatest, the most out- standing event in every nation has been the one World War. Thus out of division there has risen union. The very wrath of man has brought forth a world sympathy. A while ago the American might ignore the man of France and his 1021 problems, leave out of account the English- man’s doings, forget the plans and ideas of the German. In this year 1915 no Ameri- can, unless he was illiterate or stranded in some remote corner, could help wondering what the Germans were planning and think- ing of, what the English were doing or failing to do, how the French were meeting the problems of their land; and the fortunes of peoples concerning whom he once knew little or nothing—the Belgians, the Servians, the Poles—have become his concern, to be read about and followed from day to day as are the fortunes of his neighbors in the same village or on the adjoining street. But more than this, in the year 1915 the world has come to value as never before its common possession which war has threatened—the public law of nations. As a military episode the sinking of the Lusitania was negligible ; but as an experience of historic significance it can never be forgotten. This crime shocked mankind into seeing for the first time its own dependence on law. This crime gave to the world a taste of the horrors of anarchy. Until this year 191§ international law was for the most part the concern of the diplo- matist, the interest of the specialist; now it has become the possession of the plain people. It is not war, of course, that has really made one family of all the nations of the earth. They were of one family from the beginning. It is not war that has even enabled the nations to know one another, for the railways, the steamship, and the telegraph and telephone have furnished the intercoms munication out of which understanding grows. What this year of war has done has been to awaken by its cannon the world’s dormant sense of union, its desire for mutual under- standing. And slowly out of this sense of union, out of this desire for understanding, there has grown in every civilized people a sense of its obligation to the rest of mankind. We can- not speak for others as well as we can for ourselves. Americans, we are sure, will con- fess that during this year 1915 they have learned much about themselves. They have learned that, whereas they thought they were bold, they are really somewhat timid and unwilling to endure suffering and thankful to pay a high price for peace. ‘They have learned that, whereas they thought they were soldier-like, they were really ignorant of the science and art of self-defense, which includes
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1022 the defense of their National obligations. They have learned that, despite their doc- trine of a hundred years that the func- tion of the United States is to police the hemisphere and even at times the world, they are really ready to iet the police work of the world be done by other nations. ‘They have thus learned mucie about their own weaknesses, but at the same time they have discovered that they were not as indifferent to European affairs as they thought they were ; that, in spite of their protestation against becoming involved in entangling alliances, they have been by the very nature of things somewhat entangled in the concerns of Europe. ‘They have discov- ered, rather tardily, that they had an obli- gation to a little country whose invasion was an accomplished fact before they woke up to their own duty about it, and they have been seeking for excuses ever since because of what they have discovered about their own obligation in that matter. They have discov- ered that they have certain duties as one of the joint custodians of the public law of nations, and they have tried to still their con- science in this matter by satisfying them- selves with diplomatic notes on the sinking of merchant vessels and the slaughter of non- combatants. And that they are not yet satis- fied is a proof that the conscience which they have discovered has developed prodigiously during this past year. In the Western world they have discovered some neighbors whom they have not heretofore appreciated. Thus during 1915 the United States has learned much of its own weaknesses and much of its own duties. In like manner other hations have found this year a year of self-revelation. If it had not been for this world war, some of the events of the year might have made it memorable. It has marked the close of a hundred years of peace between England and America, and the beginning of another era of peace which nothing at present threatens. It has marked great changes in the Orient—the rousing of the Chinese giant and the extension of the influence in Asia of the power of intelligent and active Japan. It has recorded twelve months of anarchy in Mexico, with the final recognition of Car- ranza as the head of the de facto government. It has seen the relations of the United States to its dependent neighbor, Santo Domingo, marred by moral failure, for which the Nation has in part, perhaps, made amends; THE OUTLOOK 29 December and has seen the undertaking of new respon- sibilities by the United States in Haiti. It has witnessed the opening of the Panama Canal. It records the efforts of such men as Lindsey and Osborne, often thwarted, to deal honorably with delinquents, young and old. It has seen the successful operation of a World’s Fair on the Pacific coast. In the war it has seen Germany advance its military frontiers into Russia and into the Balkans ; the incredible bravery of countless men; the awakening of America to the dan- ger of those who value their citizenship lightly ; the unimaginable sufferings of the Armenians. But all these are only subsidiary to the great common experience of the world in war and the welding of the peoples together in the flame of it. ‘Io recognize that the cause for this experience this year has been a great war is not to praise war or to defend it. There is no praise of pestilence or famine or earthquake in the recognition that through such calamities men rise ; neither is it a praise of war to record the fact that in war there has been human union. It is by such means that God enforces his lessons and proves to man the validity of his laws. There are some who profess that they are weary of the war ; but wearying of the war will not end it. There are those who see in this war only its horrors ; but seeing merely the horrors of the war will not end it. ‘The war will end only when the world has learned from it its lesson. RUSSIA FROM WITHIN AND FROM WITHOUT It is only natural, perhaps, that in the existing European situation a high representa- tive of a belligerent Power, speaking in be- half of his country, should make as favorable a presentation as possible of that country’s case. This, apparently, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs tried to do in the interest- ing interview with The Outlook’s staff cor- respondent which we published last week. Mr. Sazonoff’s statements, however, are not in all respects convincing. It is not wholly true to say that ‘ Russians are united now as never before.’”’” There is a fairly general agreement in all classes of Russian society that the war must be carried on to a victorious conclusion; but with regard to almost every other question, of domestic policy at least,
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1915 RUSSIA FROM WITHIN there is acute disagreement. ‘The Govern- ment as now constituted distrusts or fears the nation, and the nation has lost confidence in the existing bureaucratic Government. The people think that, inasmuch as they are bear- ing the heaviest burdens of the war, they are entitled to say something with regard to the management of it, or at least to organize in their own way for the support of it. The Government, on the ether hand, denies the right of the people to participate in the direc- tion of affairs, and insists that now, as hereto- fore, they shall do only what they are ordered to do. to the representations, resolutions, and peti- tions of his subjects, and after dissolving the Duma in defiance of the popular will he has declined to reconvene it at the legally ap- pointed time. So far, therefore, as this vitally important question is concerned, the Russians certainly are not united. There is indication of this in Mr. Mason’s correspondence pub- lished this week. ‘The comparatively small bureaucratic group and the overwhelmingly preponderant popular group are mutually antagonistic, and nothing but the ever-present German peril prevents a rupture and a serious clash. ‘There is a lack of complete unanimity even in the Ministry. According to trustworthy advices from Petrograd, more than half of the Ministers are in favor of making concessions to the popular demand for administrative reform; but they have been overruled by the Premier and the Czar. The bureaucracy has succeeded in retaining its exclusive control of the administration, but it has done this at the expense of national union and harmony. In his references to the-Jewish question, also, Mr. Sazonoff makes a presentation of the case that does not bear analysis. ‘“‘ Ameri- cans seem to think,” he says, ‘‘ that the ‘ Pale’ is a very small area, when, as a matter of fact, it is seven times the area of France. Is it a hardship to restrict to an area seven times as great as France a people of only five mill- ion?” This is only half the truth. The five million Jews do not enjoy freedom of movement and residence in “ an area seven times as great as France.” They are re- stricted to the towns and cities of that area, and within these narrow municipal limits they are terribly overcrowded. They cannot live where they like and travel freely from place to place even within the limits of the Pale. On the contrary, they must stay where they are put and earn their living there as best they The Czar has paid little or no attention . 1023 AND FROM WITHOUT may. It is always a hardship, moreover, when one class of the population labors under disabilities from which all other classes are free. Mr. Sazonoff says that the Jews have ‘already been given some privileges, such as greater freedom to come to the big cities.’’ This, however, is not a proof of greater tolerance on the part of the Govern- ment; it is merely the result of conditions brought about by the war. Hundreds of thousands of Jews were driven out of the Pale of Settlement by the German invasion. They fled as refugees to the cities of cen- tral Russia, and the Government was forced to legitimize their presence there simply be- cause it could not possibly return them to territory that it no longer controlled. This can hardly be considered by Americans as an illustration of enlarged privileges given to the Jews. Almost every resolution and peti- tion adopted by business associations and rep- resentative assemblies in Russia within the last six months has recommended that the Jews be given full rights of citizenship, and that the Pale of Settlement be abolished forever ; but all these expressions of the popular will have been disregarded. There can be little hope of a change for the better while a monarch to whom the Jews are obnoxious retains his power, and while responsible and influential Ministers continue to regard and describe them as a ‘“‘ menace” to the country. Perhaps the most important and significant statement made by the Russian Minister is that in which he says: “The attempts from without and from within to bring Russia to a separate peace with Germany have been stronger than the world dreams.” “ Have these efforts ceased ?”’ ‘By no means; but the crisis has been weathered, the greatest danger is past.” When this danger first became apparent and when the “crisis” was “ weathered ” the Minister does not say, but it must have been recently. On the 22d of August last four representatives of the Petrograd Press Council had an interview with Mr. Sazonoff and questioned him with regard to this very matter. He then treated it rather lightly and assured the interviewers that the rumors of a separate peace were based solely on overtures repeatedly made to Russia by her enemies. ‘These proposals or sugges- tions, he said, had been firmly and con- clusively negatived. He made no reference at that time to pressure “ from within,’ and
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1024 if he had any reason to believe that this con- stituted a serious “ danger,” he successfully concealed it. Of course the pressure ‘‘ from within” to which Mr. Sazonoff referred in his interview with Mr. Mason can have come only from the reactionary bureaucracy. One of. its journalistic organs recently de- clared (apparently with the approval of the censor) that it would be better to open peace negotiations with Germany than to allow the Ministry to be made responsible to the Duma. In other words, it would be better for the bureaucracy to lose the war than to lose its own arbitrary power. When the Minister describes the Balkan situation as a mere “incident ” or “ by-chap- ter’’ in the war, we believe that he belittles its importance. In his attitude generally toward the Teutonic Powers the Minister fails, we think, to do justice to their resource- fulness and strength. Their ‘“‘ campaign in Poland,” their ‘‘submarine warfare,” and their ‘‘slap at the Balkans ”’ cannot satisfac- torily be described as “the flounderings of THE OUTLOOK 29 Decembe: %? an animal at bay.”’ On the contrary, the: impress most observers as the skillfui and well-directed blows of a powerful and aggres sive antagonist who is not * floundering ’ but is acting with purposeful intelligence Russia may eventually succeed, and probabl will succeed, in ‘“‘smashing the Germans in Poland and hammering them back into Ger many ;”’ but to say that when the Russian troops get munitions enough they will “ scat- ter the Germans as a heavy hail-storm scatters an old ladies’ picnic’’ does not, under the present circumstances, carry weight with the observer on this side of the Atlantic. American friends of Russia share Mr. Sazonoff’s faith in the “millions of strong, clean-bodied fighting men whom the Empire has in reserve,” but here, as in Great Britain and France, there is a feeling that if the Czar and his Ministers would put more trust in the people and less in the bureaucracy they might look forward with even greater confidence to ultimate victory and a prosper- ous future. THE ANCONA HORROR A POLL OF THE N November 8 the Italian steamer Ancona, bound west, was destroyed by an Austrian submarine and many of her passengers, mostly Italians, were drowned. Among the missing, however, are some Americans. ‘The crime provoked horror and anger, especially in Italy. The London “ Times ”’ says : We shall be surprised if these feelings do not grow in intensity as the full enormity of the deed is grasped. The Italians are a high- spirited people, with a strong sense of human- ity, a deep love of their own countrymen, and an exceptional tenderness for women and little children. Unless we mistake them, they are not likely to take this flagrant injury and insult lying down. They do not. We translate from the Milan ‘*‘ Corriere della Sera:” ‘It is impossible for the particulars of the horror not to excite the Italian populace.”” ‘The “ Corriere ” adds: ‘*« All that indicates the savage ferocity of the enemy does not depress but excites us, does not discourage but inflames us.”’ But “‘ there were Americans among those who were thus sent to their doom—Ameri- INTERNATIONAL PRESS cans who were exercising their undoubted rights in traveling on an Italian ship ; Amer- icans for whose protection the Government of the United States is responsible,’ declares the Philadelphia ‘‘ Public Ledger,” and asks, as do most other papers: What will be the answer of the Administra- tion to this latest crime against the Nation and all humanity? Is the Austrian Government to escape with adisavowaland an apology? Must there be more futile notes, more inconclusive debates about “ sacred principles ” ? As in other cases of submarine warfare, the crime consists not merely in the killing of neutrals but in the killing of non-com- batants. The Pittsburgh “ Dispatch” re marks: ‘“‘ The senselessness of the act stands out above everything else.’”’ What possible advantage can a country gain by the sinking of a ship of commerce whose cargo consists chiefly of passengers bound for a land with which that country is at peace? this paper asks, and adds : Whether it be shown that the Ancona was sunk only after warning was disregarded, th: criminal feature of the horrible affair is scarcely
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1915 THE ANCONA HORROR lessened, even though it be argued that the Austrians had every right to sink the ship when they could -not prevent her bringing back reservists and munitions on her return voyage. On December 6 our Government protested to the Austrian Government in a note which the Sacramento “ Bee”’ calls the strongest communication with respect to invasion of the rights of American citizens yet made to any foreign government by the United States since the war began. “It is vigorous not only in words, but also in its unqualified demand for redress.” The California paper continues : This country has been waiting many months for a proper recognition by Germany of her responsibilities with respect to the sinking of the Lusitania. And the Wilson Administration evidently has reached the conclusion that Amer- ica’s patience in that case is not to be taken hereafter as a precedent to be counted upon.by any other European country in dealing with America or American citizens abroad. The extremely peremptory tone of the Ancona note was almost certainly addressed quite as much to Berlin as to Vienna, thinks the New -York “ New Republic,” and was intended to accomplish more than a disavowal of the slaughter of the Ancona passengers. “Doubtless these are shrewd tactics for a President when he wishes to warn a foreign power that his patience is exhausted, without at the same time committing any act which will necessarily involve a break with the offender.”’ Under the caption ‘*‘ A Falsification of All the Conceptions of Neutrality ” the principal Vienna paper, the. ‘ Neue Freie Presse,” makes this general comment : One of the most noteworthy phenomena of the war is that the United States has constantly moved away further and further from the policy of neutrality which it announced at the begin- ning of Europe’s heavy trials. The Washington Government has subjected the German wireless stations to censorship, while the cables between London and America work without censorship. Against England’s declaration of the North Sea as a war zone America defended itself with the gentle taps of a fan, and against Germany’s declaration of English waters as a war zone with fist blows, while against its consequences, the extension of the submarine war to merchant- men, it protested almost with threats of war. Against our Ambassador, Dumba, however, steps were taken which, even in form, were ruthless. The State Department at Washington has 1025 become a branch establishment of the British Foreign Office, and only for appearances are neutrality notes sent now and then to London, which are not followed any further. Through American humanity in the shape of guns, shells, and shrapnel much misery has come upon Europe. This brand of humanity is silent over the death of hundreds of thousands, and only comes to life when two or three Ameri- cans, who perhaps were hired for the purpose, and, as it seems, are always available, are on a merchant ship which, certainly not by coinci- dence, has, through its flight and negligence in saving its own passengers, become the oppor- tunity for starting the present dispute between the monarchy and the United States. More particular comment comes from the Essen ‘“ Westphalische Zeitung.” It finds two weak points in the Ancona note: first, that arrangements with one belligerent, Ger- many, have no validity for Austria-Hungary ; secondly, that firing upon the Ancona was the only measure to prevent the already attempted flight, and was therefore perfectly justified, according to the recognized rules of war. The Westphalian paper thinks that Austria-Hungary will never disavow the sinking of the Ancona or punish the com- mander of the submarine, adding : We venture to express the hope that the Austrian Government will refuse to judge an efficient submarine commander otherwise than on the basis of his military achievements, and will discuss the question of compensation only so far as admitted by the principles of interna- tional law. In general, since two American notes are awaiting answers, we may wait to see how the game of notes comes out. The Austrians need not make more haste to reply than the British. On our part, the St. Louis ‘“*‘ Globe-Demo- crat,” while it does not think that an act of Austria, Turkey, or Bulgaria is “in vio- lation of the agreement with Germany as to submarine warfare,” does assume “that Austria will disavow the act, if outside the modification of submarine warfare to which Germany has agreed, and make whatever reparation it can.” Concerning the Austrian reply, dated De- cember 15, the Boston ‘ Journal ”’ says : Ii is understood that Austria refuses to take cognizance of our correspondence with Ger- many over the Lusitania and Arabic cases, and expects a fresh beginning in the controversy of war ethics. That the United States cannot grant. If we should abandon our demands as made in the note to Austria, our diplomacy
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1026 would be even more of a joke than it is now. The Washington ‘“ Times ” affirms : The United States Government did not invite Austria to submita brief against our position in the Ancona matter. The United States Gov- ernment did not request Austria to make in- quiries here for further information. The United States Government did not ask Austria to join us in a long-winded discussion such as our State Department had for months with the Berlin Foreign Office over the Lusitania. The United States Government demanded from Austria immediate reparation. In Austria’s reply ... there is no satisfac- tion, there is no reparation, there is nothing but evasion and an effort to make this like the Lusitania case—everlasting. So the single thing the Washington Adminis- tration can do to certify that its demand was exactly what it declared itself to be, the only thing it can do to maintain the self-respect of this Government, not to mention the opinion of THE OUTLOOK 29 December the world, is to give Austria a fixed time in which to comply with our demand of the other day. On December 19 a new and drastic note, of this nature, was despatched to Vienna. It may mean a severance of diplomatic rela- tions. If so, says the Washington ‘“ Herald,” this must “be followed by an ultimatum to Germany on the Lusitania couched in similar language, a failure to comply with which must lead us to sever diplomatic relations with Germany also.” The cause of England, France, Italy, and Russia is thus referred to by the Rochester ** Post Express :” It will not escape attention that no American or neutral or non-combatant has been done to death by any one of the Allies. Whether they were too just or too wise to commit such acts, the fact remains that they have not committed them; and as a consequence the sympathies of mankind are so largely with them. TWO LETTERS The following letters, one expressing a pro-German, the other an anti-German point of view, are self-explanatory. Rochester Theological Seminary, German Department, Rochester, New York, December 16, 1915, Lawrence F. Abbott, The Outlook, New York: Dear Mr. Abbott—Perhaps I ought to explain to you why I must request. the dis- continuance of my subscription to The Outlook. I have hesitated in doing so. After subscribing for a paper for seventeen or eighteen years it is no easy matter to give it up. Still, the attitude you have found it expedient to assume concerning Germany has utterly shattered my faith in the relia- bility and equity of your editorial judgment. I happen to know a little about the Father- land, although I have resided in this country for well-nigh half a century. And I know your war editorials have sometimes been hilariously incorrect and always intentionally one-sided, if not actually virulent and incen- tive to espouse the cause of England on the part of the United States. You might have been pro-British without being anti-German. I blame you not for your English sympathies. I deplore your German hatred. So please discontinue my subscription to your paper until you see fit to recover your poise of judgment concerning so noble and sacrificing and efficient a people as the much-maligned Germans. Sincerely, F. W. C. MEYER. December 20, 1915. Rev. Friedrich W. C. Meyer, Rochester, New York: My dear Mr. Meyer—Your name has been taken from our subscription list in accordance with the request expressed in your letter. We cordially acquiesce in your right to cease sub- scribing for a journal with whose views you do not agree; we do not for a moment ques- tion your right to form and express the opin- ion that the editorial judgments of The Outlook are neither reliable nor equitable. We do, however, protest that it is both unjust and unreasonable to ascribe motives to a manora group of men unless those motives are sub- stantiated by incontrovertible facts. What facts have you to justify your statement that our attitude towards the European war is assumed for the sake of expediency ? What facts have you to justify your assertion that
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n 1915 TWO LETTERS our utterances are the result of our hatred of the German people ? Perhaps this is a good occasion for us to try to restate our attitude towards Germany and the part she is playing in the present world catastrophe. We agree with you that the German peo- ple have a history and have made contribu- tions to civilization which entitle them to be called ‘‘ noble, sacrificing, and efficient.” In too many instances they have been ‘ ma- ligned” as a result of the passions and hatred engendered by the war. But the fact remains that the great majority of the sixty- five millions of the German people are not students of history, philosophy, or logic. They accept with a pathetic faith the asser- tions of their political and military leaders. By these leaders they have been convinced that Germany’s part in the war is merely a defensive one; that she was attacked from without by a conspiracy of jealous and covetous enemies, and that she made war solely to defend the homes of her people. If The Outlook believed this, it would be profoundly a pro-German paper. If it believed that Germany wished solely to de- velop her own civilization without encroach- ing upon the rights of others ; to promote her own efficiency, education, and commerce ; to prove, in accordance with the recognized principles of decent human intercourse, that her merchants and industrialists are superior to those of other nations—and she was rapidly doing this before the outbreak of the war; if The Outlook believed that England, France, Russia, and Italy, with the secret sympathies of most of the other civilized nations of the world, had formed a deliberate conspiracy to rob Germany by force of the fruits of her organization and skill, it would as constantly condemn the Governments of those countries as it condemns the Imperial Government of Germany to-day. What are the facts? For forty years Germany has been the strongest military power in Europe. Her philosophers, his- torians, university professors, statesmen, and military leaders have unitedly and persistently extolled the beauty, righteousness, and mate- rial advantage of military power. ‘There was 1927 no nation in Europe during the summer of 1914 that would have dared for a moment to attack the German Empire single-handed. She was in no danger of attack; she did not have to act upon the defensive; she herself said that there was no nation or combination of nations that she had to fear; she asserted publicly that Russia was too disrupted, that England was too shop-keeping, and that France was too morally corrupt to fight. These facts seem to us clearly to dispose of the defense argument. Moreover, when Austria’s ultimatum to Servia was issued England did everything in her power to submit the controversy to inter- national arbitration ; the documents show that the other nations consented to this plan and that Germany alone refused. Our unalter- able conviction is that the war was a war of attack and not of defense on the part of Germany. This view is strengthened and confirmed by the course of Germany during the war. The invasion of Belgium, the acquiescent if not active participation in the Armenian hor- rors, the killing of non-combatants on the Lusitania and Ancona, and the destruction of American property to prevent the ship- ment of munitions, do not reflect on German efficiency —on the contrary, these deeds have been terribly efficient—but in our judgment they do reflect upon the view of the rights of man which now prevails among German civil and military leaders. Those in control of Germany to-day believe in Machtpolitik ; The Outlock believes in the rule of reason. Those in control of Germany to-day believe that the individual was created for the state; The Outlook believes that the state was created for the individual. Ger- many to-day stands for the doctrine that the life of the individual must be drawn from a skillfully organized society ; The Outlook be- lieves that a truly organized society must grow out of the freedom, honor, and virtue of the individual. This is why The Outlook is anti-German in the present war and hopes the Allies will win. Yours very truly, LAWRENCE F. ABBorTrT, President of The Outlook Company.
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KNOLL PAPERS BY LYMAN ABBOTT A BIRTHDAY Y eightieth birthday anniversary has M come and gone. It was spent in a room fragrant and beautiful with flowers—my companion counted over two hundred roses, and what so eloquent expres- sion of affection as flowers ?—and my table is piled high with telegrams and letters, from friends known and unknown. So many are they that I abandon all attempt to give them personal answer and hope these friends will accept this impersonal and general expression of gratitude. Only a very few of these letters are congratulations, good wishes, and many happy returns of the day; none, I think, are letters merely of praise or admiration. They are letters of appreciation for service rendered by voice or pen, in private conversation or public address, in private letter or published article: for some light shed on perplexing problems, some courage received in a time of discouragement, some aid to faith when the world seemed to be in darkness—in a word, some gift of life when life seemed hardly worth the living. These letters were for me, and I have no right to print one of them. But I may without violating confi- dence reprint one printed verse which one of my correspondents sends me as a not inapt interpretation of my message to the world: “If the day looks kinder gloomy, And your chances kinder slim ; If the situation’s puzzlin’, An’ the prospect’s awful grim; And perplexities keep pressin’ ‘Lill all hope is nearly gone, Just bristle up and grit your teeth, And keep on keepin’ on.” I must believe these expressions of appre- ciation and gratitude sincere; that my life message has carried greater help to others than I ever dreamed it could have or can now realize that it has. Of all forms of egotism, I think the worst is that of mock self-deprecia- tion, for that is hypocrisy as well as egotism. Looking back over the seventy years of my remembered life, seeing what | was as a boy, looking about me on these letters and tokens of appreciation, and believing that they are a real witness to real services rendered, I try to put down here for my own clear thinking and for inspiration to others what I pro- foundly believe has been the secret of my life. 1028 MONOLOGUE Whatever I have done for others has first been done forme. If I have solved any one’s doubts, it is because these doubts have first confronted me in my search for truth ; and the solution which I have found under the guid- ance of an invisible Teacher I have passed onto others. Whenever I have given cour- age to a hesitating and perhaps halted soul, it is because I have hesitated to “ keep on keepin’ on,” and by turning to encourage the discouraged companion at my side have reinforced the courage which my invisible Leader has inspired in me. I have some- times relighted the torch in the hands of a comrade—a torch which, extinguished, was giving forth only sooty smoke, not flame—but it has always been because the Light-bearer before me had first lighted my torch and bid me pass the light to others. For the one thing of which I am perfectly certain as I look back over those seventy remembered years, and recall the feeble phy- sique, timid heart, weak will, and vacillating purpose of the little boy entering his teens, is that I have not made myself what I am nor given of myself what I have given ; that Another has made me what I am, and I have given only what that Other has first given me. Iam not more sure that there is life in the soil without which the gardener would plant his seeds in vain, power in fire and water without which the engineer would kindle the coal in vain, beauty in nature which the artist sees before he can interpret it upon his canvas, than I am that there is a life which we do not create but which we can accept, and, accepting, impart to others, and can impart to others because they also pos- sess it—yes! and often exercise it though they know it not. I am not more certain that the fertile soil will respond to the gift of the gardener, the seemingly lifeless coal will respond with up-leaping light and warmth to the kindling touch of the engineer, than that there is in every soul dormant a divine life of conscience to see the right and of courage to attempt it if we only know how to awaken that life. My psychological friend tells me that this invisible Other, whom I cannot see nor hear, but in whom I believe, is my “ better self.’ (Continued on page following illustrations)
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Current Events Pictorially Treated retin | PHOTOGRAPH FROM UNDERWOOD & UNDERWOOD GENERAL SIR DOUGLAS HAIG, THE NEW BRITISH COMMANDER- IN-CHIEF ON THE CONTINENT General Haig was born in 1861, and is therefore 54 years old; he was educated at Oxford; joined the Seventh Hussars in 1885; served in the Sudan and in South Africa, and was Chief of Staff in India. He succeeds Field Marshal Sir John French, now Viscount French
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AFH BY PAUL THOMPSON SNOW AND ICE BEAUTIFY THE CITY—T] Wo Though the chief effect of the blizzard of December 13 was to impede traffic, and to destroy m beauty and charm
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WORK IN CENTRAL PARK, NEW YORK communication with neighboring towns, some of the effects even within the city limits were of picture intimates
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PHOTOGRAPH BY F. GUTEKUNST GOVERNOR BRUMBAUGH, OF PENNSYLVANIA See an interview with Governor Brumbaugh, by Charles Phillips Cooper, on another page of this issue
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THE WAR CONFERENCE AT CLARK UNIVERSITY I agree with him. So my mother and my father were my better self in the first quarter of my life, and my wife was my better self for the nearly half a century that we lived together, and all three are still my better self, through a memory that eye does not discern. So is this Other, my teacher, leader, light- bearer, life-giver, my better self. I am no mere organ of which he plays the keys and I give forth what music he will. We are com- panions, he and I. And he plays on me, not aS an organist on an organ, but as a leader in his orchestra, his will transformed into their wills, and so their harmony interpreting his musical message to the auditors. Nor can I ever tell, and no longer try to tell, what of my life is his and what is mine. I can untwist the rope into its several strands, but who can untwist the Hudson River which flows by my village-home and say what drops have been contributed to it by this or the other creek flowing into it? Only this we do know: there would be no river if there were. no springs to feed it, and no springs if there were no.clouds to feed the springs. This faith in the Great Companion is not an opinion which argument has built up and argument could therefore destroy; it is not a conviction which has taken. possession of 1037 me but which I can separate from myself and cross-examine, demanding that it tell me its right to be. It is an experience, a part of my very self, which I cannot and do not wish to distinguish from myself and from which I could not part without destroying myself. The theological definitions of this faith are unsatisfactory to me just because they are definitions. The conventional ex- pressions of this faith are unsatisfactory to me just because they are conventional. And this vague and unconventional expression is unsatisfactory because it is vague and unde- fined. And yet, unsatisfactory as this confession of my faith is to me and will be to my read- ers, I hope it may serve to confirm in some of my friends, known and unknown, their faith in the Great Companion, and, in those who have been estopped from that faith by ecclesiastical formularies and theological defi- nitions, their faith in their better selves. For myself, I would be glad if any one who has ever received help from any word or deed of mine might believe with me that I have not been'the giver of life, only the distributer of the life which the Life-giver has given to me. The Knoll, Cornwall-on-the-Hudson, December, 1915. THE WAR CONFERENCE AT CLARK UNIVERSITY SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE HE problems and lessons of the war were discussed week before last at a’ three-day conference held at Clark University. The aim of the Conference, it was stated, was to present the fundamental issues of the war with the same spirit of absolute fairness with which historians will investigate them a hundred years from now. The sessions, with their twenty-four speak- ers, representing British, German, and vari- ous American points of view, have proved that, in a university atmosphere at least, it is possible in this country for men holding opposite views on the war to meet together to present them from the same platform. The most striking view advanced was that of the new Teutonic Federation already aris- ing in central and southeastern Europe. The intimate political relations and the new tariff union recently made between Germany and Austria-Hungary have practically created a new federal state, which Bulgaria, Turkey, and yet other countries may join. Professor Walz, of Harvard, said: “In reading the numerous articles in German and Austrian periodicals dealing with the future condition of central Europe you find invariably the idea of a union of some kind between the German Empire and Austria-Hungary based upon common defense and co:nmon economic interests, a union which might include Bul- garia and Turkey and other states willing to join it, and which would leave to all partners the utmost freedom in internal affairs. It is the first sign, indistinct as yet, of a new Europe, of a confederacy of European states.” Much the same view was presented by Pro- fessor Kuno Francke, also of Harvard. While admitting that the war has aroused a strong popular propaganda in Germany for territorial compensation on both the western and eastern borders of the country, he stated that this
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1038 movement is openly combated not only by the Socialists but by a considerable proportion of the leading men of the Empire. ‘“ The German Government,” said Professor Francke, “I trust, will find some way, at the coming peace conference, of restoring the independence both of Poland and of Belgium, while at the same time attaching these coun- tries to the economic interests of the new Austro-German federation. The annexation of Poland and Belgium would be at variance with the German conception of the state as a moral agency whose mission it is to raise every one of its members to a higher level of public consciousness and activity.” Another view presented by the German side related to the obligations of American citizenship. While the necessity of absolute and paramount loyalty to the United States on the part of all of its citizens was strongly pointed out during the sessions, the Amer- icans of German ancestry insisted that, with some regrettable exceptions, there was no question whatever of the genuine loyalty to this country of the great mass of German- Americans ; but, they maintained, this did not compel them to be pro-British in sympa- thy, nor did it oblige them to renounce all of their former cultural traditions. As Profes- sor von Klenze, of Brown University, said: ** A new nation has been forming. We wish to create a new culture essentially American ; that is, versatile and daring to a degree never attained by English culture. If the American people as a whole were to become musical like the Teutons and the Slavs, sensi- tive to color like the Italians, were to develop a deference for language like the French, without losing Anglo-Saxon straightforward- ness, political sense, and control, then the America of the future would correspond to that picture which, consciously or uncon- sciously, even the severest Anglo-Saxon New Englander is cherishing in his heart.” On the question of preparedness by the United States, the large majority of the speakers favored adequate naval and military defense; but the general sentiment of the Conference was that a system of competitive international armaments would give no secu- rity against the recurrence of such world wars as the present. The causes of wars, it was frequently pointed out, must be lessened and gradually entirely removed. Since a large proportion of recent wars have sprung out of international economic rivalry, many of the speakers emphasized the necessity of extend- THE OUTLOOK ing the “open door” policy in commerce and trade to all colonial and dependent terri- tory throughout the world. Admiral Chad- wick, U. S. N., made the definite suggestion that equality of commercial and economic opportunity be agreed upon for all colonial territory acquired by any nation since 1880 ; that would mean the open door in such lands as the Philippines, Morocco, Egypt, Tripoli, and Manchuria. Preparedness in national policy, as well as in army and navy, was urged by Norman Angell, the leading British peace advocate. He stated that the United States seemed to be drifting into war, and, according to all in- dications, would have war before many years. This would come about, he believed, through the unnecessary clash of policy between the United States and such a state as Germany; probably over a dispute as to whether the Monroe Doctrine gave the United States any preferential economic advantages in Latin America. The causes of this probable war might be avoided by a careful definition of the Monroe Doctrine and a promise to Ger- many, embodied in treaty, that this country would never stand in the way of perfect equality of commercial opportunity throughout this hemisphere. As to the results of the war, opinions dif- fered. While some believed that a German victory would intensify autocratic militarism throughout the world, Dr. Stanton Coit,.of London, maintained that, no matter who should win, democracy would be greatly strengthened, and that it would show itself in social legislation for the benefit of the mass of the people in such measures as workingmen’s insurance, old-age pensions, and, further, in the more stringent control of capitalism .by the state. Even the German sympathizers seemed to look forward to an increased efficiency in government as a result of the war, and increased social democracy. So far as political effects upon America are concerned, Dr. Manoel de Oliveira Lima, one of the foremost scholars and diplomats of Brazil, pointed out that the war has already resulted in a notable strengthening of Pan- Americanism. An unexpected result of the great struggle was presented by the Hon. Francis Neilson, a radical Member of Parlia- ment, who, in speaking of the effects of mar- tial law in England, stated that no nation could attempt to crush militarism in Europe by force without creating within its own territory the very thing it set out to destroy in another land.
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THE NATIONS AT WAR I—A FORTNIGHT IN GERMANY BY SANFORD GRIFFITH SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT OF THE OUTLOOK IN GERMANY Having studied political science in both Germany and France not only at univer- sities but also by personal investigations, and speaking French, German, Italian, and Flemish, Mr. Griffith has had the sort of experience that fits him for such observations as ave here recorded. During the past year he has had privileges accorded to few, if any, others for an intimate view of certain aspects of the war—TuHeE EDITORS. e e E entered Berlin the night of the fall of Wilna. From Hanover soldiers clambered aboard the train at every station along the way. As the train pulled out men half out of the windows waved farewell to their women and children until they disappeared, small black groups in the distance. The numbers of military increased to a point at which the platforms were practi- cally given over to them. Streets were brilliantly lighted. Taxis bumped along on their rims—tires are hors- de-prix—but taxis there were. What horses there had been were either dead or dying. In a twenty-minute walk that evening I saw three of them down on the street. At the Rheingold it took us ten minutes to find a table, half an hour to be served. An orchestra struggled valiantly with ‘ Tann- hauser,” but the music was lost jn that crowd. The menu was of the usual bulkiness. There was no check on either wine or champagne. As the waiter deposited a diminutive roll at the plate he asked in a perfunctory way for a bread ticket. As I had none, he pulled out several from his pocket and detached a number. Wherever we dined in Berlin they asked for the bread cards. In other parts of Ger- many, although we were occasionally given the cards, I do not recall that we ever made use of them. The Mayor of Berlin, in speaking of the municipal grain supply, explained that last year there was only just enough, and that by use of the cards the daily apportionment did not exceed the allowance. ‘ This year,” he said, ‘ with Bulgaria coming into the war’’—this was several weeks before the event happened— “and our own large harvest, we are assured of more than enough.” Outside the war zone it is possible that there are parts of Germany which suffered from the shortage in grain; but speaking for one or two villages outside of Berlin and a number of villages along the Rhine, the poorer classes have fared better than the Berlin proletariat. The morning after the fall of Wilna flags, including frequently the flag of Bulgaria, were hung from ail of the principal buildings. There was no particular jubilation. Those with whom I spoke seemed to take Wilna and victory as a matter of course. One of the illustrated papers came out that day wita a cartoon of the Czar being led Unter den Linden by a very Teuton-faced Angel of Peace, while Poincaré and George V, sitting on a bench at one side, looked on in conster- nation. Popular opinion about Russia is that after she has been made to suffer enough there will be no difficulty in buying her off. Are the people well informed? ‘This was a question I frequently asked. ‘“ In what are we not?” was the invariable rejoinder. ‘“‘ You will find the French official bulletins in our papers. Our casualty lists are complete. And you can buy the London ‘ Times’ or your iniquitous New York ‘ Herald’ every morning at your hotel.’ Gaps cut by the censor’s scissors are usu- ally filled in the German paper. ‘There is an apparent freedom combined with the most rigid censorship.. Hard experience has taught most papers to suffer with docility, and some of the papers, like medizval saints, seemed to take a morbid pleasure in effacing them- selves. The people, who know now that foreign press agencies circulate nothing but lies, are, as a whole, content that “ war expediency ”’ should deprive them of much of the news. For months Herr Fleichmann, over a hearty Hindenburger Schnitzel mit Kartoffein, has laughed complacently at re- ports—scrupulously culled and republished from the foreign press—‘“ Starvation forces Germany to her knees,” or ‘“‘ People on the 1039
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1040 verge of hunger riots.’”’ ‘ You see we get our foreign news daily, and we know just what it is worth,” he explains. Foreign papers are not read, and the more favorable a foreign report the more convinced—and this includes otherwise well-informed readers —they are of its insincerity. ‘“ They take the official reports as the Bible,” a German publicist remarked to me. This deadened critical sense was to me the most unwholesome phenomenon in Ger- many to-day. ‘To discuss .any political ques- tion the only points of departure were these two assertions: the infallibility of the official bulletin, and the fact that the war had been forced upon Germany; that it was due largely to the perfidy of Sir Edward Grey, with the connivance of such arch-chauvinists as Delcassé and Millerand. Three of the six most widely read books in Germany on the war are by foreigners. Two are from the pen of the Englishman Houston Stewart Chamberlain,’ recently dec- orated with the highest civilian order of the [ron Cross: “ Justification for War ” (A7iegs- aufsatse) and “A New Justification,” of which over two hundred thousand have already been sold; and another of his books ** Confidence’ (Zuversicht) is already past three hundred thousand. ‘The other book of foreign authorship is by Sven Hedin, the Swedish explorer; it contains a journal of his year with the German armies at the front. Other much-quoted books, taken at random, are “‘ Germany as a World Leader,” “ Bel- gium’s Guilt,” “‘ The Vampire of the Conti- nent”’ (England), and *“* Problems for Favor- able Peace.”’ As compared with other countries, the amount of literature on the war published in Germany is very great. ‘There is at least three times as much as in France, and as much again of a serious sort as in England. Unfortunately much of the value of the pop- ular literature is lost in pure propaganda. Just a year ago, wnen the German drive toward Calais was at its height, I accom- panied in a cattle car a convoy of German prisoners pulled out of the mud near Ypres. ‘There was a sub-lieutenant among them, a young, timid chap with a strong South German accent. Recalling not infrequent friction be- tween the genial Bavarian and a certain type of Prussian officer, I asked him about the Though an Englishman by birth, he has lived for some time in Germany. He married the daughter of the composer, Richard Wagner.—THE EDITORS. THE OUTLOOK 29 December He replied, sentiment in South Germany. promptly : ‘*T am instructor in a school in Munich. Before the war there was always a northern caste snobbishness disagreeable to us, and there was, of course, jealousy. But since the war we are all united—an enziges Volk. If we win, we can thank Prussia for her organization and discipline. If we lose, we will realize once and for all that the Prussian ideal was not pushed far enough.” An officer in the Military College put tersely what I heard repeated over and over again in the Rhineland as well as at Berlin : ‘‘We are in this war fighting reactionary Russia, the savage hordes and mercenaries of our enemies. Without victory the very existence of our Empire is at stake, and every German knows it.” I heard the same in the little German-Dutch border town of .Elten from the mother of three sons ina Rhine regiment. She asserted proudly that the Rhine regiments had fought and suffered as much as those from any other part of Prussia. There is no unity of opinion about Bel- gium. It is known that Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg is opposed to annexa- tion. The Kaiser keeps Bethmann in office, and therefore, it is argued, the Kaiser would be opposed to annexation there. * And the invasion of Belgium ?” I asked of an officer acquaintance. ‘* A people who regret their rash move. France, who was to help them, came too late. ‘The English made a ridiculous display before Antwerp, and are alone responsible for the damage done there. We do not care to annex Belgium, but, if we did, it would be a good thing for the country. Our effi- cient administration, ‘ streng aber recht,’ has done great things for Belgium during the first year of our occupation. We are establishing normal conditions in the coal regions, and are applying for the first time an age limit in the mines. We have introduced compulsory education and will reduce illiteracy of a degree to which no European nation, except perhaps such backward ones as England and Russia, would care to confess without blush- ing.”’ I drove one morning from Elten to Emme- rich with a dealer who sells horses which stray across the Dutch frontier. He too knew Belgium : ‘‘ Belgium received what was jolly well coming to her. If the world thinks we are going to give up what we have conquered
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1915 THE with such loss of life, it is more gullible than the Belgians are themselves.” Frankness was his virtue. ‘There is an echo of this same sentiment among the people, though a very considerable faction of the Social-Demo- cratic party is combating the idea. Germany will not forgive America for a long time for selling munitions to the Allies. A friend with whom I was traveling was seated in the restaurant of the Hotel Ernst at Cologne. The head waiter stepped over to him and, without further introduction, ex- claimed, ‘‘ The English be damned !”’ As my friend was not prompt in giving the expected echo to this sentiment, the waiter asked his nationality. ‘ American,’’ was too much for him. ‘ England is responsible for this war. You are supplying her with munitions. Are you coming into it? I wish you would. We are giving England her due, and your turn comes next.”’ Personally I met no discourtesy, though on several occasions I was obliged to speak English loudly enough in theaters and restau- rants to give ample provocation. It was appar- ent, however, that Americans were not loved. After the director had courteously showed us about the large military hospital at Buch, he took us to the storerooms. Here in one place were American canned goods—Prince NATIONS AT WAR 1041 Henry peaches—piled to the ceiling. The strain was too much for the amiable director. ‘These are not the only canned goods you have been sending us lately,’’ and he waved his arm toward a soldier witha couple of bad shrapnel scars across the face who was paring potatoes in the next room. The general in command of the camp for interned French prisoners at Darmstadt re- ceived us in his office very amiably. He explained the organization of the camp, but just before our departure took down from the wall one of the new French anti-shrapnel helmets, and with some bitterness added, ** Made in America.” These are a few casual impressions. Like a great factory completely installed with emergency machinery, Germany at war has set in motion forces that had been carefully prepared for years. There are the usual phenomena of war: high prices, women at heavy work, at the plow—lI have even seen them with pickaxes in gangs along the rail- ways and on the trucks of Berlin. ‘The country, as a whole, however, gives an over- whelming impression of unity. Germany seems an overworked example of an over- worked word—“ efficiency.’’ Perhaps nothing more nearly expresses it than to say, Ger- many is normally at war. II—RUSSIA’S WAR OF INDEPENDENCE BY GREGORY HEN the Germans cries; and when the win, mamma cries.” This remark, imputed to the Czarevitch, the heir apparent to the Russian throne, may or may not have been made by him. ‘That is a question of no importance in the face of the fact that hundreds of thousands of Russians believe that he made it and in view of the greater fact that millions of them know that there exists the state of affairs which such a remark would indicate. The Russian royal house, the entire Russian Court, in fact, is a house divided against itself. In an interview with Sergius Sazonoff, published in The Outlook last week, I told how the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs said to me: “The attempts from without and /vom within to bring Russia to a separate peace with Germany have been stronger than the win, papa Russians MASON world dreams.” Sazonoff thereby confirmed what I heard from the lips of officers, waiters, nobles, cab-drivers, merchants, mer- chants’ wives, society ladies, and chaiaber- maids from the time I entered Russia through freezing Archangel until I left it through frozen Finland. ‘The peril of the treachery of German sympathizers in Russia is a peril which every real Russian sees clearly and is striving mightily to circumvent. Russia would have been led into a traitorous peace with Germany long ago but for the unceas- ing vigilance and unimpeachable honesty of millions of such true Russians. from the soldiers in the ranks to men like Paul Milyoukov, leader of the Constitutional Democratic party, Sazonoff, and the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaievitch. It may seem strange to bracket men like Milyoukov and the Grand Duke, but they have one important trait in common : both are Russian to the
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1042 bone. Both have unflinchingly fought this internal danger, which, as Sazonoff said, “‘ has by no means ceased,” and which is a princi- pal reason why Russia is still the weak link in the chain of the Allies. Thus far, whatever has been said against him, the Czar has not been accused of grave complicity in the plotting against his own Empire, and the principal charges of the people against him are that he is weak or stupid, that his only ambitions are for himself and the Romanof dynasty, and that he is an easy tool for others with more malevolent de- signs. But the people believe, and say with a frankness unprecedented in Russia, that their Empress, who was a Princess of Hesse, and who has been in alleged secret correspondence with her brother, the Duke of Hesse, since the beginning of the war, loves Germany with more than the love of a sister. She and the unsavory Rasputin, a figure somewhat akin to the sorcerers found at medizeval courts, and a character more uniquely disreputable and more grotesquely diabolical than any to be found at any other Court to-day, are placed by popular talk at the head of the camarvi/la, the cabal of evil counselors who love Germany not wisely but too well, and who would make their Russia a kind of annex to the Kaiser’s realm if they had their way. The title of Aaron is a German title, of course, and most of the Russian barons and many of the. Russian counts have German names, while many of them, like Count Fredericks, the Minister of the Court, are rumored to be secretly pro- German. From this group and from similar groups at Court, in the army, in the navy, in society, among the nobles and big landowners, there has come some downright treachery and a good deal of half-hearted support of the war, which representatives of the Russian autocracy have at times said quite openly was a war against the Power that has been the main prop and bulwark of that autocracy in the past. This opinion has been voiced in the reactionary press, and it is not difficult even for a foreigner who has gained the con- fidence of a few upper-class Russians to hear this opinion privately expressed. A Russian officer of no little importance, with a dis- tinguished record for bravery and of -un- doubted loyalty so far as his acs were con- cerned, yet expressed to me the opinion “that it will be best for civilization if the Germans win, because the efficient civiliza- tion of Germany is the highest civilization THE OUTLOOK 29 December existing to-day ; and it will be best for the Russians if the Germans win, because in that case Russia will be confined to its nat- ural limits and developed intensively.” “ Then why are you fighting against Ger- many ?” ‘Oh, fate put me where I am, in the boots of a Russian officer, and the shortest cut to position, fame, fortune perhaps, to the things that all men want, lies for me through the road of devotion to duty. But why the poor ignorant peasants fight I do not understand. For them there is no fame or fortune; only hard blows, death in a muddy hole, or, at best, a few kopeks and no thanks for their pains.” The “ poor ignorant peasants,’’ however— not so ignorant, after all—are fighting largely because they realize that this war is not suicide for Russia, as so many of the Germanophile nobility believe, but is a war of independence for the real Russia, the Russia of the Slavs, the Russia of Gogol and Tolstoy. It is largely that knowledge which makes the war so popu- lar with the people. As a matter of fact, both elements are right in their view-point. During the fifteen years just previous to this war, and particularly dur- ing the decade since the Russo-Japanese War, Germany had been tightening her hold on Russia and had been slowly crushing out the breath of Russian nationality. Her commercial treaty with Russia, negotiated when the latter country had the war with Japan on her hands, gave her a death grip on the resources of the Czar’s country. ‘This treaty, by the way, was to expire in 1916, and Germany’s knowledge that Russia would be loth to reaffirm it may have been a contributory cause of the war. When Germany declared war on Russia, her trade with the latter country was greater than the trade of any four other countries combined. Russian furs, Russian minerals, Russian wheat, largely reached the outside world through Germany. German was the language of business in Russia; Russian business men considered their own language too plebeian, “too much muzik,” for their use. Largely as a result of the attitude of their ante-bellum German business associates they have come to consider it their duty to learn foreign languages, not the duty of for- eigners to learn Russian. Soto some Russian business men and to many Russian bureau- crats a war with the Power whose sons smelted Russia’s iron for her, dressed her furs for her, and paternally superintended much of
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1915 her trade while discouraging all mutinies - against the high-handed rule of the Czar as “bad for business,” seemed, indeed, like national suicide. And so to the mass of the real Russians, from muzhiks to nobles, who want their Russia for themselves and want her to stand before the world on her own feet, this is a war of independence. This accounts for much of the popularity of the towering Grand Duke Nicholas, still one of the most popular men in Russia, whose picture hangs in every other shop window on the Nevski Prospect and in every café in the country three months after its handsome original has been banished to the obscurity of the Caucasus. There are ten portraits of the great Grand Duke in Moscow and Petro- grad to one of the Czar; and the blond King of the Belgians runs the Duke a bad second for pictorial publicity. ‘Whatever he is, he is a Russian first of all,” they say about the Grand Duke; and even the radicals, the members and support- ers of the Progressive Bloc, and others even more extreme, who are opposed to all autoc- racies, say they would prefer a thoroughly Russian one headed by him to the present one tainted with Germanism. ‘ The only honest man in Russia,’ was the way a cab- driver characterized the Grand Duke to me; and the people are still telling how at the beginning of war the Grand Duke said to the Czar, “I'll take care of the Germans from Germany if you’ll take care of the Germans in Petrograd.” ‘“‘ And it’s because the Czar didn’t handle the Germans in Petrograd that our army had to fall back before the other Germans from the Carpathians to Dwinsk,” the man on the street will tell you, and he will go on to nar- rate that story about treachery in the pur- chase of ammunition. Several hundred thou- sand shells were ordered from Japan, it is said, and an equal number from the United States. ‘The astute Japanese noticed that the specifications called for a shell of differ- ent size from what they knew to be the caliber of the Russian guns. They ignored the spect- fications, made the shells according to their own knowledge, and the shells fitted the guns. The American manufacturers, how- ever, filled the order exactly as it was given, and the shells made by them did not fit! This story has wide credence, like many simi- lar stories of treachery in high quarters, and like the tale of the Polish merchant who, being haled before the Czar and noticing the THE NATIONS AT WAR 1043 large number of evident Germans in _ his Majesty’s retinue, congratulated his ruler on having taken so many prisoners of rank ! Some of the stories of this sort in circula- tion may be false or exaggerated, but it is significant that the Russian people believe them; and with all this smoke there is cer- tainly a good deal of fire. There are literally thousands of persons in Petrograd who would like to welcome Hindenburg and Mackensen to their city. Not only the Germanophile nobility, but many Poles, Jews, and Finns, and members of other groups which have their private grievances against their Government, have been keeping little war maps in private and exultingly pushing up the colored pins as the ‘Teutonic battle line advanced through their country. A Russian citizen with whom I had only a slight acquaintance approached me in all the openness of the lobby of Petrograd’s gayest hotel and, hooking me by the buttonhole after glancing about furtively for possible auditors, whispered jubilantly : “T’ve just heard from sources that the Germans miles of Russian trenches, and that Minsk will now be easy for them. <A few weeks more and you'll see them coming up the Nevski Prospect.” He was hurt and surprised when I failed to exhibit joy. at such a prospect. United as the mass of the Russian people are so far as the prosecution of the war against Germany is concerned, there is much discontent with the present Government among them, and only a slight additional irritation would suffice to bring on a revolu- tion, or at least rioting and other outbreaks which Germany would calla revolution. I will deal with this subject in a subsequent article, but in connection with the subject of treachery and pro-German plotting in Russia it is note- worthy that the belief is common there that many of the inconveniences which may be un- avoidable in the strain of war, or which may be due merely to inefficiency, are deliberately planned by German sympathizers in the Gov- ernment to irritate the people to the point of revolting—an event that would be greatly to the advantage of the Kaiser. ‘This is said of the shortage of sugar in Moscow and Petro- grad, while there is plenty of it in southern Russia—a shortage that is the basis for a regulation forbidding the sale of sugar by dealers except in very smail quantities, unimpeachable have taken ten
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1044 which makes it necessary for the people to stand for hours through wind, rain, and snow while they wait for their allotted quanti- ties of the precious sweet. Itis also hinted that there was a treacherous plot responsible for the sudden disappearance of silver coin, with the issuance thereafter of paper money of the appearance of postage stamps without the gum—an annoying currency, as it is easy to lose and as it disentegrates after being a few weeks in circulation. One very flagrant case of provocation was being perpetrated while I was in Moscow. Nine captured Austrian officers were living there in complete freedom with the knowledge of the police, a measure coolly calculated to anger the people to the point of explosion. One of them, an Austrian Pole of noble birth, had been recommended by the rascally Moscow Prefect of Police to the use of the American Consulate as an aid in the business of protecting Austrian and German interests in Russia, which have been intrusted to the American diplomatic and consular services since the outbreak of war. Under guise of transmitting legitimate mes- sages to Germany and Austria in regard to Teutonic prisoners of war through the consular despatches, he was discovered to be sending his Government most important in- formation of the resources of Russia and at the same time plotting to bring the excellent American Consul-General, Mr. J. H. Snod- grass, into bad odor with the Russian Gov- ernment and cause his removal, evidently actuated by the utterly mistaken belief that Mr. Snodgrass was too good a friend of Russia to deal justly with German subjects there. ‘The man’s schemes were discovered, and when I left Moscow the Governor-Gen- eral of that province was putting wheels in motion to secure a Siberian vacation for the Austrian nobleman. In their treacherous efforts to eliminate Russia as a factor in the war, Germany’s agents and sympathizers in the Czar’s Em- pire have had the assistance of a very efficient staff of German press agents in neutral coun- tries, and in particular of a most able corps of news distorters in Stockholm. The aim of these men has been to exaggerate every re- port of internal disorder in Russia, to fabri- cate other “ news ” of this sort, and to confuse the outside world as to Russia’s true position by making the Russian Government appear alternately reactionary and liberal. Thus the gravity of the strikes in Petrograd munitions factories last summer was greatly exagger- THE OUTLOOK 29 December ated in despatches which these energetic Munchausens managed to foist upon many - neutral newspapers, the meeting of the zemstvos in Moscow a few months ago was falsely represented as being openly revolu- tionary in spirit, while false reports were cir- culated in the United States that the Duma had asked for universal suffrage and many other sweeping reforms which it never de- manded. And, so far as I could learn, the Czar’s famous appeal to the Jews at the beginning of the war, in which he promised rewards for their loyalty, was made up out of whole cloth, or at least was a grossly exag- gerated account of something the Czar may have said. ‘This was deliberately planned with a view to the reaction that the Jews would feel when the traditional policy of the Government toward them was continued in spite of this alleged promise of the “ Little Father.” With all the treachery, open and lurking, which has hampered Russia in this war, it is doubtful if there is a coherent, organized propaganda for peace with Germany among subjects of the Czar. . Many traitors there are and much treachery, but, fortunately for Russia, thus far their efforts have not been well co-ordinated. Patriotic citizens are constantly alleging the existence of an organized movement for a separate peace, but the evidence does not warrant their accusations. <A large group of individuals there undoubt- edly is, however, who are German in their sympathies and who are doing all they can to stop what they consider a war between Russia and her best friend. This group is composed principally of three classes of Russians : first, those of German extraction, who are still loyal to the land from which they originally sprung ; second, bureaucrats, who feel that their positions and salaries are in more danger from the impetus to liberal- ism that a victory of the Allies may bring about in Russia than from a triumph of Ger- many with the impetus to reaction that it would probably bring; and, third, those in general who prefer an absolutist form of government and know that the only capa- ble defender of the absolutist idea in Europe to-day, against the democratic idea as ex- emplified by England and France, is Ger- many. Such persons must be given the credit for being sincere. They point out for you the contrast between the spectacle of Germany “gloriously efficient’? and demo-
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1915 cratic America and England torn by internal dissent, and they say, with bland assurance: “You see the difference between an autoc- racy and a democracy ; we prefer the former.”’ And, since they have a well-considered argu- ment with some evidence to support it and are thoroughly convinced, it is futile to reason with them. Fortunately, the number of such persons grows fewer as the war continues. Some of them, who were too bold, have been sum- marily eliminated, and the others are becom- ing less bold as the angry resistance of the true Russians stiffens before the danger to their country. The thought of what PROGRESS AND REACTION PROGRESS AND REACTION IN PENNSYLVANIA 1045 England and Japan could and would do to a treacherous ally has probably stayed the hand of.more than one conspirator ; and, in particular, the spectacle of Japan standing like a policeman with drawn club at Russia’s back has done much to keep her straight. But principally, for Russia’s continued alle- giance to their cause, the Allies can thank the Russian people in the mass. Recognizing how closely the struggle of the French and British democracies against Teutonic absolutism is related to their own struggle for freedom, the Russian people are giving their support to the cause of the Al- lies with a virtual unanimity which is sublime. IN PENNSYL- VANIA I—HARRISBURG’S VISION A PERSONAL INTERVIEW WITH GOVERNOR BRUMBAUGH BY CHARLES PHILLIPS COOPER ee the executive. chair at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, sits a Governor who, it is said, has not met Senator Boies Pen- rose, the so-called political leader of the State, since he was inaugurated, and this in a Commonwealth where, in the belief of the country at large, practical politics has its real abiding-place. This Governor, in the face of hidebound conservatism, has put on his State’s statute-books legislation whose avowed object is social betterment in commu- nities in which the living and working condi- tions of the industrial element in the past have provoked country-wide criticism. Martin Grove Brumbaugh, LL.D., school- master by profession, is the latter-day exem- plification of the scholar in politics. His career is an anomaly—a teacher, a preacher, an educator known the country over, he has shown himself a master-hand in politics. He has been able to adapt himself to the condi- tions of active political work ; has lived every minute up to his highest moral and religious beliefs ; and now, in the first year of his four- year term as Governor of Pennsylvania, sees progressive reforms adopted with equanimity by an old boss-ridden Eastern State, and has marked out a plan of campaign which insures further legislation looking to the betterment of living conditions in the country’s greatest industrial commonwealth. How did the schoolmaster get into politics ? How has he reconciled his conservative moral ideals with working political conditions? The country thinks the condition is an anom- aly ; how does Governor Brumbaugh view it ? These were some of the questions which recently were put to the executive of Penn- sylvania. I met the Governor in his home city of Philadelphia, where for many years, up to the time he was inaugurated in January last, he was Superintendent of the Public Schools. As it grew dark he looked out over the crowds of workers hurrying to their homes and said, thoughtfully : *‘Tt’s a good old State and I love it. I want to set it right.” The Governor speaks with feeling. He is more than six feet tall, massive in frame, with a strong, intellectual face framed in iron- gray hair. Piercing black eyes under over- hanging brows are his distinctive physical feature. His natural mode of thinking is deeply religious. A few words sum up his scheme of government. ‘A politician is a good sport,” he said, with a happy twinkle from under those great
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1046 shaggy eyebrows. ‘ He knows when to heed the will of the people. ‘The leaders in the Legislature helped me to get my bills through. I talked it over with them, and they are sen- sible men and we agreed on things. ‘‘T had to hold a tight hand on the purse- strings, however. I sent for the leaders one day and told them that we were planning to spend more money than we would have. My hint was not taken, however, and I had to veto bills carrying appropriations of $7,000,000.” That is Governor Brumbaugh’s political policy. Let him tell how he happened to turn to active politics after a lifetime in school work, how he won his own nomina- tion, what he has done since his inaugura- tion, and what he hopes to do. It must be understood that Governor Brumbaugh was a man of wide administrative experience before he took charge at Harrisburg, though he is still a young man. _ Born in Huntingdon in 1862, educated at Juniata College, he became its President in 1895, and for eleven years served his Alma Mater with distinction. Appointed our first Com- missioner of Education to Porto Rico in 1900, he established there a comprehensive system of public schools. For five years he was Professor of Pedagogy in the University of Pennsylvania, and for eight years before his entrance into politics was Superintendent of Schools in Philadelphia. ‘““T was twenty-two years old,” the Gov- ernor said, ‘‘ when I was elected to my first office, Superintendent of Schools of Hunting- don County of this State. When I took that office, I determined that I would always do the duty in hand and not play the present position for any future office. That has always been my policy, the foundation of all my work. I went from one place to another in school work and lectured at church and school conventions. In that way I built up an acquaintance all over this great State, but I never had a political career or political office in mind. My work was all in the line of education, and before many years I knew most of the teachers of the State. What came afterward to me was the natural result of the past. ‘In 1913 in this State we adopted a State- wide ‘primary law, and I saw at once that only a man whose record would bear scrutiny could hope to win the nomination for Gov- ernor. That was my opportunity. I was not ashamed of my record I saw that there THE OUTLOOK 29 December was the chance for a school man of wide acquaintance and I saw also that no boss could control that nomination. ‘TI determined to go into the primaries. Some school-teacher friends of mine helped me in the preliminary work. I had, as a result of the work of these old friends who knew me, 72,000 names on my nominating petitions. Then began the primary fight. I wrote a little pamphlet of four pages which summed up my political creed, and school friends of mine, all volunteer workers, ad- dressed them, and we sent them to every corner of the State. There were five other candidates on the primary ticket. I won by 256,000 votes. ‘That is how I got the nom- ination for Governor. “There remained the ratification of the will of the people at the Pittsburgh Conven- tion. Before the Convention met I went to my house in Maine and rested. After all the formalities had been attended to I came back here. First I went to my old home in Huntingdon and, as a candidate, talked to those who had known me as a boy. I talked to them as plain Martin Brumbaugh who had swept the floors of the Juniata College build- ings and had rung the bell when a student. I knew that they believed in Martin Brum- baugh, and I talked to them from my heart. ‘*T told them that the Republican party in the past had been long on promises but short on execution, but that if I were elected I would do what I promised. They knew I[ would, and I guess that the rest of the voters thought the same thing. ‘* That is how I got the nomination. It was like taking candy from achild. ‘They all knew me and believed in me. That is how I, an educator, got into practical politics. Is it an anomaly ?” An illustration of the new spirit that per- vades Pennsylvania is found in the inaugural address that Governor Brumbaugh made in January last in the Capitol at Harrisburg— the Capitol of fraud memory. “Tn assuming the duties of the office to which you have elected me,” he said, ‘ I am humbled and steadied by the greatness of the obligation imposed and the abiding con- viction that I can do my duty only when aided and guided by the Divine. In His name and for His people I enter upon this new field of endeavor.”’ And Martin Brumbaugh meant every word of that statement. What did he accomplish ?
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1915 Summed up in the first session of the Legis- lature under his administration these bills were passed : 1. A Workmen’s Compensation Law, which goes into effect on January 1, 1916. This measure is wide in its application and follows the line of progressive thought. 2. A Child Labor Law, which marks out a new path in this reform. The striking features of this law were the ideas of Gov- ernor Brumbaugh. 3. Legislation taking the Roads Depart- ment of the State entirely out of politics and putting it in the hands of men who are prac- tical road builders, and supporting these men with expert road engineers. ‘The Road De- partment formerly was a rich political plum. 4. A law establishing in the Department of Labor and Industry a system of regulation of employers seeking employees and of em- ployees seeking work, and a retirement pen- sion for old, faithful employees. 5. A law requiring counties to establish schools for the care of girls under the juris- diction of the courts. 6. A law establishing a tax on the mining of anthracite and bituminous coal to raise revenue. 7. A consolidation and reorganization of the whole Agricultural Department to carry out the idea thus voiced in the Governor’s inaugural Message: “The funds for the advancement of our agricultural interests ought to express themselves much more largely in wheat and corn and potatoes, and less in clerical and other forms of routine service. Let us legislate for the farmer rather than the office-holder.”’ 8. An amendment to the anthracite code making the mine-owners responsible for their foremen, who formerly, under a kink in the statutes, were held to be agents of the State. Of all this mass of legislation of a pro- gressive sort perhaps Governor Brumbaugh takes most pride in the Child Labor Law, for in it are expressed ideas new to this move- ment in aid of the child. Let him describe the effect of the law: “If I had not been a schoolmaster and known school work, I would not have had the nerve to propose some of the things that are in the Child Labor Law as it was passed last winter, but I knew my ground. In this legislation the State of Pennsylvania has taken a great step in advance. Briefly, the law provides that no child under fourteen years PROGRESS AND. REACTION IN PENNSYLVANIA 1047 of age shall go to work. Between the ages of fourteen and sixteen the child may work under certain conditions—with the so-called working papers. The new feature of the law that appeals to me is the fact that the child is required to continue his education while he is working. ‘‘ Moreover, this education is at the expense of the employer. The law limits the child between the ages of fourteen and sixteen to fifty-one hours of work a week, and of these fifty-one hours he must spend eight hours in school. There was of old a danger zone in the time between fourteen and sixteen for children who had to go to work. With only a smattering of learning, they were of little use to the employer and of less use to the State. ‘*While I was Superintendent of the Philadelphia schools I suppose that on an average I issued 25,000 of those working certificates every year. That meant that the school days of all those children were over. The boy might go to a place and work a week, and then the employer, finding him useless, would dismiss him, and the boy would go out on the street. ‘** We had licensed loafers learning crime. Now an employer, as soon as he dismisses a boy, must mail the working certificate back to the school authorities, who must keep track of the child. ‘That, however, is not the only feature that appeals to me. The State will spend $1,000,000 a year in these continuation schools, which will be taught by men and women who are fainiliar with shop conditions, who know the problems that the child en- counters in his work, and will advise him. He will adapt the school work to the shop work, and the result will be a boy who is an asset to the State instead of a liability. * How I’d like to teach one of those classes! I think that it is providential thata great industrial State like this has had a chance to blaze the way in this reform that will make good citizens out of those boys who have to go to work.” For years local option has been a live question in Pennsylvania. Governor Brum- baugh lost in his great fight last winter on this issue, but he is not yet “ licked.” ** Local option has had a setback,” he re- marked, grimly. ‘They had the cards stacked against me. Many members of the Legislature were elected on a saloon platform, and of course under those condi-
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1048 tions I lost. tures. ‘“‘ If the people want saloons let them have them, but let the people decide the question. The courts and the Legislature have no right to block the will of the people. In our State the county courts grant the liquor licenses, and in the past judges in many cases were not elected with the idea in mind whether they would hold the scales of justice evenly, but whether they would vote for a saloon license. That was the scandal of the situa- tion. ‘The country districts in most cases are natural dry territory and the cities wet. What I was fighting for was to let the people decide for themselves. The idea has got to win out in the end. If you believe in your democracy, you have got to trust the people. ‘‘T believe in the people. If I have any secret of success, that is it. The people have a perfect right to know and shall know what I stand for. When I took charge of the schools here in Philadelphia they were starved. I called the parents of the various districts to meetings in the schools and I put the case before them plainly. ‘Do you want to send your children to such school-houses as these ?’ I said. I went from district to district. I had 200,000 parents organized as a Home and School Association—and we got the appropriations that we needed to bring about decent conditions. ‘“‘ About that time a wise old-time politician said, ‘You can’t beat him in the school business. He can talk for nothing to the parents of the community in the school-houses, and we have to hire a band and a hall.’ That is what I do,’’ the Governor said, “‘ take my case direct to the people.”’ Governor Brumbaugh then turned to his constructive ideas for the future. “This State loses each year,” he said, ** $125,000,000 from sickness and death due to preventable illness. Where can the State better employ its energies than in preventing this awful waste ? ‘‘T want to get the best sanitary and civil engineering talent that can be engaged, put this talent at the disposal of the people of the State, and I want to see that we have such housing conditions that that terrible waste will be stopped. I want to arrange matters so that the farmer who is going to build a new pig-sty or a chicken-coop can drop a postal card to the Capitol and an engineer will go to his farm and tell him where to put But there will be other legisla- THE OUTLOOK 29 December his new building so that the refuse will not drain into the well and give his family typhoid fever. Not alone will the farmer benefit, for I think that the problem of housing condi- tions is one of the great problems of the day. I would have the houses in our industrial centers constructed on sanitary lines and at the same time have an eye for the esthetic, for with proper advice the householder will construct along good lines and the farmer will place his outbuildings so that nature shall not be shocked. ** At the same time we shall save the lives of the countless babies who now are lost because of ignorance. Leave out of the cal- culation the sentimental side of it. Is it worth while for the State to save $125,000,000 a year which now is thrown away through ignorance and neglect ? ‘“‘ Let us ignore the anguish of parents and the whole sentimental side of it. I think it is worth while. ‘* My whole idea is to make it easier to live and to live right. ‘“« Then we are going to stop loose legisla- tion. I believe that we are over-lawed. Why, at the first session of the Legislature we repealed many measures, and a committee is now at work with the idea that at the next session we will repeal as manyasone thousand laws now on the books. Soon after I was inau- gurated I sent for the Attorney-General and instructed him to go over every bill in the Legislature and see that it was in proper shape, so that if passed it would be upheld by the courts. ** We are going to stop that waste of energy, and we will pass laws that will stay on the books and remove that scandal of govern- ment by the courts, for that is what it amounts to under conditions that have pre- vailed.” Governor Brumbaugh is a Dunkard in religious belief. He is the first man of his faith ever to be elected a Governor of any State of the Union. He took no oath of office, but, according to his religion, affirmed simply. He is to-day a devout follower of the religion of his fathers. * T came to America in 1754,” the Gov- ernor continued, with emphasis. “I am a Pennsylvania German and am proud of it. But put the emphasis on the Pennsylvania. We are the people who, along with the Quakers and the Scotch-Irish, developed this commonwealth. We are not hyphenated Americans.
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1915 “There is only one nation for the peo- ple who live here. If we are not Ameri- cans, we are nothing. That is all there is to it. “IT love this old State as devotedly as I can, and I want to make it so clean and sweet PROGRESS AND REACTION 1049 IN PENNSYLVANIA and wholesome that-its children will thank God that they were born in Pennsylvania.” Such are the views of the chief executive of a State which has produced some of the most notorious political scandals of modern times. Can Governor Brumbaugh set it right ? II—PHILADELPHIA’S STRABISMUS BY GEORGE W. NORRIS FORMERLY OF MAYOR BLANKENBURG’S ADMINISTRATION NIVERSAL suffrage often produces | | weird results, but it is seldom that there occurs a result more psycho- logically interesting or more worthy of analy- sis than that which was exhibited in the recent local election in Philadelphia. It was a perfectly honest election. It was held in an “off year” when no National or State candidates were voted for, and when the local issues were the only real issues in the cam- paign. It is to be feared that there are American municipalities which have never known anything but bad government, and may therefore be excused for not knowing that there is anything better. It may be hoped that there are American municipalities which have never known anything but good government, and may therefore be excused for not knowing ow bad bad government may be. Neither of these excuses can be made for Philadelphia, because under the last two administrations it has had a conspicuous example of each kind. Moreover, there was reason to believe that the “ Billy Sunday Revival” of last spring, followed up and continued, as it has been, by a large number of numerously attended men’s Bible classes, had considerably stirred the civic conscience. Philadelphia is the third city of the Union— a ‘City of Homes,” which has probably a smaller percentage of foreign-born citizens in its electorate than any other large American city—a city of great and diversified indus- tries—a city with antecedents and local pride— a city which boasts an admirable school sys- tem and an intelligent and _ well-educated population. It was about eleven years ago that Lincoln Steffens characterized it as “corrupt and contented.’’ A year later Elihu Root described its dominant political organization as “a cor- rupt and criminal conspiracy masquerading as Republican.” Ten years ago the effort of this organization to put through an iniquitous ‘“‘ deal’’ on the municipally owned gas works precipitated a political revolution, and since that date there has been an almost continuous warfare going on between the “‘ Organization ” on one side and a large body of independent voters on the other side, who have rallied at local elections from 80,000 to 135,000 voters. In the course of this ten years’ agitation the Philadelphia pubiic has become exceptionally well informed as to local men and measures. An active Bureau of Municipal Research has laid before its citizens, in concise and admirable leaflets, a fund of such information. There has been a Committee of Citizens which devoted itself to insuring honesty in registration and at elections. There has been a‘ Public Service Committee of 100.” The Chamber of Commerce has recently been reorganized and its membership greatly increased, for the very purpose of securing better things for the city. The revolution of 1905 occurred at a time when only a few minor offices were to be filled, so that the loss to the organization was slight. By the following year there was a reaction, and from 1906 to 1910, inclusive, the Organization elected its tickets, not with- out a fight, but with safe majorities. ‘The Mayor elected in February, 1207, took his seat in April, and held office until January, 1912. His principal interest in municipal affairs was in a series of magnificent dreams, which he called ‘comprehensive plans,” for a splendid art gallery ; a huge ‘convention hall ” with a stadium and aviation field; the moving of the Schuylkill River, which bisects the city; the laying out of boulevards and diagonal thoroughfares ; and the creation of a great system of wharves, warehouses, and industrial establishments. Not one of these grandiose plans ever got beyond the paper stage; but while the Mayor mooned and dreamed over them the political leaders who had put him in office and named the subordi-
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1050 nates whose commissions he signed were busy with practical things. There are two peculiar conditions in Philadelphia. One is the fact that there is practically no minority party. Under the vicious system of “ mi- nority representation,” the Democratic party has become little more than a bi-partisan ad- junet of the Republican organization, trading votes in return for a few salaried positions, and the straight Democratic vote has natu- rally shrunk to negligible proportions. The other is the fact that the two potential politi- cal leaders are contractors. ‘They make no attempt to disguise either one of their busi- nesses or the combination of the two. One of them displays his name on a huge sign in a prominent center of the city with the in- scription beneath, “‘ Largest Street-Cleaning Contractor in the World.” He does all the work for one of the large public utilities com- panies. Under the administration of this dreaming Mayor a tract of about two hun- dred and ninety acres was secured for a pub- lic park. It averaged about five feet below city level. It was decided to fill it up, and this contractor got the contract at sixty-two cents a square yard. The other contractor does most of the work for another large public utility, and had the contracts for the city’s filtration plant, and for the construction of an almost useless boulevard on the outskirts of the city, which was projected principally to bring into the market, at the city’s expense, large tracts of land which he and his associates had pre- viously purchased. Instead of this land being assessed for benefits, as it should have been, enormous sums were paid as “ damages ”— sometimes three or four times the assessed value of an entire tract for cutting off a corner. In the fall of 1911 the two contractors fell out. One of them wanted to make his brother Mayor. The other protested that this was a violation of the rules—that the Mayor should be a colorless nonentity who would divide the spoils equally between them. Family feeling was stronger than business acumen, and the fight was fought to a finish. The other contractor, driven to straits, secured the assistance of Senator Penrose, got a well- known business man to stand as his candi- date, and won the nomination at the prima- ries. Rudolph Blankenburg, the “ Old War Horse of Reform,”’ made the fight for the Independents. The friends and followers of the disappointed contractor were not dis- loyal, but they “ sulked,” and Blankenburg THE OUTLOOK 29 December won-—135,000 to 130,000. He went into office in January, 1912. The borrowing capacity of the city was almost exhausted. Bridges were rusting away. Municipal build- ings were dirty, antiquated, and out of repair. Streets and roads were in shocking condition —in some cases almost impassable. Sewers were caving in and water-pipes bursting all over town. The lighting system and the fire-alarm system were obsolete. There was not a single piece of motor-driven fire ap- paratus. The water-works were barely capable of meeting the demand, with every pump and engine running. Civil service was a howling farce, and all office-holders were subjected to compulsory assessment. Politics was the principal work of the police force. In departments in which engineer- ing knowledge was most essential there was not a_ single engineer—only men who could “carry their divisions for a yellow dog.” No attempt had been made to curb even the most offensive manifestations of the social evil. Under the system by which appointees of the contractors made plans, wrote specifications, awarded and in- terpreted contracts, and “inspected” the work, there was practically no competition. Supplies were bought in such a way that the city paid extravagant prices and then got short measure of inferior goods. Such was the Augean stable which the “Old Dutch Cleanser ”—as Blankenburg was affection- ately dubbed—started out to clean. He did it. Politics was eliminated. Assessments were abolished. Civil service was made a real thing. Efficiency and economy were made the characteristics of every department. Stupid plans were abandoned and dishonest or silly contracts canceled. New plans were made for the park. By the obvious expe- dient of providing for lakes and lagoons the park was made more beautiful, the amount of fill was greatly reduced, and on a reletting the same contractor took the job at thirty cents a yard instead of sixty-two cents. The development of an enormous available area a short distance south of the City Hall had been held back by two sets of railway tracks. Previous administrations had tried in vain for years to secure their removal. By pa- tient and intelligent effort an agreement was secured on terms cheerfully accepted by the railways but more advantageous to the city than had been deemed possible. This agree- ment provided not only for the removal of the tracks, but for the restoration to the city
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1915 of a great stretch of water-front available for municipal development. An open “ Belt Line”? was secured. Plans which have attracted Nation-wide approval were made for a system of municipally owned subway and elevated lines; work has been begun, and has progressed rapidly and well within the estimates of cost. The number of mu- nicipal docks was quadrupled. Many grade crossings were abolished. Old sewers were rebuilt, and many new ones laid on streets where they had long been urgently needed. Old bridges were repaired and repainted, and many new ones built. The water waste was reduced by careful inspection of leaks and the installation of meters. Desirable legisla- tion was secured. ‘The interest on city de- posits was raised. ‘The lighting system was greatly improved. Motor-driven fire appa- ratus supplanted the horse-drawn. A munici- pal repair-shop was established. The cost of supplies was cut from ten per cent to fifty per cent on the principal items. Honesty was enforced as to quality and quantity. Police and fire stations were made rot only habitable but comfortable. All these things and many more were accomplished, notwith- standing the insistent, persistent, and vindic- tive opposition of the City Councils, which remained under the control of the contractor bosses. It is another peculiarity of Philadel- phia that it adheres to the archaic plan of a ‘“* Council ” of two chambers, embracing over one hundred and thirty members, every one of whom—with the exception of the small group of Independents—professes allegiance to one or the other of the two contractors. The legislation that the Mayor wanted they refused. ‘The legislation that he did not want they passed over his veto—usually without argument or discussion, and with any evidences of contempt that their fertile imaginations could suggest. A few weeks before the primaries this fall the two contractors held several conferences at Atlantic City with influential “ ward lead- ers,” and then announced that their choice for the Republican nomination for Mayor was aman whom no one else had thought of, and who could not be claimed to have any qualifi- cations for the position. They had the virtue of frankness, and made no such claim for him. He was their *“‘ choice.’”” That was all. If he had run without their backing, he could not have commanded 1,300 votes in the whole city. They gave him over 130,000 at the primaries, and made him the nominee. An PROGRESS AND REACTION IN PENNSYLVANIA admirable young man who had served five years in the Council and had for four years given a splendid administration of the police and fire departments under Mayor Blanken- burg was the Independent nominee. Both were Republicans in National politics, but Senator Penrose took the stump and told the voters that this was the “ line-up ” for 1916, and that unless the regular Repub- lican ticket was elected the tariff would be in danger. DoTI mean to tell you that the Independents lost? I certainly do. ‘They were beaten by over 75,000 majority. ‘The “regular”? ticket polled practically a_ two- thirds vote. Do you ask how such a thing could happen ? It is agreed by the post-mortem diagnos- ticians that there were at least four con- tributing causes. Some of Mayor Blanken- burg’s supporters were disappointed that he had retained in office many appointees of the Organization under previous administrations. Having promised to respect the Civil Service Law and to give a business administration without thought of politics, he could not do ‘otherwise, but this explanation failed to satisfy either disappointed office-seekers or over- zealous “reformers.” Then “ outsiders ” had been appointed to office. Their number was negligible, and there was a special reason in each case, but Philadelphia is in many re- spects provincial, and the thing rankled. Again, the Mayor had before his election declared for 80-cent gas. A reduction of the price from $1 to 80 cents involved a loss to the city of over a million and a half dollars annually. In order to redeem his promise the Mayor sent messages to the Councils urging the reduction, and also suggesting means of making up this loss of revenue. To “put the Mayor in a hole’’ the Councils passed the ordinance providing for the reduction, with- out providing any means of raising other revenue. As this would have meant munici- pal bankruptcy, the Mayor had to veto the ordinance, but the adroit effort to “ put him in a hole’ was largely successful. The most potent reason, however, was the injection into the campaign by the regular Republican organization of the issue of protection. In discussing the result of the election, the fairest and most conserva- tive of the Philadelphia dailies said: ‘“‘ The people of Pennsylvania have been corrupted by excessive protection, and the tariff talk carried more weight than honest municipal government.” This is absolutely true. A
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1052 “leading citizen’ once said to me: “I regard protection as the very foundation of pros- perity, and I am frank to say to you that I would rather see a certain amount of stealing go on in the city government than do any- thing that might be regarded as weakening on the principle of protection.” There was another argument which influ- enced many voters. They were anxious to get certain other municipal improvements, and they saw these improvements held up be- cause of the deadlock between the Mayor and the Councils. They often said, “* Why can’t the Mayor get along better with the Coun- cils?”” The real answer to this question may be found in the fourteenth verse of the sixth chapter of the Second Epistle to the Corinth- ians: ‘*‘ What fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness? And what commu- nion hath light with darkness?” They failed to realize that where a man has two servants, one faithful and the other unfaith- ful, and his interests are suffering because those two servants cannot work together, the unfaithful, and not the faithful, servant is the WAR THE OUTLOOK 29 December one to be discharged. The beam in the poli- tician’s eye is either unnoticed or forgotten, but the mote in the reformer’s eye is an unbearable disfigurement. I cannot help thinking that this Philadel- phia result is bound to dishearten the workers for good municipal government all over the country and make it increasingly difficult to persuade good citizens to undertake the thankless job of rendering public service. Is it not about time for the leaders of the Republican party to serve notice that the maintenance of Republican principles does not require the maintenance in Philadelphia of a “corrupt and criminal conspiracy mas- querading as Republican,” and for the lead- ers of the Democratic party to serve a similar notice as to Tammany? To offend such great vote-getters may be a serious matter, but can any great party or any great princi- ple long survive close association with graft, crime, and vice? Or is it conceivable that the real leaders of these great parties are willing to accept these Furies as the Caryatides of their respective temples ? MUNITIONS SHALL THE UNITED STATES SHIP THEM TO BELLIGERENTS?P BY H. B. COREY OF THE NEW YORK BAR , ‘HE United States has no legal power or right to lay an embargo upon the shipment of munitions of war by its citizens. Such embargo is a war measure, to be resorted to only when the United States is either engaged in war, or about to be en- gaged in war, or has reasonable ground to believe that it is likely to be in engaged in war with another nation. In that case the United States, through its Congress and Executive, may, in its own discretion, issue an embargo upon the shipment of munitions of war, or other article of commerce, to that nation. The only authority for such an em- bargo is found in the Constitutional provision which gives Congress the right to declare war. It is an incident solely of the war power. There is no provision whatever in the Con- stitution which gives the Federal Government - the right to lay an embargo except as a mere incident of this war power. Such an embargo was laid by Congress both as against England and France at a time when war was anticipated with. those countries, over one hundred years ago, and it was then defended on the sole ground that the country was likely to become engaged in war; and, as a matter of fact, the United States did have war with both countries. The recent embargo upon the sale of muni- tions of war to Mexico was based upon the ground that we were likely to become in- volved in a war with Mexico and the arms shipped into that country might be used against our own soldiers. Even then there was considerable doubt on the part of Con- stitutional lawyers ‘as to whether, in view of the President’s contention that there was to be no war, the embargo was legally valid.
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1915 So much for the laws of the United States. Those are laws which regulate our conduct alone, and are based upon our Constitution. This brings us to the second point: What are the rights and duties under the principles of international law ? The law on this question is settled beyond dispute. It has been agreed upon by all the leading nations of the world, including England, Germany, and the United States. Neutral governments cannot furnish muni- tions of war to a belligerent, but its mer- chants and private citizens can do so without hmit. (Article VII, Hague Convention.) The only remedy of the belligerent is to capture or destroy those munitions of war as contraband when found, after visitation and search, by a war vessel. This is laid down as a fundamental doctrine by writers upon international law without exception. It has been conceded by Ambassador von Bernstorff in one of his notes to the State Department. It is formally conceded by a German writer in an editorial in the ‘ Berliner Lokalan- zeiger.”” ‘The writer is Eugene Zimmer- mann, the director-general of that newspaper, and the editorial appeared on June 16, 1915: The reproach to America for furnishing war materials to our enemies is not fair. It is un- just. It was Germany herself who in the Hague discussions defeated the proposition to forbid the shipment of war materials from the neutral states to belligerents. open to private citizens. He further says of blockade of food supplies : I cannot share the sentimental policy which resents England’s attempt to starve us into sub- mission as a gross barbarity. I cannot share it, because it would be an exquisite pleasure to me to use those same tactics against England. Incidentally, the question is, of course, not one of actual starving several dozens of millions of WHAT HAS BECOME OF JONES? A free course was left 1053 humans, but simply the idea of forcing the enemy to lay down arms, He adds that this policy of starvation was pursued by the Germans at the siege of Paris in 1871, and he says that it is a more humane thing than to bombard a civil population. * Really, the whole thing has been wit- nessed before in our own history.” Germany furnished munitions of war to England freely for use against the Boers in the Boer War, and this although its sym- pathies were apparently with the Boers. Germany also furnished munitions of war to Spain during the Spanish-American War. Sweden has been furnishing munitions of war to Germany during this war. No one ever thought of questioning the right of these neutral nations to furnish war materials to a belligerent. This being the established international law and the uniform practice of Germany, the United States, and all other nations, an attempted embargo by the American Govern- ment of war material to a belligerent would be an unneutral act against that belligerent, because it would be in violation of the princi- ples of international law, as well as of United States law, and it would be an act clearly in favor of the other belligerent who could not get those materials. In other words, the United States would be helping Germany as against the Allies, and sacrificing our own legitimate trade in so doing. This would amount practically to an act of war against the Allies, and would justify a declaration of war against the United States. The .mere fact that Germany has not the control of the seas and that it cannot obtain similar shipments is its misfortune, but it cannot affect established rights protected by international law and by express agreement of the nations concerned. WHAT HAS BECOME OF JONES? BY BRUCE BARTON r \WO men named Jones graduated from college together ten years ago and came to New York together. Jones the first was one of the ablest men whom the college had had for a long time, an athlete and a Phi Beta Kappa man. It was easy to predict his success. He found a job with one of the big life insurance companies, and any prejudice which that company may have entertained against the industry and pluck of college graduates was entirely elim- inated before Jones had completed his first year. He was at the office earlier than any one else ; it was not long before they brought him intg the main office and gave him a divis- ion superintendency. Once in three or four months he used to send me a hurriedly dictated note to tell me
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1054 of another raise in salary; but after a while even these ceased, and except for my glimpses of him when I came to New York we lost touch altogether. One of these visits I remember particularly. It was just after he had been made assistant to the general super- intendent, and I found him in his new office. ‘There were mahogany and rich rugs, and all the trimmings which in college we had sup- posed would come to us only at fifty or thereabouts. And Jones had won them all at twenty-eight. I was in his office ten min- utes, perhaps; during that time the telephone rang six times, three cards were sent in, and Jones was called out once for a conference. He was under tremendous pressure, but he was carrying it all with the splendid ease of the well-trained man; and I wondered, if he were so far up the ladder at twenty-eight, where might he not be at sixty ? That was three years ago. Last week at the club we got to discussing old friends, and guiltily I thought of Jones. ‘Where is he now ?” I asked; “he was making such a wonderful success. Jones ?” ‘“« Success ?’’ my companion answered ; ‘“ I should say he was making a success! He What has become of was the most successful general superintend- ent that company ever had. They thought so much of Jones that when he broke down the company sent him away and paid every cent of his expenses in the sanitarium.” The longer I thought about that remark, the more Joneses [ remembered. ‘The pastor of one city church said to me recently that there were forty young or middle-aged widows in his congregation and only two widowers—forty women whose husbands had worked themselves to death. No corporation could work Jones No. 2 into an asylum ; there wasn’t enough nervous reserve in his make-up to drag out even a year in New York. Six months finished him; he crumpled with the first frost and was whirled away. He was gone two years. . We heard vague rumors at the club that he was working on some farm in Iowa, and we used to say pitying things to each other about him. Foolish ones—for he came back after his two years on the farm a new man. It was not merely that he was browned and that muscles stood out on his arms. ‘The city has eaten many a man who brought it more strength than Jones brought the second time. But he had learned how to beat the city. THE OUTLOOK 29 December He eats differently than he did the first time he came, differently than he did in college. He has discovered a way to get regular exer- cise in a day that has no leisure. And—tell it not to the writers of the Success stories—he has fought down his pride to such an extent that once in a while he even slips over to a Turkish bath at noon and sleeps for two hours in the very middle of a business day. A young man sat some days ago in the office of the president of one of the largest corporations. ‘‘ There’s something the matter with me,” he said; ‘‘ I’m absolutely all in at the end of the day. I’m nervously bank- rupt. What shall I do ?” The older man leaned over and put his hand on the young fellow’s knee. ‘“T know,” he said. ‘I went through the same thing. The years of my life between twenty-one and twenty-eight I hate to re- member. You are more fortunate than I am. You can go away fora year, if neces- sary, and store up strength. I had a family to look after, and I couldn’t go. You can’t tell me anything about your situation that I don’t already know. ‘““The hardest thing in the world for a young man to learn is his own limitations. Young men plunge into the city as though they didn’t have any, and it isn’t altogether their fault, by any means. No one has ever warned them. All the stories they have read, all the interviews that successful men hand out for their consumption, all the speeches that are made to them in college, give them to understand that the one tested formula for success is lunch-counter meals and sixteen hours of work a day. I’ve seen hundreds of them go to pieces trying to make good on that formula. And it’s a shame. No, my young friend,” the captain of other people’s industry concluded, ‘don’t you do it. If you’re not physically and nervously right, don’t you go on a single day. Take a year off—take two, if necessary; they won’t cost you much at your present earning ca- pacity. They’ll cost. you a lot if you have to take them when you get to be my age. There'll be just as many opportunities for you when you come back as there are now. That’s the best advice I can give you. I wish I had been in a position to take it myself when I was your age.” Another man, two years out of college, went to his favorite professor on the Harvard Faculty. ‘‘I guess I’m different from any- body else,” he said. ‘I never heard of a
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1915 man being all in at twenty-two; but that’s what Iam. What shall I do?” Said the professor: ‘My boy, there isn’t aman on the Harvard Faculty who didn’t go through just the same thing at just about your age.” I talked not long ago with one of the ablest and most influential editors in the country, a man whose writings are characterized by un- usual insight and virility. , “You are so tremendously well and suc- cessful,” I said to him—‘“ was there ever a time in your life when you were afraid you were going to break down; were you ever haunted with any dark suspicion that perhaps, after all, you might not make good ?” His face took on a peculiar expression. “T never told you about my first year out of college. It isn’t a very pleasant story, and I don’t like to repeat it often, even to myself. But your question brings it all back again. ‘“‘T had always been pretty well, and when I graduated I supposed, of course, that, being a college man, I was equipped for anything ; that all I needed was hard work to insure success. So I got a job—or, rather, my father got it for me—and I started in to put every ounce of energy into it. At the end of six months I got so I wasn’t sleeping well; and about that time the boss came to me and told me that I wasn’t holding my end up and I’d have to drop out. ““My father was disappointed, too, of course, but he put the best interpretation possible on the thing and helped me to get another job. I clung to that for seven weeks, and again my nervous system bent and broke— “There’s no use in tiring you with the whole story. In a word, I had four jobs my first year out of college, and I failed in all four. At the end of the year my father was disgusted with me, and I had lost every atom of self-respect. Life stretched out before me in gloomy prospect. I could not die—there must be twenty dreary years presumably be- fore I could hope for that. What could I do? In the gloom and lonesomeness of my own room I came at length to the conclusion that there was one thing in the world by which I might earn a living. I was unfit, I knew, for all the pursuits which are generally considered appropriate for college men. But at least, I thought, I might learn to cobble shoes. “You laugh,” the editor concluded, ‘‘ but WHAT HAS BECOME OF JONES? 1055 to me it was the solemnest decision of my life. And actually I was on my way to ap- prentice myself to a cobbler when an accident threw me in the way of a job in a newspaper office and a wise and friendly doctor, both at once. That accident saved my life. But for that you might have added me to your three men named Jones.”’ Fifty-odd years ago three members of the graduating class of a small Eastern college died in the summer following graduation. . In preparing for life they had worked them- selves to death. The next autumn that col- lege established a course in physical instruc- tion as a regular part of its curriculum, the first course of its kind in any American edu- cational institution. Since that day colleges have fitted men well to bear the burden of their years of preparation ; but between the college life and business life of many men is a chasm which has yet to be bridged. Perhaps it is too much to ask the colleges to bridge it. ‘They cannot be expected to reproduce in their sequestered environments the jarring atmosphere of metropolitan life. They cannot build a trestle and run elevated trains back and forth all night above the dormitory roofs, nor have telephones jangling at the elbow of each student throughout the recitation period. But some things the col- leges might do. They might, for instance, give their young men to understand that the same body under different conditions needs different kinds of food ; that the same diet which will keep a man feeling fit when he is spending two hours a day on the football field will load his system needlessly when the same two hours are spent on a high-legged stool. He might be instructed in the kind of exercise that is possible for a man who has no time for gymnasiums or to whom gymnasium fees are a golden impossibility. He might be told the secret that success in business is not so much to the swift as to the steady ; that business life is a Marathon, not a sprint. It might be worth while, even, to include in the curriculum the story of that Jones of former days. I mean that exceed- ingly successful man who, checking over his accounts late one night, said to himself, “1 will tear down my barns and build greater.” It is reported of that man also that his friends, meeting each other the next morn- ing, asked wonderingly, ‘“‘ What has become of Jones ?”
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BY THE WAY The population of Bridgeport, Connecticut, is estimated to have increased during the present year by about 35,000—growing from 115,000 to 150,000. Twenty thousand persons are said to be employed in Bridgeport by one concern, in three shifts of eight hourseach. This phenom- enal activity is the result of “ war business.” In the “ Automobile Trade Journal ” for De- cember are-shown pictures of 316 pleasure cars of different manufacturers, and 303 commercial cars—an impressive exhibit of the activity of this branch of industry. Curiously, the highest- priced pleasure car is not the powerful and flexible new twelve-cylinder, but the old‘reliable four-cylinder; in fact, the four-cylinder cars include both the lowest-priced—$435—and the highest-priced car—$7,800. For two centuries the world’s fur dealers have gone to London to buy furs at the auc- tions held there. Latterly, it is said, sixty per cent of these dealers have been Germans. Natu- rally, they are not going to London this year. A movement has been started to make New York City the center of this trade, and in Janu- ary auctions will be held in New York which will be attended, it is expected, by merchants from all over the world. A popular actress says that the occupants of the best seats at the theater are usually very chary of giving applause to actors, though this recognition is absolutely necessary if they are to do their best. On one occasion, however, she says, a lady who occupied a two-dollar seat was sufficiently demonstrative. The play in- cluded a scene in which the hero had to be very brutal to the heroine. At this point the lady in question “ rose and hurled a five-pound box of candy at the actor, striking him in the back and knocking him off his feet amid a shower of chocolates.” “ Now we don’t like to receive our candy in that way,” concludes the author of this plea for applause. * At a certain hourin some country districts,” says the “American Agriculturist,” “the tele- phone rings five times. That is the news sig- nal, and every interested subscriber takes down his receiver. Then the central operator gives the weather report, a condensed market sum- mary, and the important news. It takes but a short time to give this information to every subscriber, and the line is tied up for only a few minutes.” A New York daily paper contains this unusual advertisement: “To be Sold—Castle, dating from the Twelfth Century; at Waterford, Ire- Electric light and all modern conveni- ences. Capital hunting, shooting, fishing, and yachting. Address, etc.” In an adjoining col- umn an English estate of the same character is advertised, the ancient mansion also having been brought up to date. It is said that these 1056 land. fine old places are increasingly coming into the market. ; W. L. George, writing in the “ Atlantic” on “The Intelligence of Woman,” pays this trib- ute to woman’s logical faculty: “ A singular and suggestive fact is that woman generally displays pitiless logic when she is dealing with things that she knows well. An expert housekeeper is the type, and there are fio lapses in her argu- ment with a tradesman.” The wax figures of the Eden Musée, which for a generation have delighted or horrified young New Yorkers, were recently sold at auction, the old-fashioned amusement-place having succumbed to the photo play and the uptown movement. Most of the figures brought about $10 each; a group, however, of “rulers of the world” brought $600. “ The tastes of the former owners of this old mansion were so perfect that nothing can be suggested to improve their work, and the pres- ent mistress declares that she regards herself only as the custodian of the house.” The self- denial indicated in this extract from an article in “ The House Beautiful ” surely belongs to an exceptional woman. She is Miss Beatrice Her- ford (Mrs. Hayward), and her beautiful home is in Wayland, Massachusetts. Adjoining the old house, howéver, is a newly built miniature theater, and in this Mrs. Hayward has had a free hand, having done much of the work her- self, for she is declared to be an excellent carpenter. General Sherman’s epigram, “ War is hell,” has an apt paraphrase in a personal letter re- cently received from a surgeon of the British forces in Flanders: “ The war as I see it here in the trenches,” he says, “may be summed up in three words—mud, blood, and blasphemy.” The atmosphere of Flanders, it will be remem- bered by readers of “ Tristram Shandy,” is con- ducive to profanity—“ Our armies swore terribly in Flanders,” said Uncle Toby. A picturesque figure long familiar in the National capital passed from the stage in the death of ex-Senator Cockrell, of Missouri, at the age of eighty-one. He was born in Missouri, and represented that State in the Senate for thirty years; in 1904 he was a strong candidate in the Democractic Convention for President, being the choice of the “silver” men. Heserved throughout the Civil War on the Confederate sidé, rising to the rank of brigadier-general. At the time of his death he was a member of the Ordnance Board. Minneapolis reports a record sale of flour for the past three months—a total of 6,400,000 bar- rels shipped, more than a million barrels ahead of any other similar period. Figured out, this means a production of over two barrels every second of a working day.
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INDEX TO VOLUME 111 OF THE OUTLOOK SEPTEMBER 1 TO DECEMBER 23, 1915 (FOUR MONTHS) EDITORIAL: PAGE Accidents, Street, in New York City Alaskan Fish and Indians. ; ee ar ore ee Alcohol and Efficiency Alfalfa, The Cultivation of Alverstone, Lord American Academy of Arts and Letters Americanism, not Hyphenism America, The Duty of Anglo-French Commission, Apple Auctions of New York Staie Archeology and War Arc, Jeanne d’ Arctic Exploration, The Value of 258 Armenia, The Turkish Atrocities in a, 296, 343 Army, Reorganization of the 42, 924* Art, ES ST SAA SC 535, 647 Arts and Letters in Council Athletics, Amateur, Western Intercollegiate Con- ference and Athletics, College, 456; Athletics, College, Dean — on Athletics, Military and Naval Academies and Ballot, The Short Banking, A Post-Graduate School in Basebal , Summer “Battle Cry of Peace, The”. ... Beecher, H. A Memorial to. Belgian Protest, Belgian Scholars in America Bible, Assassins of the. Books, Good, A Week for Boston Fathers’ and Mothers’ Club, Work of the.. Boston Museum, Work of the, for Children Boston, The House of Governors in. Botha, General, and British Colonial Policy....... Bridge, Connecting, over the East River, N. Y. Briggs, Dean, on C ollege Athletics Bryan, Mr., and Dr. Tupper 5. Bucket Shops and the New York Stock Exchange. 298 Budget, Balancing the Federal "s Bufano, Beniamino, Sculptor Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Carranza and the Roman Catholics Cartoons of the Week, 419, 473, 555, 583, 642, 695, 771, 927, ne Chicago and the Liquor Laws Children, Movies for Children’s Museum of Art, A. Childs, R. S., the Father of the Short Ballot China, F loods in China, goganese. Trade in and Influence on. China, Religion in China: Republic or Monarchy? 106, 58 2, 9 China, The Rockefeller F oundation’s ‘coun on. China, The Situation in China, Unrest in China: Yuan, Emperor of Christian Congress, The Panama Christian Unity, Practica EE, dic cicanwhsscckscatqontenaee ced re Christ, The Cour age of the. City Manager __ EEE Ror are eas otra Ry Civic Servant, A—E. R. L. Gould Civil War Veterans, Parade 7 in Washington Coal War, The Possibility College Newspapers and Comstock, Anthony Congregationalists in Council.................. 587, 699 Congress, Grave Responsibility of 875 Congress—Questions of Procedure Congress, ’ 7 he N Congress, Constitutional Convention, The New York Constitution, The New York Courts, Power of, to Declare Laws U ae 302 Cowardice, The Crime of 355 Current Events Pictorially Treated, 29, 83, 133, 185, 269. 309, 361. 411, 475, 557, 599, 661, 709, 791, ast, 897, Ec} Dairy Bulletins oe Dana, R. H., and His Book EpITORIAL.—Continued. PAGE Daniels’s (Secretary) Report 1010 Dardanelles, Abandonment of the Campaign in the. 1007 Defense, National 458, Democracy and War Democratic Measure, A (Literacy Suffrage Test in New York) Dernburg, Dr., Dream Book, A Dumba, Dr., and the Slovaks Dumba, Dr., The Case of Education '< ~ ie ¥ Ehrlich, Dr. Eight-Hour ey The, and the Standard Oil Co.. Elections, Reflections on the Elections, ‘ Emperor and P eople (the Japanese) Episcopal Church, A Controversy in the.. Fabre, Henri Farmers, Classical, Of Interest to Feeble- Minded, An Institution for the Fiction, English, in Time of War Finlay, Dr. C. Fire, W antes (N. Y.) Factory Fisk U niversity Flying Squadron, The Flynn, Elizabeth G., ‘in Paterson, N. Football Season, Ford, Henry, An Open Letter to Ford’s (Mr.) Peace Argosy France, The Spies of Recognition of Some Facts by apanese Preach Cabinet, “ Friend, A, and F riendship Funston, General, Report of, on Battle of A; Galveston, Texas, Storm at Gardner, R. A., Golf Champion Georgia, NoF actory Inspector for * German-American Relations, An Official German View of German Invasion of the United States............. German, University Circulars in..................6 Germany’s Lesson to America... God in His Ww orld Golf and " Gould, E. R. Governors, The House of, in Boston Greenwich Village, New York City Hagedorn, Hermann, Play by Haiti, Hardie, = # Harrisburg, Progress in “ Heart of Y outh, snag .s Hillstrom Case, Hornaday P lan fa Game Preservation, Howells, W. I Hoyt, Judge “ Hymn o} Hiate,” Immigrants, Americanization of Indian Affairs Discussed at Lake Mohonk Confer by Hermann Hagedorn.. pe : Indian Fairs Industrial Relations Committee, Report of Invasion, The Teutonic Italy, The Spirit of James, Henry, The Case of ; apan and the Hearst Newspapers apan and the Orient .. apanese Emperor and People, The.. apanese Prima Donna, A (Mme. Miura).. Japan Honors Christians Japan, The Consecration of the Emperor of. Jerusalem, not Constantinople—A Correction. . ewish Military Unit, A National Johnston, W. M., Tennis Ch: um pion Keller, Miss, on the War Koo, Dr. Wellington Lafayette Day Lake Mohonk Conference, The Lamme, B. G., of the Naval Advisory Board Lane, Secretary of War, Report of Laue, Max von, Nobel Prize Winner
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EpDITORIAL.—Continued.
PE PU MMO Bic cncdeks cdncacvssecnsoaseiee Leprosy, Recent Experiments in Treating......... Leschetizky, Theodore................++- Lest We Forget...... Letchworth Village... Letters to Unknown Friends. Letters, Two (on me W ar). eee Lindsey, Judge, Explanation by .... Liquor Question, 7 The, in New Yor
THE OUTLOOK
ate 7 Liquor Traffic, The, Attacked by ‘the “Flying Squadron” — se. necseccccsecteccecscscssccoecs 167 Long, Ex-Governor J. D.,.......scedocecorecdoees vil » 58 Lusitania, Since the, W: i PMR, cncidlis ooh xavcks cs se 893 McAdoo’s Gecretary Taxation Proposals........ 819 McCall, Judge, The Removal of....... ......00--0. 881 Marlowe, Julia, Retires from the Stage............ 10 Marshfield, The Voice from.............csesceecess 255 Massachusetts, Progress or Reaction in ........... 646 Maxim, PEGMBRME. 202, <0ccnptide ist cackasclnt batons a 249 Metropolitan Museum of Art, The................. 349 Mexico: Carranza and the Rowen Catholics...... 824 Dee, SOD BE Sinn Catcntcédegetes cused lét,-343; 640 Mexico, Fighting on the Border...............+..0% 105 Mexico, General Funston’s Report on Battle in.. 640 DEOREOE TRIN, RInss cc vccécscechcteneecess 459 I, SI ac clcccecetccsacectoises Sneeberas a Mexico, te ee eee Pet eer See Mexico, What is to be Done About ?............... a3 Military Schools and National Defense ........... 393 ee RR et EE ere aoe 700 NEE Tid acccstastach. weebediapeadnnn 1015 MUMMAN TD STEIN. 6s 5. daccenchedeckcécensscand case 830 Nashville, Tennessee, in a Receiver’s Hands...... ll National City Bank’s School of Banking........... 248 NE REA 250 Naval Advisory Board, The. .......c.cccscccccscese 162 Naval Programme, __ 1010 Navy League, The, and Public Opiriion........... 109 Nearing, palenaGe SORtE is. da ccs .scessacconscaeses 1016 Negro Business Laue The National, Conven- tion a Ee ee OSE er Ta 9 Nelson H.—A Village that Gave Itself........ 308 Netiorlands Overseas Trust, ’ ae 294 PEOPOG TO DOSEIS-BOID 066 cccsscccccscccscccccccs 590 New ioreay , Defeat of Woman Suffrage in........ 452 New York City: CRIES VOIDS 6.5.6. cccccccccicccccotecccccece 297 Muster Day eet inate ah ce puidnemm dda iaen 297 New Year’s ‘ite Colebration .....0..-sceccsse-ces 26* ee erite er 27 SNE POI kg ovnabs ccc sucheses bese ases 296, 9 Water Supply and Sewage..........6:.-sssesees 247 New York Constitutional Convention, The: 118, 303, 460 New York’s New Constitution, Literacy and...... 68 New York State, The Liquor Question in.......... 773 CE MO dedcccsccoe Cdecevtck duchies be 246 EE EL, RAs nd 00s ercuncseed docs peosscet st ae 8386 Non-Resistance, An ae ere 596 CoE Th, Ca, POOMRORIRE 80. oo 5 cases vecccceriscoases 3%6 Ohio, Deiest’ of the Prohibition Amendment in. 579 GR RONEN 20 ks id secddcciccsacice<sesa'ces ase 105 Osborne, Mr., and Sing Sing Prison............... 770 GUAR URN ed Len, ssa seek ne cadoxceaces 299 Ge Be I ooo 060s ccdcccccccoscoscece 173 Panama Canal, The, and World History.......... 59 Panama Canal, The: Will it eee 53 Panama Congress, Mi. ctadetnaddnas ieee 453, 534, ne Pan-American Reciprocity LORRI AE A: Pan-American Scientific Congress, The............ I 020 Paris, The Names of Streets in............--eesees 399 Party STS Wha casi adasancsssedeesescsccencess 778 Paterson, N.J., Free Speech in........-.20--. 0 sees 692 OG SS Sip TEE CIA Sm te 1011 EE TT ea 254 Pennsylvania, University of,and AcademicFreedom 1016 Philadelphia’s Lost Opportunity..........++++-++ . 1015 Philippines, America’s Right to Govern the....... 114 Philippines, Ex-President Taft on the............. 107 Philippines, Taft-Garrison Controversy on..... 823, 877 Philippines, The, Discussed at Lake Mohonk Con- RA er A, aaa 531 SE TIE cnn 5 cnccccscedece cecccesncesececs 577 Pig Club, The Boys? I H7 Plattsburgh, Business Men’s Training Camp at. 22 Plattsburgh Encampment, The............--+++.++ 108 Poll of the Press, A: Ancona Horror, ye, ee ee 1024 poe ge er ee Mien 24 Austrian Ambassador’s Interference, The........ 120 Captains, ‘The Recall of the German aeausemsiae 895 China, Republic or Monarchy in?..........00s00 544 EpDITORIAL.—Continued.
29 December Pope, The, am the We ooisccccsivssscoeasthdeves:s 6l Porto Rico Discussed at Lake Mohonk Conterence 531 Preparedness against War..........-ceccceccevecess 116 Preparedness and West Point.. 547 Preparedness: A Poll of the Metropolitan ‘Pulpits. 833 Preparedness, Congregations! Council on.......... 588 Preparedness, D ee eee 767 Preparedness, National, and An University....... 767 Preparedness Not a Party ER PPR eee 778 Presidential Issue, The Grand Rapids “ Herald” Pp OS ee ee. STN 703 Pemnenes. Manse TOU: «2.0. vaskenssccasecteacdee 1010 President’s Message, The......-.---.-+s.0.. 0000. 890 President’s Mind The, MOGs Ui. os. i. 5 seks ate 20 Pribylov Fur Seals, cy oe ae ee 169 Prohibition, An Open Lee ee een 401 Geenec, The Revival of...........-.-. Ws vahasstandee 930 ailway Receiverships...............ceceedcceecces 532 Raye and the People, The (“ A Harmony Spe- CE ivniks ones Spenwes gras eeesalgxncawiayats bond Railway, The, and the People...............s+eeee0- 394 Red Cross in Europe, The.............2-2-e0 AS Red Cross in Mexico, The ..c.ccc.ccedcseseagecses 586 TO Cree, FRG oie, 2 20'500000ssads scsi torandheges Religious Controversy, $5.15. 06.60554008 Mag regtenve 1017 Religious Unity, Progress in.........eessee-eeeeeee 827 POOOROCE, FOES ooo i ncctsncec doth scicist cu sicnese 1021 Richards, T. W., Nobel Prize Winner............. 886 Right to Reve, Bits 53.5325 55551040 3a ene ca ans 114 Riis, J. A., A EAS 9 ARSE SE SPIRE! 926* Riley, J. W., Birthday Celebration of........... 249, 396 Rochester, Juni ior Safety Council of..............++ 395 Rockefeller Foundation, Work of the, in Europe.. 391 Rockefeller, Mr., and the Colorado Mines...... 317, 345 Roosevelt, Mr., on Emotion without Action....... 820 Roosevelt, Theodore, and Preparedness. . Roosevelt, Theodore, on Un yphenated ‘Ameri- CANISM .., 2.0, eeseeesenscereceeesesecececceeress WOE baie s'v00-snnnccdenctdedenssvs ides dthbawes<uben OO, Biante 0:0 skh hcenn as dnddeds Bitncaennd eee 578 Russell, W. W., Minister to Santo Domingo...... 6 Russia, Co-operative Societies in.............0.... Russia from Within and from Without............ 1022 Russian Censorship, Vagaries of the ............. 692 PMI COND Ws 5 cn dccadiedinies i ccdcscuscds seus 1018 “ Safety First,” at Rochester..........ssscecesscees 395 Schechter, AIMEE fo59, Sa. Sx. Riga Stes icee cons 775 School, A Community, in the Sea Islands.......... 826 School, ee RR aera 645 Schools, Military and National Defense........... SOMES COMMGOR, Fi ia5 55 6 osc 6nae 6045 op ea vb00 cscs 1020 Sea Islands, S. C., A Community School on....... 826 Seals, The Pribylov WO 13 10h 6600s vd Cobeccuch ante 169 Security League Conference, The................+. 853 Servia, Agricultural Relief in.........ccccsccsesecs 64 Servia, Sanitary ee barre ee 63 eee ee ae 776 Shipping Bill, The, and the “ Interests”.......... 163 Silence and Greatness............ssseeecsccecusees 257 Sing Sing Prison, Investigation of..............++. 770 South American Commercial Errors.....s+++0+ ++ 248 Sports, The Procession Of.............+-+seeegeceee vt Spry, Governor, of Utah, and the Hillstrom Case.. 769 Standard Oil Company and the Eight-Hour Day.. 110 SN, Fg THOUS TIGL ac hoicaccccpe tess conn csee 244 Stevenson, R. “L.—A Maker of Tales : Straus, Oscar, Public Service Commi Submarines, efective American.... Sullivan Incident, The (in Haiti).. oy F | Temperance Advocate Taft, Ex- resident, on the Philippines.... 107, 823, oe Taft, Ex-President, Speech of, at the Panama Exposition besdeceh od Sacevabeubasehssceababsudathes Taft-Garrison Controversy about the Philippines...
, 877 Takata, Dr. Sanae, A Jegenepe Educator.......... 250 Taxation, Increased SS a a eer 819 Telephone Ee WIND «0.0 e.ckcccccesessdetate oes H7 i Oe er ares 110 Theater, Democracy in the American.............. 260 “ Trained and Accustomed to Arms ”.............- 22 * Treasury, Secretary of the, Report of the.......... 876 Triest, Kenneth. Release of, by Great Britain...... 820 8 SECS RS AR LIS REE Te 699 Turkey, RR aa GORGE RE eater Sie Rae a? = 931 NS TOE THONG is ook cckcccs <dcacciisde utes 1015 Van Ammings, Dean... ©... 2.00000 ssccencociesivacicces 164 Va Marmd, Sie Wa «.. .ccsc caw s ccddiecs Jo ccdtas 6. Vassar College Semi-Centennial................ 397, 463 Villa, Prancieco, Farewell Of <3 .o3.6.<ccccessccccces 1011 WEEE, OOUIDCINEY GIG 6 occ ic cess ice sedi ccsapeadecee 593
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wen a oe ee ee
1915
INDEX 1059 EpITORIAL.—Continued. PAGE EpiToriAL.—Continued. PAGE War, The European Vilna and Pinsk, The Fall of..................4. 239 Allies’ Suenle Shiee, Conspiracy to Rob......... 56 Warfare, Dishonorable............ccscecccesecces 112 America and Germany ..... /....esssee06 5 Welland Canal Plot..............+00+ ee America, The Duty of...........000-5+5 ‘ Western Front, Conditions on 08 aancolle 339 a Destruction of the... «+ 637, 689, Zeppelin, Raids of, in En “wee oo lo-French, aagmomysanen See svseds — pelin, "The Failure of the.........-cssssseeeee 36 Anwe: RRL SEs atic Bew'vese ce fe Meals sh ci eh iad : Was ington, Booker, and His OR ccndscbccedcen 701 Arabic, The, hie E.R errr ee 159 Washington, Booker—the Neighbors’ View........ 781 Arabic, The PRORBOPNEY BRE CNG 60.5% -0.0: 50 <000500:0's 0 103 Washington, Parade of Civil War Veterans in.... 344 Asquith, Mr., Statement FE RS rere 580 Water Power, Cenference of Western States on.... 112 Austrian and Russian SS ee 593 Water Power, €onference on, at Portland, Ore.... 457 ey RR Pe ear rreeere ree 921* SI dnd ouica ti 6 tAGds 65S Feb ees Foesesss 255 ‘Austrian Soldiers, An Italian’s Tribute to....... 294 West Point and Preparedness...............0ee0e00. 547 Bagdad and Teheran hi a eiewagee eeauk pkme sled 818 Wheatland, A New and Better..................006 8 Balkans, Ebb Tide in the.................++.+00: 921* _ White Mountain W: CS SS i ree Ill Balkans, Situation in the.. 4, 239, 292, 340, 387, 690, 817 Whitlock, Brand, Minister to Belgium............. 652 Balkan States, The, and the Entente Allies..... , 338 Wilkes-Barre, The ere 825 Belgian Protest, The nagactes i sasatebanewakss 253 Ww Villiamsburg Factory Fire, The............. Pxgees 647 Belgium under German Rule, Louis Viereck on. 888 Wilson, President, and National Defense.......... 641 Boy-Ed and von bs ean Captains, Recall of..... 878 Wilson, President, NS Rr ee 1010 PRUNE II, EN cs cncced cena’ sche cceticssucees 295 Wilson, President, Message to Congress........... 890 British Prize ure . “88 og Pete Sore 241 Wilson, President, on the European W iy CAN 20 British War Council, The............ ~ 6D Wisconsin University, German Circular Issued by. 698 Bulgarian Press, A Review OP UR. 3555% : oe Lo A | Ba ee Or rrr 13 Bulgaria, The Russian — against.. 880 Woman’s Right, A 70 Oe a eee 539, = Woman Suffrage: An Argument anda Testimony. 354 Compromise, Can We [with Germany]?......... Woman Suffrage Campaign, The...............+6+ 579 Cotton Declared Contraband by Great Britain. 7 Woman Suffrage Elections.....:.........0.ceseeees 343 Danish Neutrality Violated..................000- 3 Woman Suffrage, The Defeat of, in New Jersey... 452 Dardanelles, The, and the Balkans.......... 580, 1007 ba Museum, Story Hours for Children at 2 Dernburg, one Recognition ee OE I CO eae ee 537 Dumba, Pie COS OF. .... 6.00500 103, 161, 242, 293 ¥ en ee re ee ar eee 889 Eastern Baitle Cy es eee 2 292’ 340 a C. A. Hotel, A Great, in Brooklyn........... 882 Fighting Lines, On IEE = 98 637, 690 vn .C. A., New Ae tivities of the................. 649 Food SPDOBEION, TGs os oi... cocssdicsccscecds cscs 816 Y ah. Ce I ee ere 34 Ford Peace Argosy, ek win'sd'¥s obaneedeeues 831, 880 MR, COOL GE IIB. oo oicc scc0 cacevadeceedbass 932 France’s “ Loan of Victory ”.........ce0.ecee sees 818 Ris sisecccancerass co aieacbectbecinn 590 French and English Advance, The.............. 291 SOSEEE SEU isc ccnsdbdeveust < silva uavaonws 1021 French, Sir John....... Jeacecpscsnsatessescssssecs = CAAA DUN petdicetRce<dedgtnian dosent Uees setae 303 German Design, The Ultimate....-------------" 32 CONTRIBUTED ARTICLES: —- Opinion on the War................+s00+ 451 Abandoned Farm, The, and the Country Club. German Plots in America.... ...0 0... cceccscscecs 765 H. H. Moore 202 CORN GI FRTIOT ER ies oc cages enis Us'cersdces 293 “ America, Mercenary”...........) Mary Dewhurst 283 Germany, Differences of Opinion in............. American Ambulance in France, With the. Germany, F Es <6 «5d bam dons tieeblns sssas .. 639 R- McConnell 125 Great Britain, Political War Crisis in 451 American Federation of Labor, Recent Convention Great Britain— ger She Has Accomplished.... 581 OO Ie ie Ta a Charles Stelzle 851 Greece, Neutrality Of ............sssecsseeeccsees 637 Appalachia, Uncle Sam in the.. Louise ie Bascom 483 Greece, The King of, to America..............++. 889 Arabic, The Story of the.............064 Alfred Still 122 Greece, The RNA no cs cin gaek scenes 766 Automobile SMONEY, TOO: i's facescccced T. H. Price 757 Haig, Sir Dougias............sssscsccsscssesscoce 1008 Balkan Crisis, Antecedents of the.......1 A. B. Hart 516 Hesperian, The, and the Arabic.................. 103 Belgian Army, The Heroic......... Arthur Bullard 549 It not War [w ith Germany], What?............. 12 Belgium—How it Has Been Fed.. Frank M. White 914 Italian Soldiers, Letters Concerning............. 294 Belgium under the Germans.. ...-Arno Dosch 219 Italy Declares War on MR Ee caches Beebe bc ks Big Business Junior in America: The Automobile ee ey errr rer eer SES Ae T. H. Price 757 Keller, Miss, on the War.. Blindness, Some Common Fallacies about. Kitchener, Earl, and the East.................... 639 Clarence Hawkes 573 Kitchener, Lord, on the War...................4. 241 Books for Children, Selecting. ee Be error: yi ieeawacd 70 Sidonie M. Gruenberg 678 Lloyd George and Labor................sseee sss 160 Rervering, Energizing the Dollar by..T. H. Price Lloyd George on the War..................65 241, 1008 Boston’s Wilderness, The V oice in. MI ED IO ike dois 6 k0%s 4d 34 Beep hese se 252 Sara H. Birchall 865 Lodge, Senator, on Children vs. Cotton.......... 922* Break Your Match in Two!........ T. H. Simpson 97] London, A Zeppelin Attack on. Secceascese” AMD ee SEE. ARP Ry PE Ry 2 948 Lusitania, , 8 ER See rere 70, 815 Brumbaugh, Governor, of Pennsylv ae Mahanism and Moltkeism................+++++- .. 691 . P. Cooper 1045 Many or One—the European War............... 93 Carranza and the Mexican Problem.. .E. I. Bell 320 Mesopotamia, English Campaign in............. 341 Charity’s Great Adventure ....... Frank M. W hite 914 “ Nations at W gL errr rr rrr 878 Chemical Industries, The National Exhibition of. 465 Pacifists and Militarists..... 2.0.0... ..0..ccce sees 173 Chemistry, American Contributions to............. 465 Ec atiotie widtnsai een iscacaeeweasessas cut oes 115 Children’s Museums................] Mary B. Hartt 673 Plot, A Dangerous, Discovered................+. 529 China and Democracy.....................-Suh Hu 27 Prisoners’ New I rere rer rer 829 China in a Ferment: UNE OE Dic cdeodgs bpcdéhanes ie cbnsedscseosds 766 I—China’s Bloodless War on Japan...Carl Crow 375 Protest, Another American (against British In- II—Millions to Save China........ Willard Price 378 terference) ES TERS Pte OE CM PTE CUE FE ee 6 Christie, Dr. D., A Peace Hero of Five W 7 Russia’s Defense Stiffening....................+. 104 W. T. Ellis 471 Russia’s Naval Triumph, |; Defeat on Land... 1, 55 Commerce and Finance. T. H. Price: Russia, The Struggle for the Dwina River in. 59 Intelligent vs. Unintelligent Speculation ........ 234 Securities, American, and the War............... : 923% On Some Subjects Suggested by Outlook Reade ars 521 Servia, Austro-German ate —_ EEA 387 Constantinople, The Man from........ W. T. Ellis 857 Servia, Conditions in.... 637 Constantinople, The Turkish Valedictory at....... 307 Sa irncnn iocn cscs ccs tabcasaweens 527 Country Club, The, and the ena no rr ree 449 H. Moore 202 Side- NES Sno ccasc os ceaadhineca tice bes aceidspe Customer, Are You a Courteous 2 went Graduate 147 Smith, Senator Hoke, on Great Britain’s Inter- Davis, Commissioner, and Her Critics............. 76 SUCGMOD Wites COMIBTORs ooo é occ ccctcdecccacscce 922" Dennison Manufacturing Co., Profit-Sharing Plan Soldiers’ Clothes and the Spirit They Cover..... 887 sdcs seta cacsnnosdeawes cave Mary Dewhurst 48 Submarine Piracy in the Mediterranean......... 815 ee Eg rr Se F 979 Submarine, The, in Warfare .........s.ccccessess 38 Educational F uture, A Peep into the. United States, Criminal Plots in the............. 689 Dorothy C Fisher 2ll
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1060 CONTRIBUTED ARTICLES: Evacuées, Les Flynn, Elizabeth G., Labor Leader.. Forest Fires, How to Prevent French Friend, What a, Thinks of Us French Tribute to America, A. Germany, A Fortnight in Germany, porte. R. B. Fos a. 565 Glance in Passing. Don Mar pe a Date | Gold of the W: ott, hi e a Ne Government Running | Ea i's 5 Pardes 68 Heart of Youth, The Hermann Hagedorn 744 Herr Director, The, and the Religious Spirit. E. A. Steiner 827, 431 ONIN ich cieareta ttn a nod +++ Avedis Ahsronjan 357 Hoover and the Belgians... ....L. R. Freeman $1 Houston, Secretary, An Open” etter to. A Farmer’s Wife 923 Gertrude Barnum: PAGE Mary H. Vorse 622 905 Jean Parke 268 Sanford Griffith 1039 Immigrant Neighbors, My. Daa nee and s Debt Industrial Mobilization by homers 4 3 Irving, Washington H. 'W. Mabie 921 Italy and the War 3. C. Speranza 615, 862, 941 oo and America: How the War Affects Their Mutual Relations........... Baron E. Shibusawa 994 Japanese Night’s Entertainment, A. George Kennan 144 Johnson, Dr., on the Great War. Archibald Rutledge 230 ie Bruce Barton 1053 ansas, A Study of Prohibition = : Florence F. Kelly 626 Keeping Physically Fit > & Cronais 732 Knoll Papers. ‘gman Abbott School of Life, Th 654 What If? 708 Men of the Knotted Heart w7 Di ccccsuh tected wubenchepcadséeus «asl ither ? Y. M.C.A.: A Secret Service A Birthday Monologue Labor Men—What They Are sone About. harles Stelzle Lad from Nowhere, A Ruth ew od Lyons—What It my Doing for the Wounded and the Refugees Claire Guedy Mexicen Problem, The. . E. I. Bell: I—Carranza—A Criminal Solution > seein from Within—A Hopeless So- ution 11I1—Restricted Intervention—The True Solution Mexican Problem, The—Letters: A P s A. Tupper From a Mexican Educator he 2 Osuna Huerta and Carranza Heriberto Barron A Personal View of Carranza.......S. G. Inman Mexican Situation, " Moro Boy Scouts, Th National Defense, Ww “hat One Woman yp of. oungs New York, A Diplomatist of Old H.W. Mabie Packing Goods for Export B. N. Westcott Panama Canal, Future of the. G. H. Blakeslee: Panama and the Conquest of the Tropics.. Panama Canal, The Results of the, on World prado. e H: Blakeslee : I bn cagdandd acid veckenstsenssenkes South America and the Far East Peace Hero of Five Wars, A ‘B Christie). . T. Ellis Pennsylvania, Progress and wueeten | eo I—Harrisburg’s Vision. .......... II1—Philadelphia’s Strabismus Pillenthreon, Something Better Th = Mary Dewhurst . P. Cooper . W. Morris Phillips, Stephen Physically Fit, Keeping Poetry: Brotherhood............ Elizabeth B. Fahnestock By Order of the People......... Marion C. Smith ee eee Elizabeth * Fahnestock Lord’s Prayer, The C. A. Richmond New School, The a Kilmer Poets, Two British: I—Rupert Brooke II—Stephen Phillips Refugee, The: A Christmas War Story. T. Thurston Republic, The Defense of the G. H. Putnam Russian Army, Russia, De morratic Drama in...Gertrude B. King Russian People, The Voice of the. . George Kennan -T. Miller 657 THE OUTLOOK CONTRIBUTED ARTICLES.—Continued. Russia’s Bureaucracy, The Breakdown of. George Kennan 380 Russia’s Friends and Foes Greeuy Mason 936 Russia’s War of Independence Gregory Mason 1041 Russia, The Situation in George Kennan 266 Salary, Fitting _ to the Job.. “heontas Denison 571 San Marino: e Smallest of the Allies. Credo Harris 502 Soldiers of the Shops, The Al Priddy 98 Southern Woman, What One, Has Done 870 Suffrage Parade, How It Seemed to March i = Pe Taylor, Frederick W., Revolutionist..F. B. ca Sion Undergraduate, The’ Confessions of an: oss e 73 U nited States Steel Corporation, Citizen. Tyler Dennett 987 United States Steel Corporation, a yer. yler Dennett 723 PAGE War, The European: American Trade, British and GComan. putestor- Se eahige ace, OT Pee re J. Ipley 405 . Balkan Outburst, Beneath the Bouck’ v ite 408 Belgian Army, The Heroic.......Arthur Bullard 549 Belgian Christmas One Year Ago....E. E. Bent 940 Belgium, Incidents of German ule in..P. P. F. 407 Belgium under the Germans.. .Arno Dosch 219 Black Company, The .. Gregory Mason 906 Clark University War Conference Smsenatinegae, The Man from Dutch Impression Germany, A Fortnight in. Golden Hill, The Voldemar Davydovitch 1001 Greece and the War Bouck White 550 Italian Campaign, Voor Months . ria C. Speranza 615 Italy and the mv Crisis.... 3. C. Speranza 862 Italy, The Face of 3. C. Speranza 941 “* Mercenary ee wn ecidibaahe ak Dewhurst 283 Montenegro, The Pligh 789 Munitions—Shall the: uo ¢ Ship Them to Bellig- erents? H. B. Corey 1052 Richard Hill 669 Red Cross Flag that Saved Four Thousand, A Dikran Andreasian 790 37 406 .Sanford Griffith 1039 Russian Army, The Russian People Demand a New Ministry. George Kennan. 406 Russia’s Bureaucracy, The Breakdown of. xeorge Kennan 380 .-Gregory Mason 936 -Gre repens Mason 1041 Mabie 551 Russia’s Friends and Foes.. Russia’s War of Independence... Servia: The Cry of the ‘Children... Waiter’s View of the War, A Warring Countries, A Woman’s Report of Condi- tions in the Washington, Booker T.: H. W. M. THE NEW BOOKS: (See also Table of Contents in each issue for other book reviews.) America and Her Constant) America to Japan (Russell) Brooke, Rupert, Poems of Fiction : Crown of Life, The ose Eltham House (Ward) Felix O’ Der. (Smith Freelands, The (Gals High Priestess, The (Grant) Later Life, The (Couperus).. Little [liad, The ae -- Money Master, The (Park er) Oblomov (Goncharov) Old Delabole (Phillpotts) Old Order Changeth, The (Mesenell) Ja Research Mz agnificent, The (Wells) Song of the Lark, The (Cather) . Story aj Page, yy err ne Young Man’s Year, A (Hope) 335 Germany, Modern, and Her Historians ae gg 437 Hay, pn My The Life and Letters of (Thayer) Irving, Washington, Letters of, to Henr Teacoast 921 Japanese Problem in the United States, The( Mills) 4 Gentleman.... Problems (d’Estournelles de apanese Relations, Books on andscape Architecture, The Art of (Parsons) .. gt Military Obligation of Citizenship, The (W Food) .. 923* Militar ry Unpreparedness of the United States, J he 2 (Huidekoper) Napoleon in Exile (Young) Two Years Before the Mast, The Week for Good Books, A