The Nation 1925-03-25: Vol 120 Iss 3116

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RC a om capes 4 Over the Radio dy Harry Hansen fet § The Nati on CA. No. 8116 Fou NDED “1865 Wednesday, March 25, 192 ech ~ Pal The New Jerusalem by Ludwig Lewisohn War with Japan‘ by Charles A. Beard Japan’s Labor Movement dy Shigeharu Matsumoto America, Japan, and Russia by Louis Fischer Japan: Enemy or Friend’—an Editorial Advertising War by Miriam Beard In Defense of the Senate by Oswald Garrison Villard lifteen Cents a Copy Five Dollars a Year = _ —— = Published weekly at 20 Vesey St., New York. Entered as second-class matter December 13, 1887, at the post off Copyright, 1925, by The Nation, Inc.

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The Nation DED 18665

\ Vol. CXX . ~ ; Contents | | ITORIAL PARAGRAPHS A ITORIALS: 5 The Deflation of Dawes and C é e apart Enemy or I t The Boy Tro tzky 4 May Soldiers Express Opini WAR WITH JAPAN: ? What Shall We Get Out of It? By Charles A. Beard a /APAN’S LABOR MOVEMENT. By Shigeharu Matsumot ae 'y DEFENSE OF THE SENATE. By Oswald Garrison Villard el PROLOGUE TO 1928. By William Hard t who > ( ice SeVe « ! uked f taki! I th stion of the nav marksn hip 1 iIneodore Roosevelt’s insubordinatio: in formulating a round robin to the W: ar Department after the batt of Santiago will not nave n forgotte (y¢ eral Mitchell is strongly support fre ty Britis] sources. Lord Thomson, Air Minist n the MacD Cabinet, has fought for a unified serv the p ‘ laid down by General Mite for t int the new British naval estimates prepar plete precedence has been given to the air While we should like to see all airships ou ( r Wal purposes, we are ready to w: r tnat ter t st of the stuffy admirals and generals D r Genera Mitchell will be asserting that he right f they were really always on his s failure ¢ ‘ anti-aircraft gun tests at Hampt t to what is coming. RE INCOME TAXES LEVIED rovide e yover! ment with revenue or to p viduals who have fallen under official disfavor? 4 when the aid of the government is asked and ; fixing ar tax valuation, can such an estima equent pudiated? Both these questions are raise the d of the Bureau of Internal Revenue Senator Couz of Michigan pay nearly $11,000,000 nm r than he paid when he and other mi: k r their motor interests to Henry Ford > 3 the charges made recently by the C the Treasury Department had deprived millions of lias in ‘te me tax various large companies, the sudder Michigan Senator looks like reta A faced sort The infor had lain in its file the Department has had find grounds f i eeding aga r ( rns Ceeasliaieiene as Internal Revenue [x himself placed the valuation on Ser 1; ng and taxes were paid on that valuati vf yne 7 , Blair declares that

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306 The Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 3115 more taxes. It looks like a high-handed holdup and we are glad that Mr. Couzens refuses to part with his wallet. MBASSADOR HOUGHTON came home on his way from Berlin to his new post in London; and when the ship-news reporters met him in the harbor he talked of life in Germany with a frankness and directness that was re- freshingly undiplomatic. The Foch legends of a Germany secretly arming he called “These stories of secret stores of arms used to be brought to the Embassy in Berlin every morning before breakfast,” he said. “Some crazy person might have a hundred guns hidden in his attic—that is all.” Mr. Houghton reported rising wages and a remarkable decline in unemployment; the Dawes Plan, he said, was helping Germany to more rapid recuperation than anyone had thought possible. “Germany never again will be a great military power,” he added, and talk of an aggressive military alliance between Germany and Russia he called nonsense; but he was sure that Germany would soon be as great an economic power as before the war. We are grateful that there is one American official brave enough to tell the truth about the latest Allied lies. “absurd.” 1 ERMANY HAS ANNOUNCED that she is ready to G join the League on three conditions: (1) That she League; (2) that that she be be assured a seat on the Council of the no military duties be required of her; (3) not asked to permit passage across her territory of troops acting for the League. The Council has decided, however, that no special favors may be attached to a German ad- mission. This is not as flat a denial as it appears, for privately the members of the Council express their willing- ness to give Germany a permanent seat on the Council. The Covenant of the League does, to be sure, require the members to afford passage through their territory to mili- tary forces cooperating in behalf of the League. It does not, however, clearly require its members to perform mili- tary duties; the Council may, if a nation resorts to war, merely “recommend to the several governments what ef- fective aid it believes they should render.” The real diffi- culty about Germany’s entry into the League, as about any mutual security pact which includes Germany, concerns the Polish-German frontier. Sooner or later Germany is bound to make an effort to restore the integrity of her territory by wiping out the Polish corridor which sepa- ates East Prussia from the rest of Germany. Now the whole effort of the League as of the Geneva Pact is to maintain peace by insuring the permanency of the fron- tiers laid down in the Treaty of Versailles. Germany naturally hesitates to bind herself to such a document. A USTEN CHAMBERLAIN’S flat rejection of the Geneva protocol, in behalf of the British Empire, deals a death-blow to that document which many friends of peace are lamenting. We think it will rather help Europe forward in its thinking. We agree heartily with his statement that The fresh emphasis laid upon sanctions, new occa- sions discovered for their employment, and the elaboration of military procedure insensibly suggest the idea that the vital business of the League is not so much to promote friendly cooperation and reasoned harmony in the manage- ment of international affairs as to preserve peace by organizing war on the largest scale. That, as we have repeatedly pointed out, is a danger rooted in the structure of the League, and it comes still mo: clearly to light in the Geneva Pact. Ramsay MacDonald initial conception of universal arbitration was ov shadowed in the final draft by the French hallucinatio: about “military security.” Mr. Chamberlain was even mo: backward than the French in his attitude toward arbitra- tion, but he stressed another point which needs emphas Economic sanctions, he said, are worthless unless all tions unite in them. He referred to the absence of Germa: and the United States; that was an advance on the t at previous conferences, but he still closed his eyes to existence of the mighty realm of Russia. European curity pacts” of any sort are either threats or empty g tures unless they include Russia and Germany. The mov ment to bring Germany into the League marks a long ste; toward the return to common sense in Europe; but uni}! Russia is counted in, too, the elaborate documents drav at Geneva might as well be left unpenned. HAT IS A NEWSPAPER CORRESPONDENT? Ace- cording to all the traditions that have developed under a measurably free press he is a man whose job it is | to get and publish facts and impressions of contemporary | life, especially along lines that appeal to his particular audience. When he is sent to his State capital, the tional capital, or the capital of a foreign country, one of } chief functions is to expose stupidities and corruption government offices. Unlike a diplomat, he is not a frien link between governments but a nonpartisan critic and re- lentless analyst of all about him. These statements sound self-evident, yet in the overturn of democratic ideals that has taken place in Italy under Fascism they have bee: challenged. A Fascist member of the Chamber of Depu- ties has introduced a measure—apparently with governmen: approval—which would put newspaper correspondents the same category as ambassadors and ministers. The) would have to present satisfactory credentials and be off cially acceptable in order to carry on their work. And naturally if they wrote anything displeasing to the Gov- ernment they would be shipped home at once. If a theory of journalism becomes general we shall find Mr. Coolidge demanding that all correspondents be banis! from Washington except those of friendly Republican n papers, while in New York City Mayor Hylan will close the City Hall to reporters who jest at his transit policy. he GETS THE BEST OF IT in the decision wh President Coolidge, as arbitrator, has made in regar to the long-standing dispute over the provinces of Tacn and Arica. It could not well be otherwise. The contre versy grew out of the war between Chile and Peru in 181". in which the former country was victorious. Peru had surrender some of her southern territory outright Tacna and Arica until 1894, when a plebiscite was to hi\ been held to determine their final disposition. Owing ' a controversy in regard to how the plebiscite should be « ducted, it was not held in 1894. As the years have gone the disputed territory has become more and more Chi! in population and sentiment and Peru has become incr ingly unwilling to have the question of sovereignty de‘ mined by popular vote in the region concerned. Hence tht question has remained unsettled, a perpetual danger peace in South America. Chile was probably chiefly

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The Nation 207 Oo ne rate of soda deposits in southern Peru. But ald » national boundaries which have not been laid in chi- ver. anery or blood, and President Coolidge could not in this 14y do otherwise than rule that the people of Tacna and ’ ni Arica must be allowed to settle their national destiny for from Peru indicates at dissatisfaction there, but honor and common sense emselves by popular vote. News na- jemand that the verdict be accepted and a controversy of a: almost fifty years ended. t ATIFICATION OF THE TREATY confirming the “se. title of Cuba to the Isle of Pines is a ges- istice which does the Coolidge Administration credit. This 10% | ttle sand island, rich in citrus fruits, has been a source ste} f contention for more than twenty years; the treaty just un ratified was drawn in 1904. A handful of American land- 1 ‘ay wners—some of them misled, when they bought land, } le+ 1 « Delateda a + verzealous American officials—have been able to prevent iceessive sessions of the Senate from ratifying a treaty ich ought to have been a mere matter of routine. There oped vas ambiguity in the original documents, which accounts it ist for the legalistic scruples which led Senator Borah to vote rary | inst the treaty. But the fundamental issue was clear; uli ind Latin America has been disturbed by the continued failure of the Senate to make it plain that the United P his ites was not behind the wild flag-wavers who have threat- n ened revolution if Uncle Sam did not claim the island. ery Administration from Roosevelt’s down has urged | re tification of this treaty; but the Coolidge Administration, und irgely at Mr. Hughes’s instigation, was the first to put that ; shoulder to the wheel, and it deserves the credit. NU- i ie GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES still ; stands; the revolution has been crushed, the rebels s ir lisarmed, and their leaders jailed; so far no casualties have The peen reported among the brave defenders of society. For offi- e benefit of those who had not heard of the revolution, And ve report that it was nipped on Friday, March 13, in the Gov- ‘ooms of the Ukrainian Singing Society in New York by ich aptain Gegan and members of the Bomb Squad. The Mr. nspirators were rehearsing for a pageant representing he Paris Commune which was presented two nights later it Madison Square Garden; they were singing revolutionary ings and drilling with real guns which they had hired from icostumer. Still other guns were seized by Gegan’s men in he headquarters of the Workers Party on Fourteenth Street; some of these were made of wood. Three of the eading revolutionists were taken to the night court and id by Magistrate Weil in $10,000 bail apiece for violating i¢ law that forbids aliens to possess arms. They are still 979 1 the Tombs, unable to give bail; the pageant had to take ‘e Without them. Thus was the revolution quelled. But iptain Gegan should not rest in the pursuance of his duty; 7 has cleaned out this particular nest of Russian con- irators, but others flourish undisturbed. Drilled to a hor- 1 precision, armed and uniformed and Russian to the re, a squad of wooden soldiers still arrogantly struts the ards of the Chauve Souris revue. Where are Capt Legan and his faithful men? ‘rigorous and repeated assaults upon the editorial policy his own paper has been adding considerably to the gaiety be SPECTACLE of Mr. Heywood Broun conducting \ te, »lame for the war of 1879, looking covetously upon the rich * -) © Fryer ° 5 4 P olen f the 1 spaper world; but according to the New Yorker 1. . oa td 4 +} ‘ ] - 1) } lL, m > ° the resul! f these attacks will be the termination of Mr. 2 7 ’ . »* “_¢ } ») ; } . + | ° } Broun’s contract at the close of the present theatrical season inless some new acre ent is r hed It has been the art a byl Y . + +? P 1 ¢ , . . aa 2 aaqmlrabdie pV ’ j t rpYUriad LO per nit a we erous measure ee } + 3 +} we , ¢ } ) : freedom its staff i > expression « ndividual opin- ¢ } + ;- y 10n, and I ap} ni ‘ i é \ ota ; + . } 2 dissenting articie vir, | Vas t 1 il ot : 4 n po T} t ii i t wever, + “+ ‘ hat “there are limits,” : t] Mr. Br KIN the World’s “clean theate) ( ! . eX- ad } y i” : » ceeded them. We consider it : Ereatl | i 1 : ~~ oe too dad tnat tne Woria ] 4ne UY] with Mr. Broun for the sake of censistency to admirable pri! Cipie I ; s tner rez | iv I inl\ Y ( lorat y ban ? } ’ moderate f n ne ive ‘ t — These + 4 7 crucla Appar the W d disbe ‘ } “ } , + + sorship bu wants ne plays « ‘ iw elie fre Tet m of onir Or ; r + + ‘Ft + we ‘ AT» Br eaom i Opinion ] iil iu Wii Ss (lf Tro discuss ( ney? ] i ’ ] ‘ ‘ y ‘ t * as os OI tne ilberai witn frank nservat i oe LIFE OF SUN YAT-SEN ’ ely bour into the life of rep he fight agaist the Manchus centered it Su ' Prov a) i? are dent” of the first re it in yovernme! 1911. From then until h leath he 7 i sometimes errat and democracy in China His have made for orderly and ment has often been fault: But he hi ve eade! and has exhibited qualities too rare f (hing personal honest) workers. His influence has undou of freedom and friendly relations with Rus W ALTER CAMP’S DEATH , an who has had an excellent lence uf An can athileti for nearly forty years. In the development ir moder footbal! game he p aved a leadiny par' ror veal f rd as to the conduct of contests and } elect f the players were gospel. He was the 7 r football writers whose the country over wait season choice of an All-American elever upon that seemed to some a higher “letters.” to new fields. Whereas football! is the tively few, the daily dozen broug American approaching the danger-l health from lack of exercise. That gospel to hundreds of thousand of the written word, the phonogray ay radio should himself have died prematur Sut his “‘daily dozen” carried Mr ure is not without home to many of his disciple physical overhauling in order ¢ ailment may be discovered. I! } to submit to these exami! velopment of preventive med 4 marked decrease in deat} acute indigestion.

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308 The Nation [Vol. 120, No. 311 — The Deflation of Dawes and Coolidge HE deflation of the new Administration is under way T with amazing suddenness. Not in years has a Presi- dent received such a rebuke as the Senate administered to Mr. Coolidge when it twice the nomination of Charles B. Warren for Attorney General. One must go back to the crisis of 1868 for a precedent. Indeed, only six times in the history of the government has the Senate interfered with the practice of permitting the President to name his own Cabinet advisers. To appreciate fully the significance of the act ofe must also recall the fact that Mr. Coolidge has just been reinducted into the Presidency with all the prestige of his seven-million popular majority, that his inaugural was in considerable part a demand for absolute party regularity and loyalty, that his party had just ousted the Republican Representatives and Senators who voted for La Follette, and that the papers have been full of assurances that the new Senate would loyally support the President in all his aims. It is no wonder that a press service reports that when the news of the first rejection of Mr. Warren was received “the White House was stunned.” And so should be Senator Curtis, the Administration floor leader, and inimitable “Charley” Dawes. On March 1 the New York Times solemnly printed a first-page dispatch which declared that Mr. Dawes had created so fine an impression that already Washington was talking of him as the probable successor of Mr. Coolidge. Today he is the laughing-stock of the capital. As a wit put it, “the minute man of Chicago was two minutes late”; and those two minutes cost his President dearly. Had the all-know- ing Mr. Dawes been on his job Mr. Warren would today be Attorney General. The Vice-President, who began his career by solemnly lecturing the Senate as to its failure to carry on its tasks well, was himself caught neglecting his job within a week of taking office. Today the bubble is pricked; the gas is out of the balloon; Mr. Dawes is defi- nitely deflated; not even a Times correspondent would today suggest that he could be considered for any other job. With the President the situation is different. There the deflation process has only just begun. We have no doubt that in the country at large many people will feel that the Senate has vented a grudge and interfered with the President’s prerogatives. They will doubtless see in it only a getting even with him for the disciplining of the Progressive Senators. No honest man who is free from party thralls could take this position after reading Senator Reed’s speech just before the vote and the correspondence of Messrs. Warren and Havemeyer which Senator Walsh read into the record at the same time. These two Senators won votes by their demonstration of the gross impropriety of nominating this former agent of the Sugar Trust for a rejected the position involving possible officia! relations with that trust or its parts. Any President so blind to the fitness of things, to the proprieties, would deserve the rebuke Mr. Coolidge re- ceived. But Mr. Coolidge either is intellectually incapable of understanding a point like this or he is allowing him- self to be ridden to his hurt by the business interests who own the Republican Party, body and breeches. As we go to press a grave constitutional conflict has been avoided by the President’s wisely appointing John G. Sargent as Attorney General. Like Senator Borah, we can- not believe that the authors of the Constitution intended when they wrote that the Senate should give its “advice an; consent” to every presidential nomination, that it should as. sent without the slightest exercise of its own judgment as the fitness of the nominee; that would make the entire pr ceeding a farce and the Senate a mere rubber stamp. S: torial courtesy has gone far in the past in letting the Pr: dents have their own way, but there was bound to a case where the Senate would cry halt. But this is not the only blunder Mr. Coolidge and advisers have made. The attack upon Senator Couzen the Treasury Department, with its cool demand for $1) 000,000 in back income taxes just when he was exposing colossal favoritism of the Treasury in its administration the tax, was just a little bit too brazen; its first effect \ to make a good insurgent out of the victim of this blac! mailing process. Mr. Coolidge is stupid enough to thi that he can govern by punishment. Senator Wheeler been indicted as his punishment for driving Daugherty ou of the Cabinet. sion has been dropped as his punishment for refusing | bind himself in advance as to what he would or would do in his office if reappointed. men are punished, too. ment by punishment is that the new Senate, instead | eating meekly out of his hand, is showing as much insur- gency as the old Congress. Senators Norbeck and MacMas. ter have broken loose as well as Norris, Borah, Johnson, an Couzens. This new insurgent group will hold the balan of power next winter, as it was held last winter by Mr La Follette and his associates. More than that, the app tite for independence comes with the eating. Senat Borah knew whereof he spoke when he said that the Ri publican bosses had better look out because the West wa: not going to be less but more radical. This pitiful fumbling fortifies us in a belief that » have steadily held, that while big business has a migh grip on our government and on us all than ever before, :: has chosen inadequate instruments to do its will. Hanna Quay, Penrose, Lodge, Spooner—those were able men. Y° might despise their machine tactics, you could not dou! their ability. It is a tremendous drop to Coolidge, Dawe: “Jim” Watson, and Curtis of Kansas. Most of the ability o/ the Senate lies in the insurgent forces and among the Dem crats. Where among the regulars there are able men |ik Senators Pepper and Reed of Pennsylvania they are inju ing their prestige by meekly accepting orders in a matt like the nomination of Warren. Even from Wall Stre there already come murmurs of dissatisfaction with President as well as chagrin that his inaugural was so coli received and that the Washington crowds failed to app!au him. They are vexed because the Muscle Shoals grab defeated and the Cape Cod Canal unloading failed to com off. They are angry because that admirable press expone! of their financial ideas, Mr. Thomas F. Woodlock, defeated for the Interstate Commerce Commission; these things almost offset their happiness in seeing Sena‘ “Jim” Watson, friend‘and ally of the railroads, put at head of the Senate Committee on Interstate Comme! They are disappointed that Mr. Coolidge did not head Mr. David J. Lewis of the Tariff Commis. The Progressive Congress. Well, the net result of this govern.

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March 25, 1925] The Nation

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rust ” inquiry into the so-called “power + tY I ‘ed the “socialistic” rent bill for the District of Columbia +} so incurred a “needless defeat’; aking over to his will the trade and tariff commissions, at he has appointed so weak a man as Mr. Kellogg as of State. nded Secretary Si TY," OS , " a ”” “ . . 7 er rs*%HERE is always an “enemy,” and there is always talk 4 6 and danger of war. If the military men are permitted lefinitely to plan and plot and talk war with a particular 1d tion in mind as the hypothetical “enemy,” they may easi! nN 1] n 1 by convincing the country that that nation really n pil enemy,” and the war which began as a hypothetical exer- Ig | e in military strategy wi!l become an inevitability. Un- on off s—unless the country ponders what the military tw ngoes are saying, and disarms its mind in time. Talk of war does not necessarily make war. The mili- thins ry men are always talking war with somebody; it is their r na isiness to talk war. They have talked war with England y ou ff and on for a century; they have plotted a dozen invasions nmis- f Mexico in the last decade, just as they are ng | it possible stages of a war with Japan, executing naval d 1 aneuvers in the Pacific, mapping every step in a war that sTess- eed never come. The American people were tricked into ir with Spain in 1898, although Cuba would have had her ud. ndependence without it; they were led insensibly into fight- r the Filipinos as an aftermath of that war; they were igged into the European war in 1917 largely by false- 1, ANC J ids, but they have at other times effectively expressed ir will for peace and put an end to unnecessary alarms. Mr 't is a tribute to their ardent belief in peace that they suc- appr eded in resisting the enormous pressure brought to drive nat ‘hem into large-scale war with Mexico in 1913-16. And Tie Vation believes that if the American people is awake to the eaning of the constant talk of war with Japan, that war vill be avoided. Military men planned the Great War in Europe and alked of it so steadily for so many years that finally even re, ii ace-loving people began to believe it inevitable. The talk anna ’ the war-makers is as insidious as the work of raindrops the effect of each individual jingo speech or of each rain- Joul rop is slight, but cumulatively they make wars and wear aWes wwn valleys. Peace-lovers can never be enough on their ity 0: lard. When the war-makers talk war, the others must talk em ace, and analyze war—point out the meaning of the “‘in- | vitable war” which these men preach so lightly, and mak« nju e people so aware of the frivolousness of the sources now working

ati ction that when a moment of passion comes they will t led against it. - It is to that purpose that this Japanese issue of Th. ‘O10 ation is dedicated. We are not interested in pretty storie cherry blossoms and lovely Buddhist temples, but 1] uld like to help make Americans aware of the essentia co! manness of Japan—as of all the other picturesque far- nel y nations—a nation of people very much like ourselves militarists and imperialists in positions of power a liberal movement struggling for expression, , ipital in bitter conflict—as in cu nd St. Etienne and the Ruhr. e \meri with labor and Pittsburgh and Glasgow We should like to help the an people to understand the subtle propaganda which

© " ic . * ; (nat ne 18 s0 § W 1n —_ Sa a , 7 | 1 If we should have another dull and stagnant summer. 7 . isda sll hae lan! nt ¢ . , . . . : Mr. Coolidge will have to look out for more squalls. It is our nion that he will show himself for the inefficient skipper that the deflation aliens ai Ty : a deflation process has begun. There are robiems before the government which eall for yviants to ve them ni Japan—Enemy or Friend? + . ] ° 3 ] ng their minds and building up here a conviction af y ta ¢ + + A y ’ rs + ) ware of tne ree U rk M B Q ? issue 7 l ys We r } e 7? Ame in neonte rea ( n +} 4 f 1 T ¢ er ¢ mrié t w ‘ isa resuit « 1! Y Vs, or of oul \ he Fili- p! r eve e ( it i pr i t of rdid ’ } rofit ¢ ‘ out : . } s | ‘ I t ig ( I ’ 1 Tre . e ¢ : f : ike Asia saf ( le ) rae lf y ry)? ? y ’ | ’ ‘ Y T rie Wi 4 pr I | . vn till rs i } rye ) ? aa) ‘ ne ‘ r ’ Y J r ' e for that ( ] It é r an ; ; Unf I ‘ a ries r e for poli ( ‘ ? 4 t J; T ’ he ® forg J Da Y t cr T e West : L T ] se ] ears i y at within a lifetime Japan may bs e one of the great strong- 1 ] , Bae ee | 4 , : . y vr) b } +7 ’ } ] holds oO! Woberal 1Ge6a4a i | versal I I i slitTape if j Was recentiy passed ther Instead of a fri hise based upon property quailincat , Ge ma t n tnirty ( I old except ‘ ‘ 4 ] oT ] | ind Su nave ser nr , Hlence yt 19.01 OOO , tead of 3,000,090. A } i to have 4 4 . j *)*) t 4 T ‘ . e suppor ( : me! vr har r h App) I i bede@ i i ‘ : }) ; ; ported woman suffrage Ir Ce rr twen! r 29 4] ‘a , is ‘ : L : And while the labo ent i sha Inusua in the West the workers are st} r and se nscious , } - “t af + enougn to organize powerful d ms wnen a new edition bill is threate t wh é i.panese police call “dangerou i ire seething The A” Ss n+ ] + T ? 2. 1 on printed on Ju l IZ ! ] ‘ ye. t Y able student demonstra - 9 P ’ y ir 300 students at 7 - oa proposai t Japan ma} » $4 maw load « = 4 —— e4 T Or 1t May lead a freat revoi i, ) ) the We t — mu In in suc a progr ( ilit OL release pean al I i ne < ; acini nere ther r in Japan and rendering fl f 13} ralea ¥ 1 liberals, If, policies, we shape ou 4 in Fy } tr T oric friendship we 1 J; , ) {For *? ¢ Japan ote} IS a + l + our catchword he w i r

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310 The Nation | [ Vol. 120, No. 311¢ ‘ . + ° ° May Soldiers Express Opinions? N commenting on the case of Paxton Hibben we have said that an officer in the Reserve Corps ought to insist upon unqualified freedom to express his views. Such a per- son is not actually a soldier at all. He merely holds him- self in readiness to become such in case of need, and in the meanwhile should not be expected to sacrifice any of the rights of a civilian. No such blanket freedom, perhaps, can be expected in the active military service. But privates need not be limited more strictly than the civil-service employees, who are generally debarred from criticizing their superior officers or the administration of which they form a part and are not supposed to take an active hand in party politics. Other than this—unless we propose to limit the army to automatons without capacity to think or desire to spread their ideas—there is no sound reason for restricting a soldier’s expression, and it is especially ob- noxious to deny him free speech in regard to certain great fundamental concepts of politics and economics that are stirring the peoples of the world so greatly in our day. A case in point has arisen in Hawaii, where the Hono- lulu Advertiser published an absurd article derogatory to the Soviet Government, including the statement that Trotzky had banished War Minister Kremlin! Three sol- diers in Schofield Barracks, Honolulu, sent letters to the editor, one of which we print: In this morning’s paper I noticed an article of yours that I would like to question. What We Have Escaped is a purely malicious attack on a government that seems to be little known about. Can you print the statements of Emma Goldman as unques- tioned truth if you know her history? ... Perhaps you did not know the truth about her activities. If you didn’t, you should gain a more complete knowledge of facts before you print things such as the article in question. As for the stories of oppression, imprisonment, brutal murders of innocent persons, and the secret police, no one would believe them if he had a knowledge of the funda- mental principles of communism. Communistie principles do not in the least respect or allow idleness. All must do some sort of work and are given their preference when possible. There is no possi- bility of one man owning millions and another being desti- tute. There is no possibility of the government going mad with slaughter since the government is the people (the working people) and their wishes are carried out. Does it strike you as logical that a people would allow the murder of innocent persons when it is they themselves who have it within their power to see justice? If so, your logic is inconceivable to me. Think it over and then in the future be sure that you have the full facts of the case before you present such illogical bunk. WALTER M. TRUMBULL In this letter there is no criticism of the army. It is simply a discussion of broad philosophic principles. If a soldier may not express himself on such questions, he has no freedom of utterance whatever. And yet not only were Mr. Trumbull and the two other letter-writers clapped into the guardhouse to await court martial but six other soldiers, supposedly sympathetic, were treated likewise. We have no word yet of the outcome of the trial, but such happenings are one of the reasons why even in time of peace an army has a dangerous and repressive influence not only upon the minds of its own personnel but upon the thinking of the entire community. The Boy Trotzky TRUE revolutionist, we believe, has to be born, : made; and a born revolutionist cannot be anythi else. The story of Leon Trotzky’s youth has just be written by Max Eastman, and in it we find all those amu ing, unmistakable intimations of power and rebellion ; scorn that reveal a revolutionist. When he was seven years old Trotzky was his fathe,’. secretary—an extraordinary secretary, says his biov. rapher. His father was a prosperous farmer with man: workers under him. Trotzky computed the wages of th: men—swiftly, exactly, competently. He checked off sum: for damages and for days of illness and added the totals His father haggled over the final amounts with his work. ers. “You can imagine,” says Max Eastman, “his father: emotion when in the midst of one of these disputes his sma). and perfect secretary stepped in with the announcement that he had computed the amount remaining to the worker, and it was not enough to get along on. He would have tc have more.... His sympathies were belligerent. His tenderness was rebellious.” And later at school—where he was the most earnest, studious, and yet the most vivid and disturbing child in th class—he executed his first organized revolution. It was to prevent a dull boy named Vakker from being expelled for bad work. Trotzky organized and directed a loud unani- mous booing at the retreating back of the French teacher responsible for Vakker’s dismissal and then composed an elaborate joint letter of protest to the state educational authorities against this man’s outrageous conduct. The leader of this revolution was caught. He was taken to the principal. His accuser pointed a finger at him and said: “The first boy in my class is a Moral Monster!” The prin- cipal said to Trotzky’s aunt: “Let me tell you that’s a bad boy. He has all the boys in the school under his power That boy is going to be a dangerous member of society We don’t want him here.” The Moral Monster was expelled. But his case was brought up before the faculty council and the decision re- versed. He was too brilliant and too charming to los He was the pride of the school. He stayed, and studied and lived to satisfy all of his principal’s worst forebodings. Trotzky fought through one more school revolution. He came under a lazy teacher of composition, a man whi ordered themes by the score and never corrected them Trotzky “would labor through forty books gathering mate- rial for an essay, and then write the essay not with a pen but with a sharp flame. ...” And then he would never hear of it again. He organized to demand that one set o! papers be corrected before a next was assigned. The firs’ boy called upon in class feebly voiced this demand. He wa ordered out of the room. Trotzky backed him up in : sharp, commanding voice. The first boy who spoke wa: expelled, but Trotzky ‘on the ground that he had already been expelled once!—was sentenced to twenty-four hours’ solitary confinement.” Thereafter the papers were read. These, then, were the first flights of a great rev tionist. They led Trotzky systematically, undeviatingly ' prison, to Siberia, to exile, and finally to a position of tvr- rible power. Perhaps they led him on to his present wu! happy retirement. His flaming, arrogant mind could m: rules for revolutionists better than it could keep them.

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March 25, 1925] Nation

————

War wi ne What Shall W , . , “4 T revHE substance of the controversy with Japan is t . a immigration; it is Chnina—trade and prolits. Al . L ] 7 , *h . ] } | “+7 y 4 of the gentiemen who sponsored the immigration aA a 1924 have kept crying from the housetops that their nose was to “stop the flood of Oriental laborers,” every-

al. conversant with the facts in the case knows very w: Ai 3 , sa ‘ ; - no such issue was involved. Since the formation ot O'K : ; ‘ y entlemen’s Agreement in 1907 the clamor about Cl menace of the Japa- nese invasion” has had no foundation in fact By that and the later modifica- tions Japan undertook to cut off the flow of her laborers to the United States. If, as was agreement sometimes claimed, the Govern- ment of Japan did not strictly observe its obligations, then there

was something vitally wrong with the Amer- ican consuls who set their seals on the passports lokio. The agreement issued by

itself was evidence From the Montreal Star. that Japan wanted no with the Boy: Listen! Do you hear them —- ed States over buzzing in there? Uni immigration and was ing to meet the American demand for protection against “the Japanese invasion.” Moreover Japan was prepared dify the agreement with a view to making the bar ev: ic a re rigid. That was not.all. Japan expressed a willing- vii mn s to accept a quota arrangement which would admit onl: ee it one hundred and fifty Japanese to the United Stat: ially, or even a smaller number. With us Japanes migration was not an issue. With Japan the question merely how to avoid an express discrimination in the Whoever raises the bogy of “the alier ion” in the discussion of relations with Japan either ulterior motives or suffers from a lack of knowledge. No, the substance of the controversy is not immigra- Neither is it a genuine fear on the part of informed rican citizens that Japan is preparing for a war of nge or aggression against the United States. «! all conversant with the weight of men, money, metal énd economic endurance involved in such a war believes for a moment that Japan can cross the Pacific Ocean, assail r of the law. No person Western coast, and—to use the language of hysterics— all the territory as far east as Denver. The most Pessimistic view of the case is that if war arose Japan iid snap up the Philippines, and that it would take con-

‘ = e th Japan Get Out of It? _ mreany? CS { PEAPT) N A. Dr. Atiel + Ua 4 ‘1 + SOVe aA Ss ‘ He ’ ] : . ) & Ss ] Yl tal wae. a Dutndead + en ee val a@ HMuliaregd Y¥Cdai Ai lel ' states 1s the chief customer War w ‘ a oes his + " © Bena and bring the structure of Jap ruins. The Japanese people are can fight. But modern wars are 1 [They are wars of tech wy and p difficult to believe that re on i ‘tin ¢ sane . ~ b -* - naval officer actually in! eart ref n } . 4 + T to America or thinks that Japar I us or desires such a conflict. No, the substance of the ntr 4q + . « y y tion. It is not a genuine an aggressiy and profits. There are of cou are War-scare mongers w! ake appropriations for mun capitalists, land speculators, a coast who honestly t} hare of the profits of the last w receive their due proport for harbor improver labor-politicians in Japanese agitation. Th enjoy fishing in troubled “untoward incident” preci the glory, the excite: 4 ‘ ne promotions. Some how the matter can be starte wee, wi inere are aiso son world conflict v State Department really bent But the immigration, nor fear of Japan: motion of Christian virtues w + t + sSudpDstance oO} ne gases; it is China—trade ubstance of the matter f from Russian diplomatic paper that Philander Knox, when S: system of dollar dip! Mongolia, +he Chinese Eastern | pa! The keystone of Japanese foreign trad

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$12 — _The Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 311: ——— economic gain were the objects of his tender solicitude. It was the Washington specter that facilitated the secret union of Russia and Japan just before the collapse of the Czar’s regime. Professor Paul Reinsch, in his reminiscences of a diplomat, frankly continued the serial story. He regarded the American legation in Peking as a bureau for the assist- ance of American merchants and capitalists in China, and he did his best to get the United States committed to a program of driving Japan from the mainland by force of arms if necessary. This same trade and profit motive was at the center of the savage assault on Japan during the dispute over Shantung. High and mighty gentlemen at Washington, who spoke softly about what England, France, and Italy got in the grand distribution of the spoils of victory at Versailles in 1919, were terribly shocked to learn that Japan got a bit of plunder also. American liberals were likewise horribly shocked and got quite red in the face lashing the distant imperialists. What a strange col- lection of upstanding citizens joined in the clamor over Shantung—a clamor that almost landed us in a war with Japan over the business! MHard-boiled tories who rejoiced in trampling on the liberties of the Filipinos, the Haitians, the Dominicans, the Nicaraguans, and the other wards of American marines, were visibly pained to see Japan holding a piece of territory belonging to the poor, dear Chinese. The cause was righteous—to those who could see the mote and not the beam. We were headed for the crisis when Senator Borah forced the calling of the Washington Conference in which Hughes and Harding shone so brilliantly. 3y firm but gentle pressure England and the United States forced Japan to relax her grip on Shantung—without letting loose of any- thing themselves. Everything was done with great cere- mony and with a fine feeling for the proprieties—and with less noise than would have followed an attempt of Germany and Japan to break the hold of American capitalists on the Philippines. About the same time the Chinese bubble burst. Even the man in the street discovered that the government of Peking was no government at all and had no power out- side the walls of the city—and very little inside. It stood revealed as a band of military adventurers recognized by the foreign Powers and sustained by the leavings from the salt and customs duties collected under alien auspices— saving always “the sovereignty and sacred honor of China.” American bankers who lent money to the Chinese govern- ment without security lost their investments. Japanese im- perialists were badly singed. American capitalists who rushed in to gather the prizes promised by the hustling, bustling Department of Commerce got their fingers burned also. In spite of all the puffing and blowing, American business with the sixty million Japanese continued to be about twice the business with the three or four hundred million Chinese. The vocation of loving China and hating Japan lost some of its charm. For a time, American financiers, having suffered a set- back in China, turned their attention to Nippon. Some of the most astute said unto themselves: “Lend money to the Japanese and let them do it in and to China.” So money was lent to the Oriental Development Company which oper- ates in Korea, China, and other distant places—sometimes curiously and mysteriously. A big loan was advanced to the Industrial Bank of Japan, which likewise finances various economic activities in the Far East. Another loan, huge + nt 1 in amount, was made to the Imperial Japanese Goverimen on a basis that netted a tidy commission as well as a go rate of interest. Another was made to the Great Electr Company, and still others to minor concerns. All the: loans work for peace between Japan and the United States at least for the present. American financiers do not wa: the business structure of the Far East shaken by danger military adventures. But the saturation-point is about reached in Japs and longing eyes still rove restlessly in the direction Manchuria, Mongolia, Siberia, the China trade, and waste places of the Far East. If American financier content to lend money to the Japanese, American prom and traffic hunters are thinking of other worlds to con« So “what” we shall get in the great day is fairly cle: at least in the scheme of calculation. Assuming victor a matter of course, the United States at the close take Formosa and the neighboring isles, the South churian Railway, and other valuable properties. It w assume “moral responsibility” for Korea, Manchuria, Mongolia. Doubtless a “commission” of experts and bis would show that Christian ethics did not require us follow the example of Japan in the case of Shantun: return Manchuria to China. The outposts of Ameri civilization would be planted along the Chinese Eas Railway and the basis laid for the penetration of Sib Korea would be assimilated to the benevolent administra of the Philippines. The United States would master trade of China if it took seven times twenty-one dema: This is the substance of the “what.” Of course there would be other things. There we ittaad be “cost plus” once more, labor boards, and committe public information. There would be created a few thous additional millionaires. The Hon. Charles E. Hughes soberly said that in view of the precedents already constitutional government as we now know it would ha survive a long war even if victoriously waged. So ti would be sedition and espionage acts. Professors wo expelled for expressing doubts about the infall Congress and the President. The jails would be filled 1 American citizens unable to believe what their consci forbid. Aliens would be deported by the ship load. Department of Justice would let loose a million spies t: up suspicion and hatred. And who are “we”? According to Mr. Dwight row’s analysis of foreign bond distribution in the U States, the number of “us” interested in spreading benefits of civilization is very large. The advent of baby bond has multiplied our goodly company. There 2: some of us on every Main Street. Stock-sharing schem augment the fraternity of the fortunate. As most of t men drafted for the army and the navy would be far: and unskilled laborers not useful for the lathe or test a great proportion of “‘us’” would escape the heat of day. Especially is this true since many thousand N boys could be called upon to help carry the white n burden and hold back the rising tide of color. In th there would be jobs for deserving Republicans and D crats in the new dependencies, places for teachers and : sionaries. On the whole quite a number of “us” w rev delighted with “what” “we” shall get. 3ut things might not be so simple, eventually now. Would England stand idly by and see the U: States become mistress of the Pacific and dominan' China? Would Russia always remain powerless und: ibilits

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' March 25, 1925]

The Nation 313

— -avy of American enterprise? Would it be poss late the burning house? What if the conflagration starts the Yangtze or on the Inland Sea spread to Europe? It is + .sier to start a war than to st Vould the spoils and the fun then balance the bl yp it or to divine its out frenzy, and hysterics? Who would hold the bonds, ther the profits, reap the dividends? Who would give ir lives and pay the taxes? Would the loot be worth in? For a little while the sun shines and it is constitu issible tc =} : ; tion nally permissible to ask these questions. The New Labor Movement in Japan By SHIGEHARU MATSUMOTO APAN became a full-fledged ‘“‘modern state” after the J Chino-Japanese War of 1895. Industrialism was firmly stablished and had brought about glaring social evils as as an enormous increase in productivity. The year a 1897 saw the beginning of a vigorous agitation by the in- ctuals, influenced by “dangerous and radical thought every type imported from the West. The Association Organized Labor, the Kingsley Club, the Social-Demo- ratice Party of Japan, and similar bodies were organized to be dissolved by government order. Revolutionary sies, such as the “Communist Manifesto” and the “Con- lest of Bread,” were translated—and their circulation romptly prohibited. When the Russo-Japanese War broke it these progressive intellectuals spread anti-war propa- randa and had the sentimental satisfaction during the war seeing Sen Katayama shake hands with Plechanov at Amsterdam. The struggle between the Government and the Socialists of the Left reached its height when the great Socialist trial in 1910 put an end to progressive agitation. period was, after all, one of agitation by intellectuals ong intellectuals and had little connection with any anized movement. The history of the organized labor movement in Japan egan in 1909 when Bunji Suzuki, with fifteen workers, tarted a friendly society for cooperative enterprise. This as the origin of the Federation of Labor of Japan, which s now the strongest single union with 30,000 members. nions were organized everywhere and the general pros- perity during the Great War contributed to the movement. ‘trikes numbered three to four hundred a year from 1917 to 1920, among them the strike of the Kawasaki Dockyard mpany in 1919, in which over 40,000 workers partici- ted. These strikes were caused by demands not only for her wages, shorter working hours, and better conditions, it also for the recognition of the right of collective bar- ining and for the establishment of shop committees. By J22 there were 430 labor unions and 200,000 union men 1 women. This rapid development was due principally » the activities of liberal-minded intellectuals who organ- ed unions, spread liberal and scientific views of social blems, roused interest in the study of the social sciences, | agitated for the freedom of thought and speech. A ‘ew veterans in radical leadership, reinforced by groups f young college graduates, carried out this mission so suc- essfully that the public was persuaded of the necessity for social reforms, and the “metaphysical theory of state’? which had long been the stronghold of Japanese nationalism gave + +} mow *6 vy it 1eW a. y . Cé ¢ neir ¢ Vv are tne if nris 4 eal ist, + sc 4 | in 2 p > ‘ + i - x TY A > 4 . ‘ r 4% - rey 4 ie; _

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314 The Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 311¢ In Defense of the Senate By OSWALD GARRISON VILLARD Washington, March 14 HERE is no close-season for Congress—there never has been. It would be easy to print citations from the press in every decade of our history bewailing the decay of the legislative branch of the government. But of late years, consonant with the growth of the anti-democratic despotisms in Europe which have followed our war to make the world safe for democracy, and the universal dissatisfac- tion with parliamentary bodies, the attacks upon Congress have been more than usually virulent and more than usu- ally successful. A year ago powerful newspapers of the country were able, by deliberate disregard of the facts, to discredit the Senate’s inquiries into the oil scandals and the maladministration of the Department of Justice. When on top of all this we have Mr. Dawes’s shrill abuse of the body he has been chosen to preside over, and the latest conflict between President and Senate, it is surely time to review the situation at Washington. When, however, we regard Congress as it is today, the first fact that stands out is that, in considerable measure because of its rules limiting debate, the House of Repre- sentatives has sunk almost into obscurity. No Washington correspondent goes to its press gallery save on rare occa- sions; the representatives of the press associations alone attend regularly; its proceedings figure little in the press; it contains only a few men with national reputations. Yet there you have functioning precisely the kind of rules with which it is intended to muzzle the Senate. Debate can be and is limited; a steering committee of the majority outlines the parliamentary procedure, special rules for expediting legis- lation are easily passed—and, as a result, little important legislation originates in the House and what does is likely to be rewritten in the Senate. Undoubtedly there are still able and honest men in the House, but it is now so organ- ized that it offers few if any inducements for a political career. Whereas a young Englishman may enter Parlia- ment at twenty-one and focus upon himself, if he has the necessary talent and ability, the attention of the entire country, there is no such avenue to distinction through our House. Charles James Fox entered Parliament when not yet twenty years of age; when only twenty-one he was ap- pointed a member of Lord North’s Government. When thirty-one years old he was the recognized leader of the Commons, “a consummate master of the art of debate.” Gladstone was in Parliament before he was twenty-three and he was a lord of the Treasury before he was twenty- five. The meteoric career of Winston Churchill proves that it is still the case today that a member of Parliament may instantly impress his personality upon his country if he is equipped to do so. In our House no man today can rise to distinction save by long service, which presupposes a safe constituency and usually blind subservience to the party machine. If de- feated in his district he is not permitted to seek election in another; his career is terminated. As for the House afford- ing an opportunity to enter a government, one need only to recall how few of its members have been called into the Cabinet in the last twenty-five years; a President usually chooses his official family from private life. The Hou: limitation on debate, its system of promotion within « mittees by seniority, the complete control of its machiner by party engineers have all conspired to check any politic: insurgency and to produce precisely that party discipli: and loyalty without which, so the President and many «: the critics of Congress aver, responsible government is in. possible. To judge by the plight of the House it would secr| as if the choice were between party regularity and legisl: tive inefficiency and mediocrity. What a change if we cross the Capitol to the Senat Here we find a press gallery teeming with correspondent: because, as one put it, “you never can tell when somethin; interesting is going to happen.” Here you have ninety-si: men who really debate; the names of many of them ar known where perhaps only one Congressman is remen. | bered. Borah, Reed of Missouri, Smoot, Waish, Johnsor, | Wheeler, La Follette, Watson, Shipstead, Pepper, Norris Wadsworth, Robinson—around these and others centers +! attention of the political world—frequently in direct pro- portion to their independence of party thralls. Here i genuine debating, often too long, it is true; sometime actuated more by a desire to go on record for home cor. sumption than to make a genuine contribution to the sut- ject under discussion, yet free and genuine debating, mor: nearly approaching the give-and-take of European par. liaments than is to be found in any other American leygi:. lative body. If it suffers some in comparison with other: it is at least the best we have. Within the walls of thi: chamber men do grow in power, influence, and prestig: Here men are actually converted by the arguments of thei: associates, as happened the other day when the speeches o' Senator T. J. Walsh and of Senator Reed of Missouri cor- vinced some of their listeners of the strength of the cas against Charles B. Warren. Here are formulated more ne\ policies than anywhere else; here there are some men wh are earnestly seeking to serve their country and the truth In the Senate are always men of genuine force an ability. How the present membership contrasts with earlie: days people must judge for themselves, and the several ver: dicts will depend a good deal upon what the judges valu: most. If they stress breeding and courtliness and weal: most they may make out a strong case for the Senate 0: elder generations. If they speak only of intellectual powe they may dwell preferably upon the days of Evarts, « Conkling, of Hoar, of Edmunds, of Allison, of Chandi of Bayard, of Cullom, of Spooner, of Bacon—to go back ! further—but let them beware of the luster which depar: ing years shed upon the alleged giants of other days, x! let them not turn to contemporary letters like that of J Hay to Joseph H. Choate in which, after denouncing “howling lunatics” of the Senate, he bemoaned the fact ' Senator “‘W’ has been divorcing his wife ... last we: ‘X’ had delirium tremens, Bacon broke his ribs, Pettigr had the grippe, and Hale ran off to New York on ‘pri business,’ and the whole Senate stopped work until the) around again. I have never struck a subject so ful! psychological interest as the official mind of a Senat

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3116 Ou: hiner iti tiplis ny is L seer | »gisla-| ty-s nN a! mem inson forris, | rs the} The Nation 315 March 25, 1925] Six days later Mr. Hay resigned as Secretary of State be- eaguse the views of the Senate were “so widely diverge from mine in matters affecting, as I think, t t welfare and honor. ig Every generation seems to belittle or abhor its own Senators. It may well be, however, that the Senate o lay has fewer minds of the extraordinary legal i] f Edmunds, Spooner, or Root. The Senate is weak t n men who can take a broad and comprehensive view of foreign affairs—Borah stands out almost by himself, and even he has periods of weakening. Whether these facts iltogether constitute a loss and a serious retrogression is another matter. I can conceive of a Senate manned exclu- sively by blue bloods of the type of the personally pleasant Wadsworth and by brilliant lawyers of the Root type, which would stand apart from the American democracy, and be en- tirely subservient to our great business interests and faith- less to fundamental principles and traditions. Indeed, dur- ing the nineties the chief attack upon the Senate was that it was a “rich man’s club,” that its members were nearly all multimillionaires, or wealthy appointees of State bosses for favors received. Surely many people must recall the outbursts of anger when Mr. Hanna entered the Senate because he was both a boss and a very rich man. The ease with which the wealthy got into the Senate was one of the potent arguments which led to the election of Senators by popular vote. Today we no longer hear this criticism of the Senate, that it harbors only men of wealth; the prevail- ing indictments read differently. Personally it seems to me that there is much to be said for the Senate of today. The uncouthness of a man like Senator Magnus Johnson is offset by the fact that he comes from the soil, that he speaks as best he can the sentiments of a very large body of American citizens who ought to have a voice in the Senate. It is a step toward democracy when a man like Henrik Shipstead comes to the Senate. Only snobs hold it against him that he was a dentist, not a lawyer or politician. That he has had much to learn, especially about foreign affairs, is true, but the most brilliant of our Eastern lawyer-Senators have usually been totally ignorant of conditions in West, South, or Southwest, and also usually in need of fundamental teachings in finance and economics. The important thing is that Senator Shipstead is working hard and growing in power; that he speaks for dissenting masses who have every right to be heard in the Senate through their own spokesmen. When it comes to men like Reed of Missouri, Norris, Borah, and Walsh, one wishes that they might be measured in a genuine debating contest with some of the giants of the past. I believe that they would acquit themselves well, with the weight of sincerity and devotion to the public weal clearly on their side. In justice to the Senate of today it must be pointed out that in the days of Presidents Cleveland, Harrison, and McKinley the task of being a Senator was infinitely lighter than it is today. It was an unusual winter if more than one serious issue requiring deep study came before the Sen- ate. Today there may be twenty or thirty such issues. Senator Norris has devoted two years, to the exclusion of almost everything else, to Muscle Shoals; he has found this necessary to become master of his subject. It is in large part the tireless industry of Senator Borah which has made nim the force that he is; he never speaks until he is thor- oughly informed. Never before did Senators accomplish so much work. One of the most important recent political de- ? of the few successful methods of coping ss the demoralizing possibilities of the growing bureau- cracy, is the institut he Senate investigating com- IY ees It kes able men to root out corruption as the two Montana Senators did last spring. The Republicans who said in the Senate “You accepted Daugherty; why stick at Warren?” paid l ute to the work of Senator Wheeler. wv exposed the Ohio gang [There are, of course, loafers and shirks in the Sen erywhere else, but there is also hard work done, even though the routine demands of the Senatorial office require endless hours. One Senator asserted the other day that he needed six secretaries to keep up with his mail and to have the research work done he needs for his speeches. One secretary alone, he declared, could keep busy answering the requests and the letters received from ex-service men. One of the Penns, sntire salarv unor envlre Saiary Apa is reported to spend his laure a . “7? oo iVanla Senators secretarial help in addition to the seers 1 tary and clerk supplied by Congress. + 7) st y +ho ¢ - I mu not be [or rgotten, too, tnat many of these Sena- tors could resign and earn large sums of money return- ing to the practice of the law. This is particularly true of £ 4) Sms } . a3 M ’ } - some of the Southerners like Heflin, Caraway, and Robi son. For those who have families and no private means has been a struyyle to live Official Washingtor the salary of $ True, the prestige of the office is great; the hilarating; : game” 3ut with all due allowance for the Senators and for those obedient party tools who always vote precisely as they are told by their machine average of the Senate is high in comparison to the House, or to the Legislature of the State of New York and of most other States. No, the more I see of the Senate t} —even those whose political views I wholly feeling is shared by many of the journalists in Washington The Senate is the one place where they agement, where they can learn, where there is some color, some life, some vigor, some truth-telling, some hope of sub stantial achievement and much independence. They say frankly that if the Senate is reduced to the rank of the House they would wish to quit their jobs. They know, if “Charley” Dawes in his pitiful ineffectiveness does not, that under Rule 22 of the Senate, on motion of sixteen Senators and by a two-thirds vote, debate can be shut off. They so value the open debate of the Senate that they would unar mously vote against Dawes if the alternative were restricted talking and control by a little group of insiders—as used to 7,500, which has just been raised to $10,000. power ex- the fascination of “the tremendous. weak and ineffective leaders, thie @® more | respect it abhor—and my > et hope and encour- *® be the case in the days of the “giants,” before the rise of insurgency. They believed that if the House rule t be clamped on the Senate it, too, would sink é point. In its attitude in the Warre é squarely on its constitutional rights Nothing, in my judg- ment, has honored the Senate more than its dispia Finds pendence in this matter. Ty e Borah, Jonn’ Nor MacMaster (just elected as a Repu ' \ ech refusing to obey the crack of + t make one wish to throw uy rt cheers. No matter if the x " is political, the refusal n power of party and Pre e! , netning t thank one’s stars for

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316 The Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 3116 D) | 6 Prologue to 1928 (The Nation’s Weekly Washington Letter) By WILLIAM HARD 7 ZYVIIE prologue to the Presidential struggle of 1928 is i now being written and performed. It consists of the maneuvers rapidly going forward within the Democratic for the attainment of party harmony. One of these maneuvers is led by Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt of New York, who has issued a summons to all leading Democrats to repair to a national party drill-ground and there to practice saluting and right-and-left-turning in Party unison. There is a story to the effect that during the war a new aniateur officer studied up the drill from his book and then issued his first command as follows: “Right or left turn, as the case may be.” Many Democrats are willing to turn right or turn left, as the case may be, but they do not yet know what the case is. Therefore national conferences for Democrats are needed. Mr. Roosevelt’s proposed conference has elicited some instances of extremely modernistic harmonization among Democrats. For instance, there is Mr. George Fort Milton, publisher and editor of the Chattanooga News and some- time and erstwhile publicity manager for the Presidential aspirations of William Gibbs McAdoo. Second to none as a publicity manager, Mr. Milton is also second to none as an editorial writer on themes and notes in the Democratic harmonic scale. Mr. Milton informs his readers and also informs this writer that Mr. Roosevelt’s summoning of a national Democratic conference is a case of “unlimited gall.” He intimates that progressive and virtuous Demo- crats will by no means attend any conference summoned by a “Tammany leader” and flying the “black flag of Tam- He says that he loves harmony but that he many Hall.” harmonizing with a can see nothing to be “rattlesnake.” This loving response by a typical McAdoo Southern Democrat to endearing overtures from New York will give Mr. Roosevelt an instructive motif to use in the orchestra- tion of his Democratic National Sonata in A or G major or minor, as the case may be. For Democratic harmony, however, one orchestra is not enough. There must be, and will be, at least two orchestras. Anti-Tammany, anti-wet, anti-boss, anti-reac- tionary Jeffersonian Jacksonian Wilsonian Democrats will This is a sincere and gained by hold a conference in Kansas City. pure conference and is totally different from the one called by the tainted Mr. Roosevelt. No taint of Tammany or of any such thing will be on this conference in Kansas City. It is even thought that this conference, though held in the State of Missouri, which is represented in the United States Senate by one of the most conspicuous of Democratic Senators, viz., Mr. James A. Reed, will not include any friends of Mr. James A. Reed. This conference is a conference of the good, the right, and the true. In the arranging of it much activity has been displayed by that most knowing and engaging political person Mr. M. L. Fox of New Mexico, who used to be sec- retary of Mr. McAdoo’s Presidential campaign committee. Mr. Fox statistically proves that there is just no chanc at all for the Democratic Party in the region north of th Mason and Dixon line and east of the Mississippi Rive except possibly within the confines of the State of Ohio Mr. Fox is for a Democratic Party controlled by the South and the West. In a Southern-Western alliance, and only in a Southern-Western alliance, he sees a new Democratic dawn of vengeance and victory. Meanwhile there are individual performers like Mr. William L. O’Connell, distinguished Democrat of Chicago who supported Mr. McAdoo and who is at outs to that extent with the so-called and alleged “‘Democratic Eastern bosses” but who is not likely to be present at the conferenc: in Kansas City. Democrats like Mr. O’Connell are thought to believe that the Democratic Party, before summoning large orchestras, should go in for a few little chamber-musi performances by just a few leading players until som: really efficient composite tune can be discovered and written out on a score which the orchestras can then effectivels learn and noisily render. However, the orchestras have been summoned and wil! presumably meet. The chamber-music meetings will never- theless also presumably happen. The orchestras will pre- sent a modernistic ensemble of steam calliopes, subway- express trains, anvils, and pneumatic riveters. The cham- ber-music performances will be accomplished with outfits of velvet cushions, padded walls, and locked doors. There is no doubt really that the Democrats have quite a case against the Republicans. What they now have to do, and what they are now going to try to do, is to discover a case for themselves. They are able, as against the Repub- licans, to show that recently in Washington there have been quite a few more Republican rascals than Democratic ras- cals. On the point of personal honesty they can make quite a showing against the Republicans. The country has indicated, however, that it more 01 less regards honesty as a luxury toward which it is al right to aspire after a foundation of prosperity has been assured. As has been ably and penetratingly remarked by Mr. O’Connell, “There are idealists in this country, but mos! people do not want to spend the winter eating snowballs.” Some Democrats may not think so; but the problem of the Democratic Party is to find out how it can put more money into the pockets of the honest working girl and of the grasping farmer and of the fearless artisan and of th: early-rising fish-market-man than is now put there by th Republicans. The Democrats would stop fighting among themselves on religion and rum if they could once agree on a cohesiv: program for giving us more Fords, more promising savings accounts, and more radio sets phonographs, more This writer ventures to prophesy that until the Demo- erats realize it and until they concentrate, as the Repub- licans concentrate, on the prosperity issue, they will con- tinue to be rent asunder by such irrelevancies as the dif- ference between a “Western leader” and an “Eastern boss.” Chattanooga News, please copy.

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The Nation March 25, 1925] =— America, Japan, and Russia By LOUIS FISCHER Moscow, January 22 Union (which would include India) only strengthen his cause at Tr ] ith Riuecis wor +} nr . } . 24 ; 7 : és YOR two years Japan haggled with Russia over the price Such a tripartite arrangement has of late received much eee i of recognition and over oil percentages in Sakhalin. attention and its adherents are multiplying. To be sure, a Rive : hen, one morning in January, 1925, the newspapers of the Soviet Russia will not adhere to any alliance with bourgeois rid announced that Mr. Hughes was determined to returr countries, but where her policies coincide with those of other South — onl: cratic private practice, and that, as a result, the prospects of a nations, and where her oopera - esumption of relations between the United States and the tion with them, she will not shrink fron n Soviets seemed brighter. Several days later Japan signed a We often regard the R an problem as a ve listant 4 ry 7 + 4 a¢ ‘r eaty with the bolshevik government. The step had been in one. M ea a RMB tatics team New tan ‘eparation for many months. The threat—to Japan i! But the brilliant exploits of the Ame threat—of American recognition of Russia merely has- fliers wh ped off from United ¢ territory ned the final step. in the Nev : China is the central issue in the Far East. On thi sight of R n the Old st >» Mr icavgo that ister} rene ought oning iestion Russia and Japan have been drawing cl r to- home ? t fact tI ether while America has been wandering further away. neighbor of the Unit states and : me was when the United States favored the “Open Door” nusi a ceca ial ; ; 1 “Hands off China” policy. In that period Japan wa ind some ; , s , re, +} ‘nitad Stat vh-handed in her treatment of Peking, frankly pursuing be a serious ¢ e | State "itten a ee i ‘ : si. A ° : 1 ‘4 Vs 4 , j tifaning of P perialistic aims. Consequently, America was the 1 ultin ' ’ stiffening of ively ' re ;, wes , ‘ " ilar and Nippon the most hated country in China. Two bac] ¢ . re "A three years ago, however, the beginnings of a ge ican influ i t, threaten the ! | wil! ever- ‘e noticeable and now the revolution is clear and conip! State Department sends angry notes to Peking yre- . “ os : Onis ef Bs I nese Eastern Railway and other subjects, and, what is Now as definite 4 “tii viously of greater importance, favors and supports mili- perr | pons ry intervention in China. Many Chinese are ¢ nvinces : I lat the recent civil war, which may yet have the salutary position a! t ‘ ne effect of uniting the celestial nation, was fomented by foreig quite o do, rer a pub- been America and England. On the other hand, Japan’s attitude SOV ward China has become more friendly. There is no more nition loomed bullying and coercion as in the days of the Twenty-one Mr. Hughes’s attitude tended tot Ru : trie oints. Instead Japan, acting on the example of Russia, arms of Japan just : tf Ji fo the s declared her intention of renouncing her extraterritorial arn f Russi 3! Ru na, al ras- . ights in China and of raising her envoy in Peking to the yuite , s rank of ambassador. If now the It is no accident that the present President of China is Mi the leader of the Japanophile party, or that Dr. Sun Yat n route from Canton to Peking, makes a detour to Tokio on from Amer! the eve of highly important political conferences and devel a colder attitud pments in his own country. No one doubts that the civil stall the Ru IIs.” war of last autumn undermined the prestige of the Western Chinese-A a wers and enhanced that of Japan. It simultaneously to the B nore reinforced the bond between China and Russia. The stu- to consummate it the & a ad dents and intellectuals, in general the entire nationalistic out of it, y ‘th ovement in China, have for some time looked to Soviet well as that toward Russia. Frise i Russia for inspiration. Moscow is their Mecca because the important for R 1 that wou t e aie Golsheviks achieved national unity in the face of centrifugal and certain! forces as compelling as those that make for a tuchunized she lends her support to A China. And the sanguinary fratricidal war—in which s\ toward C} re! nany papers saw only an occasion for humor—cemented this her former nfluence by strengthening the distrust in and disgust with align Russia on 1 } hods of great Powers. Japan and Russia have dis- ern questior + +o + ne mei " overed a mutuality of interests against a common antag- What with t D nist. interests of the I r On 5, ; a ” 2 lif Viscount Goto, the “strong man” of Japan: polities, as her di : eae ‘s has for several years advocated a Sino-Soviet-Japaness negigibie I entente in the Far East. The anti-Japanese immigration her shadow ove! bill and the growing agitation in favor of a Pan-Asiatic ment of Euros

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318 The Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 3116 real and ephemeral as the Washington Disarmament Con- ference of 1921-1922. It might, however, be argued that even a conference at whose green table a Bolshevik did sit would accomplish too little to warrant the effort as long as present conditions in Europe persist, as long as the Treaty of Versailles continues to mold the life of the Continent. We pass quickly, therefore, to a consideration of Russia and the Dawes Plan. There exists in Germany a powerful faction, whose political exponents are ex-Chancellor Wirth and Count Brockdorf-Rantzau, which feels that Germany has nothing to expect from Western Europe and that her future lies in Russia and in the East. Their thesis, simplified, would be much to this effect: The Germans are a virile and progres- sive people. To live they must expand and spread out over new fields. But through the war, while with France zealously watchful and england keenly competitive they are hemmed in and para- lyzed on the west, industrially and commercially as well as politically. Moreover, their colonies—excellent markets— are gone, and on the Berlin-to-Bagdad route, which was per- haps more of an economic necessity than an imperialistic design, lie insuperable obstacles in the form of vassal Entente states. Hence they turn their faces to the east, where stands Russia offering them the cheapest and quickest road to Persia and the Orient, herself a vast and rapidly developing customer and an almost inexhaustible source of raw materials. That Germany has not exploited these possibilities is due simply to her lack of credit and to the condition of her industries, but with underground treasures so near and so limitless it is patent that the economic fate of Germany is closely linked with Russia, and it is inconceivable, therefore, that the Americans who will rule Germany by the grace of Mr. Dawes should long remain unmindful of the fact. Like- wise the markets open to Germany in Russia, and via Russia in the East, are of fundamental importance to the Dawes Plan in that they are indispensable to the German industries in which so much American capital is being and will be On political grounds the Germans can have no If they de- they cannot regain the territories lost invested. objection to economic dependence on Russia. pended to such an extent on a Western Power it would spell slavery—-another chain added to the many. To depend on Russia would for Germany be a step toward freedom. If the Dawes Plan is to rehabilitate Germany it will be the business of the Dawes agents to encourage and develop the economic bond between Russia and Germany. They may even have to supply Germans with American dollars and send them into Russia to assist and hasten the process of Soviet reconstruction. This is one of the implications of the Dawes Plan which is closer at hand than may appear at first sight, provided, of course, that the plan works. And even if it does not, American capital, which will certainly continue to pour into Germany for many years to come, will have to arrive at the same solution. The sum total of it all is that dealings with Russia, which will be diflicult without diplomatic rela- tions, are part and parcel of the Dawes Plan and of Amer- ican participation in European upbuilding. Purely economic influences, though less determining than the two factors already discussed, also have their bearing on the question of recognition. The volume of Russian trade with America is not considerable and probably will not be for many years. The Soviets are attempting to develop their own cotton plantations and their tractor factories. Nevertheless, for the present, certain Southern plante the Chase National Bank, and Henry Ford should be liv: supporters of resumed relations with Moscow. So, too, t Singer Sewing Machine, the International Harvester, a the Westinghouse companies, whose properties have be nationalized, but who would perhaps get compensation in 1 event of recognition. Likewise, it is clear that W. A. Har- riman’s chances to obtain the invaluable concession for Tchiaturi manganese would be better if he had an ambassa dor here. Finally, the attitude of the Standard Oil Compan, toward Soviet Russia has undergone a change. From being extremely hostile the Rockefeller firm, now that it has com- bined with its former blood enemy Sinclair, will have to b on speaking terms with the Kremlin. Furthermore, ther: have been hints that the Bolsheviks would be pleased t receive an application from the Standard for a lease o Emba, the rich oil field beyond the Urals, and it may soon come to pass that the Standard will draw on Baku and Grozni to supply its customers in Europe and in the Near East. Given recognition and consequently good-will, the nego- tiations with the Bolsheviks should present few difficultie They will not recognize the Czarist debts, but they will agre: to pay them—a part of them, to be more correct—on certain terms. They will not repay the loan to the Kerensky Gov- ernment which ex-Ambassador Bakhmetiev spent either as he saw fit in America or in supporting Kolchak’s armed effort to overthrow the Soviets. Veterans By WILBERT SNOW The old New England house Basks in the winter sunshine, Like its outward-gazing companion At rest on the spruce-limb banking When a tall white morning lays over The world a garland of light. Curling smoke from the chimney, Like smoke from the graybeard’s pipe, Saunters lazily upward And scatters in cobalt air. Eighty New England winters Have mortised the house to the landscape, And buttressed the old man’s spirit To share its fate with the shadows: His spirit grown familiar With the breathing of these hills; The hills for years expecting The echo of his voice. He will be waiting at ease When the dark eclipse comes total, On the interwoven green spruces At the sunny side of the house— His body leaning forward, Hands clasped on the head of his cane, Waiting at ease the call, Though never quite ready to meet it, For house and man to settle Deeper still in the dust.

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SO A A AS TCS SS ELLE LE EE LE OE Te oe ee OT DE

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The 320 Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 3116 Se The New Jerusalem By LUDWI T HE cits turned for so long is a city built upon hills. remotest times the altars of God were set up in the high places. l-folk who prayed at these altars found the tops of the hills the best places of defense which the eyes of the world have been upon From the | Also the primitive hil against attack. The corresponding danger was that of drought. Water is hard to come by in Jerusalem to this day. But the habit of building on the hills lies in the atmosphere of the land. Instinctively the mind fronts the sun by day and the stars by night. The new Jewish suburbs Talpioth and Beth Hakerem are on windswept hills and the modern landscape architect ity builder follows the methods of the ancients who terraced the slopes all through Judaea. From every window in Jerusalem that lies beyond the wails the eye looks from height to height. The valleys The city is spreading in all direc- vision turns eastward and Cc are narrow and shallow. tions, but by a profound impulse the to the heights of Mount Scopus and the Mount of Olives and to the hills of Moab far beyond. The newer quarters and institutions lie west and north- west so that one generally sees the old, walled town from thet direction and enters it by either the Jaffa or the Damascus Gate. These gates with their pointed arches are the gates of the citadel which Suleiman the Magnificent The massive walls and soaring outlook tower are well preserved. Within the courtyards of the fortification the has crumbled in many places; one walks over masses of rubble ruined stairs. An end- built about Jerusalem early in the sixteenth century. stone and climbs to the outlook tower over less spiral staircase hewn of solid stone leads to the top of the tower. Thence, sharply outlined in the luminous atmos- phere, appear the black Dome of the Rock dominating the city, churches and monasteries, the hills, and in the ulti- mate distance a glittering disk which is the Dead Sea, a thread of silver which is the Jordan. Neither from the tower of the citadel nor from any hill-top does one see a Jewish dome or spire. The walls of the citadel are built upon Herodian foundations; but these are sunk fathoms deep in earth. Stones fashioned by the workmen of Herod, perhaps even by the builders of the 41 nineteen buried layers be- Second Temple, are among the neath the present west wall of what was once the inclosure of the Temple. The debris of the ages has filled this spot that was once a valley to a depth of thirteen meters. The o the north, of the Prophets to the south; burial caves surround the city. Southeast of the city, on the north slope of the Mount of Corruption, is a The headstones are c tombs of the Judges are ft Jewish graveyard of great antiquity. broken; sh Nehemiah returned ruined that there was no place for the beast that was under him to pass. But f life from the days of our kingdom nothing is left. ards and rubble are as deep as they were when Babylon and found the + City SO from of the monuments « The old city within the walls of the citadel of Suleiman except for the Temple place on its southeastern edge, That lay south, dominated the vale of Kidron, and was refreshed by David IS demonstrably not the city of David at all. to the was from here that iloa. It the pool and brook of S G LEWISOHN went up the hill of Moriah and bought the top of the of Araunah, the Jebusite, who had turned it into a thres ing-floor. David built an altar to Jehovah on that sp which was later to be the Temple of Solomon and the s of the Second Temple. East and northeast of the old city of David the ro: vinds through a narrow valley. It passes the Mount Corruption on which Solomon built altars to the gods of } strange wives; it passes through the vale of Jehoshaphat it passes those three mysterious and immemorial monu ments which are half hidden in the rocky hillside. Ar they the pillar that Absalom reared him in the king’s dal and the house of Osias, and the tomb of Zechariah t! Prophet? Are the Hellenistic columns on all three and t} Egyptian cone on the tomb of Absalom later additions monuments already ancient? It matters little. To the lef: of the road is the wall of the citadel. A few dusky cypress: wave beside it. To the right, beyond the tombs, the h rises first gradually, then more loftily to the heights Mount Scopus, whence always the conquerors besieged th: city, to the heights of the Mount of Olives. And road a: valley and hill slopes are filled with the rubble of the a 10t the stones of the field whic But stones hewn and graven once b the workmen ure stones cover all this land. the hands of men, hewn and graven by Israel, built into houses and palaces and fortresses an temples, built and always destroyed. The chronicle of con quest upon conquest is written here. And always Isruas succumbed except that once when the hand of God staye: Sennacherib. Always was Israel conquered. Victory of th: sword was never our portion nor strong walls our effectua defense. Ruins are our monuments. Ruins—except for th: immortal spirit that broods here despite a hundred con quests, except for the spirit that, in this evening of tim: Stones 0' has brought us here again. The old town within the walls of the citadel is crowded with houses. The streets are three or four vards wide and fantastically crooked. They are rarely level for more tha ten feet. Steps lead up, steps lead down. Everywher: arches span the narrowest alleys. When the sunshine filters into the streets, the wells of radiance are cut by the shar] large shadows of house and arch, man and beast. At nig! feeble lanterns twinkle at the doors of houses and syna gogues and one walks, but for an occasional glint of star light, between roofs and arches as in catacombs. By da the scene in the alleys is busy. There are markets and shops and cafes and the open bazaars of the Orient. Thi dignified, idle Arabs in fezes or turbans and many-colore: shabby robes sit or crouch in the open cafes, smoking thei: Here in the wall is a potter at his primi , 1 old ya +31 ui nargilehs. wheel; yonder is an oi! press turned as of rough-coated ass. Arab won wrought water jugs beautifully upon their heads. comes a vendor of flat cakes or Next mobile, dark Sephardic Jew and behind him a giant—old 1en go by, holding their wel! Next of sweets. a sma severe, Rembrandtesque—from far Galicia in a robe @! bronze-colored velvet and a round, fur-brimmed hat. Ther are monks: Russians in tall birettas, Armenians in b!

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March 25, 1925] The Nation is, Dominicans and ere are Arab children and Arab beggars and vith rhythmic swing comes a gaunt, slow, ws its crooked shadow against arch and wal! In the strictly Jewish streets the shops are crowd is more orderly. But the divisi front of the courtyard of a massive synagoy 2 rab holding a shy and fragile gazelle in leash. Th ed the same, the stones are the sar W het ; Sabbath comes it is from all parts of the old ws stream through the prison-like walls of the sett “ the Moroccan Moslems to that harsh, stony, crar , # losure which faces all that is left them of the br ' f their nationai splendor: the west wall the Te: _ Wall of Wailing. ? ‘ The stones rise, layer upon layer. So huge nes that a tall man faces the middle of the second a , : j heir beveled edges are crumbled here and there; tuft " avish grass grow out of the interstices. iles of the house of Israel have come to mourn America was down; the bug ages. Rome fell and Byzantium; ed; great states arose and were cast the tramplings of a hundred wars and passed by like a shadow, like a dream. persecut issed by e exiles came to mourn—not for a temple destroyed or city taken or the passing of power, but for the menace: hey still come. Old men and women in the garb of the : Kast of Europe. And some in white robes, and some ‘ vrapped in praying shawls. Young men and women too in “ he dress of modern workers. They pray and chant with a ™ rhythmie fervor, with a terrible aspiration. They will , ring their rights from a stubborn universe. More peace- fully they kiss the stones. A crumpled, inconceivably old ; voman in apron and headkerchief passes in and out of the ? crowd offering men and women the refreshment of a whiff sweet and pungent herbs. She will take no alms for her : ervice. It is the eve of the Sabbath. L ly ¢ Above, so far above that no glimpse of it can be caugh here at the bottom of the twenty-four layers of rock t are visible, lies that spacious and magnificent rectangle in which stood the Temple, in which stand today and have ‘3 stood for at least a thousand years the Dome of the Rock and the mosque of El Aksa. The Moorish arcades, delicate vet strong; the slender cypresses, the raised central portion on which the Dome of the Rock stands, all serve to accen- tuate the freedom and the beauty of this small plateau. No wonder that Solomon built his Temple here and Justinian a basilica and the Moslems one of the most sacred of their shrines. Both of the mosques, though spoiled by unskilful restoration here and there, are of a dreamlike loveliness. Mosaics and marbles and flower-like windows shimmer in The columns are not the soft gloom of the great mosque. ll Moorish; the iron grille-work was left by the Crusaders; the El Aksa the Christian nave still dominates. Yet the final note is that of Moorish grace and elegance. It speaks the spirit of a civilization that never had the mark of con- nuity or completeness of power. It expresses little that belongs to the Palestinian Arab of today. Yet it is his and vill remain his for all time. Whatever the future holds, ve are content with the Wall of Wailing, the symbol of our stones of] ne ik xile and endurance; we are content with the ) field, the stones of the many barren fields of Palestine which o hand has touched for centuries, out of which we are tegrity of the spiritual life of a scattered nation. Hither aa Ly is filled Christians. even as the ire ho } . ‘ ahi a } ‘\ fo } phat \ t ) ) ’ | { ‘ 4 ) ( 4 ? , ‘ r \ ; , ] = ‘ , ’ 4 i r

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SE TOE LEIS ELLIO LE —— ai

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* in —o The Nation [Vol. 120, No. 311 —_—— Some Meditations on the Radio By HARRY HANSEN 5 age moment when I first began to meditate on the radio as part of the Divine Purpose for the Enlight- iment of Mankind was about three minutes after my first talk through the microphone. I had stepped out of the Speaking Room into the Reception Room of the Studio the lay reader will, I hope, pardon my technical nomen- clature—when the telephone bell rang and a voice inquired ‘or me. “Ll wish to congratulate you,” said the voice. “I heard every word you said. And I read you in the paper every day.” Now, I do not write willing to overlook this slight error in the first flush “in the paper” every day, but I Was W of satisfaction at being understood and appreciated by an invisible auditor miles away. The next day, however, I re- ceived a post card mailed the evening before. ade this plain. “It is now 9:36 p. m.,” said my corre- spondent, “and you have just finished your talk, so I am hurrying this to the mailbox. Please send me the book of poems that you are giving away.” At that I suspected that conflicting wave lengths had worked to my disadvantage, for I had made no mention of « book of poems, much less written one; yet there was my name, and I felt the touch of the embarrassment that comes to the man who receives praise meant for others. The next ay, quite by accident, I learned that the radio was an im- portant means of conveying products of various kinds to the listener. For instance, the announcer for another radio station was tuning in at that moment, and I heard him say that he had received eighty boxes of candy from a well- known manufacturer, each box containing twenty bars, and that he would present a box to the first eighty correspon- dents who sent a jingle of two lines by wire or mail or messenger, praising that confection. This seemed unusually venerous of the manufacturer; however, I had my doubts when, in the course of the evening, this station was heard to refer again and again to this fine assortment of candy, praising it profusely, and emphasizing the need for jingles. The announcer even indulged in a bit of by-play, remark- ing, “Ain’t it good candy, Bill?” whereupon the mythical Bill replied: “I’ll say it is.” Two days later, in another State, I heard the announcer for still another station de- clare that a five-dollar gold piece was to be given to the person who best remembered what three pieces were to be played by the orchestra that evening, and who wrote the best letter saying so. The announcer then named the three compositions very plainly, and admonished his invisible I listened audience to be sure to get the titles accurately. for a catch of some kind, but there was none; in the course of the program the announcer took pains to name the titles again and again. The offer of the gold piece was no doubt in good faith, but it seemed to me that audience needed a great deal of coaching. Either memories were unusually lacking in retentiveness in that section or five-dollar gold pieces were so plentiful that no one cared to rise to the bait unless urged on grounds other than acquisitive. These and later experiences gave me what we of the newspaper like to call a “new slant” on the radio. I had not, up to that time, thought of it as a sort of mental The writer I had, as a matter of fact, connected it pi hypodermic. remember cipally with the national defense, and I criginally I had some vague notion about the service radio would render in times of war, in the matter of ex; Of course I kn to what or diting messages, detecting spies, etc. that it was a Tremendous Contribution whom I was not exactly sure, but I had heard it styled by ministers in the pulpit, and I was sure that in time would be included in school histories under the chapter entitled Benefits of Inventions and Discoveries, whi explained how much the cotton gin, the locomotive, the t: phone, and the motion picture had done for civilization. By actual contact, however, both as a listener and a broadcaster, I learned that the radio was associated wi: that other form of service which is a sort of national rally. ing cry in America, “Service,” with the capital S, tha intangible something which the merchant professes to con. fer upon you in addition to the goods for which you pai which the invisible hotel owner declares he bestows on guests in addition to a lodging for the night—‘“Service, the national watchword, corresponding to the ‘“Defens: d’afficher” of the French and the “Nicht Hinauslehnen’”’ the German, and probably just as effective. The fact tha’ you get less service in America than in any other natio: has no bearing on the plot; here service is recognized as 2: institution, elsewhere it is nameless. Well, then, the rad it turned out, was the last word in Service. Every da: beginning with dawn, and lasting until closing time of t! most obscure bar for vending goat’s milk in New Zealand the radio served its invisible audience. Its programs wer free. You could tune in anywhere without even giving tithe to the government. As one station sang nightly: Just set your dial And stay a while With W-X-Y-Z. There it is, up in the air, absolutely free, waiting for you to pull it down with the aid of electricity. Opera a: symphonic music, jazz, twenty minutes of good reading how to cook by Aunty Jane, tales for the kiddies and pray- ers set to music, even “‘Now I lay me down to sleep’; ser- mons and exhortations not to drink, gamble, and blasphem: with music by the white-robed choir; advice on how spread your income by investment brokers; advice on how to make your shoes last longer by shoe salesmen; talks |} the mayor on civic duty, on “Your Boy” by the master of the Boy Scouts; on the right sort of boys by the head of thi Y. M. C. A., and the right sort of girls by the head of the Y. W. C. A.; barn dances, recitals of music schools, whol acts of plays, speeches, speeches, speeches. tadio announcers are a lonely lot. There they sit, a room hung with heavy velvet curtains, talking for dear life before a strange little contrivance that looks like a! electric fan covered with wire netting; their humor fall: flat so far as any response from an audience is concerned not a titter greets them from behind the velvet hanging: they hear nothing but the sound of their own voices. Eve! a lecturer at a chautauqua fares better than that; he is likely I to be greeted by waving handkerchiefs. Yet an- nouncers, on the whole, are happy, and men are graduating

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». 31] March 25, 1925] The Nation 325 =——. — 1 ‘ aatine rata ; ry "120 Ie- +} - y . y - ¢) 79.07 r+7 +} , } . +o the broadcasting profession more quickly than barbers KY newspaper, the magazine, the theater, and the motion y led out of a barber college. I was forced to revise nicture”’ The principa vantage must. } , nereased re propeilec C Ol a Darbder couege. Was io! i ] pl Te : i! Principal aavantage must de an mncreased conjecture aiter met LIng nem, and 1 biiiaia. ii 4UeU PIesr_igee, Dia sile tne name oj ne new “pape r DelLOre the lis it was tne audience tnat was at fault. The announcers ener again and again, Inspiring hit With an idea of its +} oe b + nt + ip ‘ OY = ry - rternr ’ +} nadir t}, y , r } . e tne Stimull Wwitnout wnoicn, apparentiy, America $0- ‘ erprise, and NuUs Indirectiv Py y the national adve} cannot function. For although we are said ¢ a tiser—no longer a negligible fact the Impression that it p } wnere men are superiatively eager to be “uy; and tnat newspaper counts. ly tner words, vetting on the an ” - . a aii ia ne —— + } +} -_ } , — “+ ea Pt } 1 1 or n¢g, where we rise tO an occasion, Ol ge benind lf le} Interpa! Il the tradition which began by . P ee niekly the ,— - +} ait eas ‘ } nding Stanl fter Livingstor 1) 4 , ice -omething SO qUICKiy that 1t makes tne Old world stand ending sStaniev aiter Livingstone. Lor serve so good . . ‘ - ¥ . , “ ‘ l , . ¥ “ y rT ” ? ry ’ | } ’ ’ f ex) hast at our speed and alertness, yet we make use of mor purpose? Ah, time ave cha [ kn pringboards and devices for speeding up than any other Perhaps the radio has another purpose; perha t Wi or | ple on the globe. The radio exhorters, then, belonged mean y Providence provide patl ts with exereise } } ’ . d 111° +3 ‘ ryl¢11¥ * anri¢ + ’ tye neo | toy + YY ry ‘ ‘ vied with other aspects of our national culture; with th: nl in tracing Latin, ‘ ind yrel Y he new radi time *= railways and shoot-the-chutes, the scare-heads of the vellow nomenclatur The 1 t intricate expletiv if volf fade hapte: nress, the circus adjectives in advertising, the billboard the deluge of mechanical ter! the r; A let- wh n serene country landscapes. They “got to” the Ame! " - from a fan to his newspaper, asking for = le t iseholder during those hours when formerly he had rt 1d\ ~~ ance, how to mat ew ion. pervious to outside stimuli. During his business hou r tig rusted with ; i that one and iffered enough shocks to keep him awake; at thi at ispects a German spy indicating t} d w ter or the movies his needs were provided for by the current f new te! irts to his governme! Radic rally. ontrivances for holding his attention, and on Sundays the potentiometer, these ar mple tel nap , tha family could be depended upon to goad him across the land- rOssips about neut perneterorefiex, ra 0 cor scape in an automobile. But until the radio came there had smopoiltan-phusiformer-neutrodyne nd fina 1 pa een very little, save matrimony, to jar the peace and quiet? eralautohet ! Vinal mpare on ‘his home. The talking machine was a known quantity; obat mple pr i} () ‘vic you knew exactly what it was going to say, and it alwa efens said it the same way. But the radio was different enough S etimes w! on’ o} n each edition to command his attention. It got his ea tured whether r on th v mer t tha: efore breakfast and after dinner; it caught him at } million, or ten, I template th nd \ ‘ nati slippered ease; it let loose upon his quiet oasis the ballyhoo it is not merely another stey ir waste of 1 as 2 f the announcer, speaking, for the most part, a jangling ources, anothe t of OSS nrovre rad ernacular, mixing ain’ts and don’ts and who’s and whom’s, America le: the v (Qu to ratio: r e d: truggling comically with the foreign names of musician to find excuses for ou ilyer mn ur ur" KUrié yf t and composers, talking familiarly to the folks, shaking we raise th ant f Enlightenment ar pr alan hands figuratively with the kiddies, in a word making radio as useful for the Disseminat ) 4 wen ‘ticulate the cartoon strip about ma and pa and the kids. it provides a diver f labor te ing a The Contribution—ah, yes, I was coming to that. The ates needs, and fills want i formula wh y: Contribution to Enlightenment. What wonders have bee! backward and forvy 1, leaving rie vorked under this banner of the ideal! What ships have starting-point. Perhaps the Pu been sunk, what treasure wasted, what forests cut down, ways be sure of, there me hat literatures dispersed! In the city where I live over once, I thought we ‘limps t irred at y for half a dozen stations function. They are controlled by elec- time when the rad al rical and radio interests, and by the newspapers. Prac- casting the 1 ding tically every newspaper now has its own sending station, heavenly moment at Cleveland, pray- r leases part of the time of powerful stations, including Frank O. Lowd se! one newspaper which deals solely in live-stock news. Most Uni ; em: f the stations are associated with a hotel, so that they ar [inois, w w t ible to vary their programs by broadcasting—or radi that morning, thanking 4 hov asting, as the new form has it—the music of dining-room but declinin s | nd ballroom orchestras. The usefulness of a radio st ground that or of tion to a manufacturer of radio sets is obvious; its use- people of his State! Ar P the ‘ulness to the newspaper deserves somewhat deeper i! Then hi * the iry. We are toid, by those who are able to discern civi borne over t] tholk tion on the march, that the radio belongs to the new political me er, because it is used for the dissemination of new people at ry J it is news least of all that the newspaper spreads |} pocus of political pr dear lio, for, aside from the stock-market bulletins, which ar to be a Pury 24 no value because the mind cannot retain what it hears reports of the Dy falls well as what it sees, and the baseball scores, and the That, we ned nt for the President’s cat, the newspaper is engaged, lik: Enlightenment of \ ne competitors, ir giving to the world programs of music pread before the r a 1 addresses, at 2 tremendous cost. It is spreading, out- at Madison Square Gat e is e its hours of publication, what would be termed “fea learned something s” inside the newspaper office. To what purpose? Can Americans registe Hing vorld be hungry for more than it already receives in the f]

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Page 25

March 25, 1925] .7 The Nation 327

— ““, ae & anaes s+ <4 <4 — oe emed nm ‘2 @® to = = on s+ © “<4 3 © At Prize Poetry He Balks ‘+e EpiTtor OF THE NATION: six: For five years I’ve bought The Nation at newsstands R I’ve determined to subscribe, when along came a r otherwise, and I balked. Mr. Siegel’s stuff settles me. If this thing had e: j an inmate of a lunatic asylum and been published a . of the hopelessness of the writer’s mental idit t have had at least a pathological interest. But ffer your readers as the best of 4,000 poems in the deli! ent of your committee and your editors is assuming ntellectual level of The Nation’s clientele requires the attention of alienists. No more for me! San Francisco, California, February 138 Ugh! And Again Ugh! rHE EDITOR OF THE NATION: Sir: I am not a poet, nor the relative of a poet. But I otee of poetry, and have read everything poetical from er in the Greek to Masefield in the gutter. I looked for- rd to The Nation’s prize poem with an eager and practiced To say that I am disappointed is to call a mad dog d pered. Never did I struggle through anything so “weary, le, flat, and unprofitable.” Never did I read a more unpoe sition, even in a book of logarithms. The midget Southey was poet laureate; and the immortal! A tan of song, Shelley, could not find a publisher and had not a hundred readers of his enchanting strains! Why, Oh cannot great verse get contemporary recognition, whil | trash wins prizes? Almost rotten enough to win a prize” bids fair to becom \merican idiom. Ugh! And again ugh! New York, February 7 JOHN MERIDITH Poetry Contests THE EDITOR OF THE NATION: SIR: will publish it are personal and impersonal. ir readers should know why my poetry will never again ppear in The Nation, and in addition they may be interested in opinion of poetry prize-contests in general. During the past four years you have printed more vers my hand than from that of any other poet and at the time you have withheld from me the distinction and ope: proval of your annual awards. After each of your verse petitions you have purchased and published the poem whic! slighted in the contest, and once you even deigned to give This persistent a 7 of these entries an honorable mention. tt would seem to indicate that you regard me as an inter- ng but definitely second-rate poet—a poet worthy of fre- honor or publication but not entitled to the slightest real h

ement—and, naturally, I do not care to continue my arances in a magazine that insults and belittles my vers s fashion. \ friend of mine, whose hobby is statistics, has inf United during the past decade, and since I have failed to win a one of these probing, momentous competitions I must be ber 650 in a ranking list of contemporary American poets! u will pardon the absurd egotism which causes me to plac rse somewhat higher in the list—an egotism fortified by nqualified praise of two-thirds of the prominent literary s in this country over a period of eleven years—you may ze Why poetry “contests” in my opinion are trivial, mislead- infair, minutely biased, double-dealing, vapidly pernicious yrrmoc ~ it 649 poetry “contests” have been staged in the My reasons for writing this letter and hoping that I think that farces. Such “contests’—particularly those in this country are never more than petty displays of conservative beliefs, de Sires on the part of magazines to placate the supposedly limited appreciations of their readers, underhanded favoritisms, minute yuised as accurate and important dis rnments, far ‘ nated by one clique or another , terary polit erned with actual merit and ] rity, prearrang zgmatic frie eneral f eator . a rar Sf } ( i ] ically ng tery ) y + W , ‘ , ‘ 1st t} f ] + re ‘F; ; fear J s ‘ y y f At I S i vi M would 4 i f Ss | f a ft i? nue of pu i igazine owns x tremely ea 7 3 a I t wi t i it f rest! ng gr fami fi ! tl 1s unfair a J ] trea Mr i and Miss M } ce! ve re } MAXWELL BL v1 i lo THE Er ) | TION Sir: I’ve ritte y t Ar n for modest It “ Evenings Have B Washington. I was not able to complete t work { contest, but if I can be assured that f officiate I shall certainly gr for I have another little thing hould remove t t hundred yen; th e is H H on Coney Island. If the should surely be ther HY ever, I leave ffor f the judges. Both of these little g r before atten p t r all that is hect : fi Ma the spirit and rhyt been left out; it is all here from Tut and dates. To get the proper rit of thé po be printed in circles on t paper subway somewhere n¢ I the evening. Ne i ) OTK, Fy / { . y . ‘A Very Hot Poem lO THE EDITOR « J ATION Sirk: I have fore f t f 1925, and have | reading r ng in part a fev rses, or what fr 2 work of Mr. Eli Siegel, prize-winner ft four sand poets in your recent ntest. I this contest and I har seems to me they have 7 i for ry sand? This is one four r ig voice of Eli is crying in a wildernes If me with an autographed copy of t ‘ take great satisfaction in providing glass front for same, hanging it |} r that it may rest upon the wall and bring a ready lesson to all poets visiting this sanctum. Further e I 211 then ha Al opportunity to read this opus in toto, satisfying myself as ¢ whether the whole work is equal human interest to ¢

Page 26

328 The Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 31) Outlook’s quotation. In addition to my offer of a frame and plain glass front, I shall do my best to provide your prize win- ner with a book of verse and loaf of bread. He must furnish the jug of wine himself, though I think with this book the bread will be sufficient. How will this affect the other policies of The Nation? Philadelphia, GORDON DORRANCE, Dorrance and Company February 27 President, Wounded Affection To THE Epiror oF THE NATION: Sir: My affection for The Nation is, I take it, beyond dispute. It is out of the depth of this wounded affection that I must protest—mild and too mannerly word!—against the mass of ill-organized prose called Hot Afternoons Have Been Dr. Johnson, having been teased with the works “Sir, a man could go on writing that sort of he would only abandon his mind to it.” LUDWIG LEWISOHN in Montana. of Ossian, said: thing forever, if | Vienna, February 18 . : . A Pilgrimage to Europe To THe Epirror or THE NATION: Sir: A party of one hundred educational leaders, ministers, editors, and social workers will visit Europe this summer under Fellowship for a Christian Social Order seven hundred dollars. The party will sail on June 27 on the Cunard steamship Car- mania, and a course of lectures will be conducted on board to furnish background and to prepare the members for a thorough study of the 11, social, in- dustrial, and religiou July will be spent in England, Hall its base of operations being given to the lecturer the auspices of the The entire trip costs only from six to present situation in Europe—politic: where the party makes Toynbee Lectures are given here morning and afternoon, one hour and a second hour devoted to questions from the floor and dis- cussion. Such writers as Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells, Tawney and Laski, Cole and Sidney Webb; political leaders like MacDonald and Lord Haldane, Lord Cecil and Lord Seebohm Rowntree and labor Ramsay Milner; employers such as B. leaders like Arthur Henderson and Robert religious leaders of the stamp of Bishop Gore and Bishop Temple, Stud- dert-Kennedy, W. E. Orchard, and Maude Royden; editors like J. L. Garvin of the Observer and A. G. members of Parliament including Lady Astor, Lord Perey, and Professor Ramsay Muir meet the party in England. The month of August is spent on the Continent, endeavor- ing to study and understand the situation in Germany and France and at the headquarters of the League of Nations at Geneva. These desiring to do so may attend the Assembly of the League during the first week of September. Others will \merica within two months of the sailing date. At the close of the main tour some members of last year’s party went into Russia, others made a journey to Constantinople, Athens, and the Balkans, while still others visited Italy. Of those who apply the executive committee will select the one hundred whom it deems can best represent America in Europe and most adequately interpret the world situation to audiences and readers in America. Approximately a third of composed of college presidents and professors, s of the vari denominations, and the remain- writers, social workers, and business men. As accommodations can be reserved for only one hundred persons, applications should be made early by those desiring to go. Full information will be furnished from the office of Sherwood Eddy, 347 Madison Avenue, New York City. A bound verbatim report of the principal addresses delivered last year in Toynbee Hall is now available at this address at $3 a volume. Smillie; Gardiner: Eustace return to the party will be a third of minister der of editors, When writing to advertisers, ee, For those who cannot afford the trip to Europe a § Summer School will be conducted during the month of Aug at Olivet, Michigan, for a party of two hundred, similar t Williamstown Institute of Politics. The chief emphasi: Olivet, however, will be social, industrial, and religious, ra than political. The cost for the summer school for the « month of August, exclusive of railway fare, will not exceed Those desiring to join the Social Summer School should application and request for information to Kirby Page Madison Avenue, New York City. New York, February 22 ee SHERWOOD Ep! Contributors to This Issue CHARLES A. BEARD, historian and writer, spent the wint of 1922-1923 in Tokio organizing a bureau of munici}; research and conducting a survey of the city. McALISTER COLEMAN has written frequently on labor co ditions, particularly in the coal fields. LuDWIG LEWISOHN has completed a study of conditi in Palestine, parts of which will appear in The Nati: MIRIAM BEARD is a newspaper writer who has been mu interested in Japanese-American affairs. HARRY HANSEN is literary editor of the Chicago Da News. J. A. HOBSON, the eminent British economist is a contributing editor of The Nation. AVRAHM YARMOLINSKY is head of the Slavonic depa: the New York Public Library. ne YOUNG teaches sociology at the University t and public ment at KIMBALL Oregon. Liit SHIGEHARU MATSUMOTO, an active participant in t Japanese labor movement, is at present studyir economics at Yale. Sa i ll na i eC n — - -~ -- - i 7 F i 6 \ A A 9 THE SWALLOW- BOOK > By Ernst Toller English Version by Ashley Dukes Net &:° Toller is one of the more eminent of the new school of E urop dramatists sometimes called “Expressionists’ F This litt is a poem in free verse suggested by the sight of two swal who nested in his cell to which he was confined for his part. tion in the abortive Bavarian ‘“‘Red’’ Outbreak. i } » RESTORATION COMEDY 1660-172 ‘By Bonamy Dobree $2.0 “Mr. Dobrée writes penetrating and detailed criticism of th: plays and contributions of these robust leaders of Restorati Comedy. His book is a pleasant and useful introduction to o of the great Periods of dramatic writing.”—Theaire Aris Mont THE BUSINESS OF LIFE By H. W. Sanford A rational, well ordered and frankly sympathetic effort to cl the way towards a more intelligent and more ample human hap discussing in full detail the constitution of the ld 2 vols. Net $10. ha ness, by State. | | THE RETROSPECT OF FRANCOIS VILLON By George Heyer Mr. Heyer’s translation is one of the most remarkable of re re ‘ ? : years. French and English are given on opposite pages. Fr cois Villon, born in 1131 was one of the greatest of French Pos C7] pi. AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF JOHNSTUART MIL Nett & hitherto unpublished, has been added Additiona! material, this volume of the World’s Classics series. = o tt OX SORD AINEVERSTTY PRESS cfmeriaa Brazel rt 33 WEST 32nd STREET, NES YORE ee please mention The Nation s = SSR 8S sr

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0.311 | Books and Plays

Aug, by fits of affection for men or by periods of debauchery in ry. ‘ roto: | he Master ( eS “mansions of gross sensuality,” he was remarkable at all . hasis times for an “ambition which has ever raged in my veins 3, Ta By CLEMENT WOOD ie « tonne” - Z ae There is an emptiness along great ways This ambition of Boswell’s went deeper than his desire a He walked, a breath of alien chill in air te play hi gre Pega n Lor lor “ ' I son | Gold Age That knew the cordial of his smile, the blaze smith and Garrick and Burks From the beginning he Of eyes that fell like sunlight everywher wanted t 3 own ) Ent [he last November leaves sag limp and du K yf r} d ata And the light wind for the last time has borne . red as Across the hill he left so beautiful, children fear storms. H e peculiar 0 4 call as mellow as a sunset horn. Johnson for him: “I nk better of mvself when in his yint [f what he dreamed has blossomed, a new height company than at an ther time. ... He has done me in ic] In mellower endless sunlight knows his tread: finite service. He } ted me t tain | of mind But we can only wonder at the night, Hence his insistence to Temple vear after vear that in spit = And its faint stars of what he did and said; of lapses he still ca: nsider himself a “proper” mat ; And know, in this soft air, the breath of chill, Hence his “feudal principles” as Laird of Auchinleck. Hene Ks The rustle of dead leaves under a hill. ~ & ithorship. And de Per ne I en t ivy Ma} evel I own Lam wis qe \ desirous that my life s lid te ' ] eal Tour to t Da }: rst Glance Hebrides” Boswell, speaking of himself in the third per remarked rather wistfully: “He had thought more tha: lie J AMES BOSWELL, writing in 1790 to his friend the body supposed.” The | h D ee vU Reverend William Temple, complacently quoted the Lord for acertainty now. With the assistance of Mr. Tinker. and pa Chancellor of England as having told him “ ‘he had read in a manner which in his vainest moments } id every word of my Hebridean journal; he could not help it.’ have predicted, he has made hi fe tel]. ty of | Adding ‘could you give a rule how to write a book that a en ’” man must read? I believe Longinus could not.’ Longinu certainly could not have explained the peculiar excellenc: ; ; : tying of Boswell’s work, nor can anybody else. Macaulay at- Homiuletic Shadow- Boxing tempted in one of his falsest and most brilliant essays to Contvtbutions of Seisane to B By cellent biography—for the arts of narrative and characteri- Now. who trains f the p @tion are still mysterious; but it will never be possibl line of modernists, the Melancht ir W ration “F again to deny that Boswell is interesting in his own right. naries. Their mait ontin | According to the traditional interpretation, Boswell was exegetics who are genu oe who in slight measure redeemed his trivial traits—his reaction. It is more academic. | ‘ ae ° : - spite of its academ : T 0.4 petty vanity, his fussy and laughable self-importance—b; in spite of a 4 . . } reconstruct the fiction tnat cha the itch he felt to be in the presence of great men, by th« a 1a faces of Janus-Progress Th Id instinct for hero-worship which sent him to France to se¢ alt termes: ‘Cidenes te we taneer tea (f Voltaire and Rousseau and which kept him in that “heaven eit: ke: meant alt eunlins upon earth,” London, where he could take down the utter- ligion changes from the mu aaces of Dr. Johnson for the future instruction of mankind heaven within us to the fing: if Mr. Tinker’s exhaustive edition of the letters leaves th The book under review Pra fivial traits still trivial, and on the whole delightfully so; ligent in building this fiction it but it shows them redeemed by more than an itch such a shadow-boxing, a truly inspired met might feel. Boswell becomes in them an adult intelli- kampf in phrases. It juxtaposes the f : ; . closely to the wishes of m & gence, a grown man extraordinarily equipped with energ: , = . ai passion. Possessed of original powers which he seems ww Waa aoe ( : . ___.4} Ver to have fully understood, and which for want of ade- pages. The other 332 <— 4, @ate expression in the life that was given him to live fre- ent colleagues at Chicag 0 4 @ently dragged him down into a melancholy curable only physics. All the rest are scientists of » reputat Robert + —

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e 330 The Nation [Vol. 120, No. 31) —,

A. Millikan, the Nobel Prize winner, writes a chapter on The Structure of Matter, an epitome of his great book “The Elec- tron.” Of course this chapter is the last word in physics, and it is fascinating. It is illustrated by diagrams of the hypo- thetical orbits in which the electrons disport themselves within the atom. But they fail to magnetize toward religion. The fact is that the famous scientist says not one single, solitary word about it. John M. Coulter, the celebrated botanist, writes a chapter on Plant Life. I feel deeply grateful to Mr. Coulter for the most enlightening discussion on the art of scientific investigation it has been my good fortune to read for many a day. But not a word on religion. Edwin B. Frost writes an essay on The Structure of the Cosmos which should be obligatory reading in every college. The magnificent photograph of The Great Gaseous Nebula in Orion distinctly fascinates. But not a word on religion. Experts contribute expert articles on The Nature of Life, Mind and Evolution, Eugenics, What Science Has Done for Agriculture, Sanitation. But none of the distinguished contrib- utors ever comes to religion. Two or three conscionably re- member the general topic and hastily remark that they see no objection to religion for the religious. I looked for religious traces among the plates of the Star Cloud in Scutum Sobieski, of the Spiral Nebula in Andromeda, of the Comet Morehouse, of the North America Nebula, of the Region North of Theta Ophiuchi. But in all these splendid milk-dashed starry charts I failed to find contributions of science to religion. At last, on page 351, Mr. Mathews—not scientist but rev- erend—makes this contribution—not of religion to science but of science to religion. He writes three chapters on Scientific Method and Religion, Science Justifies the Religious Life, Science Gives Content to Religious Thought. Briefly he says: “What these distinguished scientists have been telling you all along in this book, religion has been telling you all along, too.” How does Mr. Mathews accomplish this feat—rather learnedly, quite ably, very unsentimentally? Simply by shifting the mean- ing of religion from its spirit to its ethnology and the history of its institutions. “Science is method,” says Mr. Mathews, which we shall grant for the moment. And then he adds: “ ... religion (also) can be regarded as a series of experi- ments extending across thousands of years and involving a vast number of accumulated actions and convictions. It is not a philosophy but a mode of .. . action.” Of course one may so regard it, but only if one does not mind confusing social history with religious experience. At least modern psychology— whether psychoanalytic or psychometric or psychiatric—does not agree with Mr. Mathews. And psychology has made the only contribution of science to religion so far—but not here. Lest I be unfair to Mr. Mathews, and also because it is relevant, I must admit that though in this book he contributed as little to science as his distinguished collaborators contrib- uted to religion, in the course of his professional work as dean of the University of Chicago Divinity School he has done a good deal for scientific advance. Things being what they are, the enormously complex, endlessly sophisticated, and, in its earlier stages, obscured history of the Judaeo-Christian tradi- tion is being investigated in theological schools and not in the departments of history of our universities, where it ought to be studied. In his own school there are men like Shirley Jack- son Case and Gerald Birney Smith, whose researches are open- ing up new vistas in the history of human custom and preju- dice. The work of such men, in the true spirit of research, is as important to truth as the work of Jacques Loeb or Banning. In their work Mr. Mathews has always encouraged them. In his own work he has always protected them against the Baptist Voodoo Men who consider the University of Chicago Divinity School as their own private medicine chest. These Voodoo Men are losing out; partly on account of this “method” used by Mr. Mathew But it is not a scientific method. BENJAMIN STOLBERG Swan Song Death in Venice. By Thomas Mann. Translated fro German by Kenneth Burke. Alfred A. Knopf. $2.5: Jonah. By Robert Nathan. Robert M. McBride and Com: $2. HE three romantic stories which compose the new voly by the author of “Buddenbrooks” are controlled fri ginning to end by an intensely self-conscious art, and the ¢ not only of every incident but, one may almost say, of « word is carefully calculated. The very title “Death in Vi: evokes immediately the gravely sensuous mood which pe: the book, and each story, dealing as it does with the ph: or spiritual death of an artist in the midst of the f splendors of his art, is a sort of death in Venice. That “pathe fallacy” which consists in the tuning of every backgroy to the mood of the characters and of making every inci) a fitting symbol of the theme is employed to the uttern extent; every event takes place under circumstances make it the completest possible picture, so that if the of the first story dies in Venice the heroine of the seco collapsing amid the strains of “Tristan and Isolde,” dies one who is essentially a victim of love should die. Por fitness is, indeed, so constantly maintained as to suggest u analysis that too great perfection which belongs to arti: but if it is indeed that, then the artifice which produces i: of an unusually accomplished kind and every page is drenc! with a certain sad yet profoundly sensuous color. Such book, nearer in manner to, let us say, Schnitzler’s “Casanoy: Homecoming” than to most contemporary American or Cor: nental novels, touches certain chords which are not ordinar touched by fiction today, for it springs from a different impu\ The book, say the publishers, represents the most moder phase of Mann’s mood, and that mood, one observes, is {: from being realistic or even objective; for the artist is obviou: turned inward upon himself. Having reached the heights a very considerable fame, he has lost the first self-forget!. enthusiasm of the man bent upon achievement and has be seized by those melancholy doubts which are so frequently » reward of an ambition achieved. He has been led to pon< upon the nature of the artist’s temperament, to consider *) weaknesses and limitations of the class to which he belong; and the result has been to fill him with a melancholy wh these stories, partaking at times of the quality of the pr poem, attempt to express. They may be somewhat artific in form; nevertheless they express a genuine mood which compounded of doubt, weariness, and disgust. The author “Buddenbrooks” has come, so it would seem, to question ° importance of the artist in the general scheme of things. has come to see him not as the spokesman of the race |! merely as a strange and perhaps unimportant sport definit cut off from the lives and the interests of his fellows. Each story deals with the essential abnormality of central character. In the first a hard-working and self-contro. novelist succumbs to the merely sensuous beauty of a boy : upon the sands of the Lido; in the second a consumptive pia: dies futilely while her lusty son by a bourgeois husband ¢ in his perambulator the triumph of thoughtless vitality; « in the last a writer, returned to his native town, takes = of his life and calls it a failure because his artistic preo tions have cut him off from all the normal joys of life ani | which his duller companions have enjoyed to the full. Ali ' can be urged against the artist has been said. It is the esse" paradox of his temperament that he must deal with se things unsensuously, and these things have their reveng: must either, like the hero of the first story, succumb t at last and decline into the refined voluptuary, or he mus' the hero of the last, realize that he has given up the poss! of life and love in order to understand them more com} The Greeks, one may say, were following a sound in’‘

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fro $2.5 Co e pl he f inn v a >, ~=«- Poe gest ur ») art uces it drer Such asanov: or Con ordinar ¥ t impuls t moder w. wi obviou: eights forget: has be ently t O pond sider = belong ly wh he pr artific which uthor stion ngs. rack defi:

farch 25, 1925] The Nation 331

a when they made Venus the mistress of Mars, not of datter could best understand and admire her, but it is Mars she prefers. The poet languishes and sings, but it is ss exquisite natures that Beauty turns when she is to In evoking the mood suggested by) extremely ¥ le estow herself in the flesh. reflections Mann’s thing may be urged against them intellectually. F son he has chosen always to represent the artist in his ents of weakness, almost one may say to choose the artists mé as his subject, and to represent him as endowed more with that feminine aspect of genius called taste than with exultant creativeness compensation. What i + & t stories are successful, bu § 0 rea D ” which is his es is true of the nearly great; is it true of those who are u illy so? Mr. Robert Nathan’s “Jonah” is an ironic fantasy u; life of the Biblical hero. It gets its charm from a mingling satire and sympathy in the treatment of Old Testame: sracters as seen through the eyes of a modern Jew who les at the tribal narrowness of their ideas while warming their humanity. He has perhaps a little overdone unty modernity of the language which he permits his char- ters, but it is, on the whole, an amusing book, illuminated with wit, and, in general, restrained by taste. JOSEPH Woop KRUTCH r tl al, Bon Lord Palmerston The Triumph of Lord Palmerston. By B. Kingsley Martin. The Dial Press. $3.50. {ioe title of Mr. Kingsley Martin’s book gives no inkling of its real significance as a study of the part played by public opinion in bringing about war. How England within the year 1854 was carried over from a hatred and suspicion of France under the third Napoleon which bordered upon mania to a similar and more general passion against Russia which plunged her into the Crimean War, has remained one of the great mysteries of nineteenth-century history. Mr. Kingsley Martin in this masterly study of documents resets the episode so as to shed new light upon the relations between the parties responsible for what most English historians now confess to have been both a blunder and a crime. Though ample contro- versy has raged about the persons of Lord Stratford at Con- stantinople and the British Cabinet, divided even to the brink f war and, with one or two exceptions, earnest peacemakers, until war was said to be “inevitable,” little study has been given to the factor of “public opinion,” which was even at the time recognized as the force driving the Ministry down the precipice. Mr. Kingsley Martin gives a partial explanation of this popular passion in his close study of the leading newspapers. But there was no sufficient causation apparent there. The weightiest newspaper, the Times, and until the late autumn several other influential members of the then not numerous press, set themselves to preach sense and pacific policy. Yet government and press alike are seen cowering before the gath- ering storm of war-feeling, which forced even Aberdeen and Gladstone to dismayed acquiescence. Who would have held it possible that we should dispatch our ships and men to fight for Turks against Russians with no intelligible or measurable Brit- ish interest at stake outside a vague menace to India and the trade routes in the Mediterranean? “It is a curious picture. In a palace on the Bosporus sat Sultan, a fleshy and irascible debauchee, usually intoxicated | always lethargic, surrounded by a group of Mohammedan natics of whose plots to supplant him he was dimly aware and ose ability to rouse the fury of a priest-ridden mob kept him abject terror and peevish submission. In England were iblic halls, crowded with respectable shopkeepers, evangelistic ‘iden ladies, and stolid, artisans, enthusiastically proffering ir lives and money in the service of this obese little tyrant in a fez whose name they could not pronounce and whose habits of life were as unknown to them as those of a prehistoric monster” (p. 187). Mr. Martin makes it evident that the public opinion of England was inflamed by an imaginary picture of a different and entirely false kind, in which a big, bloodthirsty, unscrupulou ral was blud death an innocent, weak, and generous-minded victim \ t] salient facts of the situation were unknown or ignored, including t final full aCCe] by t ( f th Te! lurkey’s re fusal of the concessions which her friends required of her Mr. Mar snows how the naval cnyageme it Sinope in whieh Turkish provocation was followed by condign punishment serve s tl essar atrocity to fire England to precipi tate actior Thus were served up al] the familiar trappings S, Justice, erties of Europe, for rig} id all the ritual of “a h numani in, War W ministers of all the churches vied in their encouragement That cowar atesmen should plea ! I public opinion (“the people would have war’’) atte f sur prise, or that a patriot idari f the pr ild super vene. But there stil] remains a mystery which Mr. Martin's researches fail to solve, viz.: how this false image of th tu ation got into the public mind. It appears to have gone ahead of any stimulation by pr or politician Was e product of a native instinct of pugnacity, finding f self 1 requisite camouflage of necessity and justice? Or was there any publi opinion of such general and compelling force as was repre sented? To answer these questions an inquiry needed into the methods by which the great mass meetings and other demor strations were organized ar is hardly touched Mr. therefore leaves us uncertain how false mind arise and how they may be prevented from arisir J. A. Hons Aksakov Chronicles of a Russ 4L71 Famuy. By Se ry AKSaKO% I rans lated by M. C. Beverley, with an introduction by Prince Mirsky. (The Broadway Translations.) E. P. Dutton and Company. $5. Aksakoff: A Russian Gentleman; Years of Child 1 Rus- sian Schoolboy. Three volumes, translated from the Russian by J. D. Duff. (The World’s Cla Oxford University SU cents eacn. Press. art must see Aksakov against the background of house at Abramtzevo—a genia! Intry gentiemar the unkemp* f i r master fatherly toward house, a father comradely with his fou r nd tl : ters, a host radiating an indiscrimj burnished fender, glowing about such decadence of European civiliza English and Russian hunting dogs. He carris atmosphere into the city wi which was as roomy and comfortat topics as the nature of Faster: rt a hostelry where grave suasion, came to air their views, where you birdlike profile as he young and old, irrespective f provided the roacd | we r@<¢ 4 c ‘ 4 swarming serfs with a ng and dining interminably It is difficult to think of t And yet his several pa r the theater, never ecli: Aksakov is ti arly ] *o] +} ] early develop the literary ing. his case was that, like DeM birthday before he f eribble at t} , e ¢ ¢

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$32 The Nation

[ Vol. 120, No. 311¢

his “Family Chronicle,” half a century later, his authorship was a very feeble affair. He handled the rod and the gun with greater frequency and felicity than he handled the pen. In- deed, he had written a book on fishing and another on hunting with a rifle; these appeared in 1852, the year that witnessed the publication between covers of Turgenev’s “Sportsman’s Sketches.” These two volumes of Aksakov’s, while excellent after their kind, belong, with Izaak Walton’s masterpiece, to the mere borderland of literature. ‘A Family Chronicle” at once ranked its author with the great figures among his com- patriots—who were soon, however, to surpass him. The book consists of two parts, A Family Chronicle proper In Mr. Duff’s English volumes under the and an appendix called Recollections. the work forms two separate respective titles “A Russian Gentleman” and “A _ Russian Schoolboy.” The Russian gentleman is Aksakov’s paternal grandfather, the Russian schoolboy is himself. In a subsequent book of reminiscences he rounded out the story with an account of as much as he remembered of the first nine years of his life. It appears as “The Years of Childhood” in the World’s Classics version. Part of this fragment of his placid and personal epic, which was to be his last word, the half-blind old man dictated, like another Milton, to a more filial amanuensis than the majes- tical Puritan poet was vouchsafed. The volume in the Broad- way Translations is made up of the entire “Family Chronicle,” three chapters from “The Years of Childhood,” and an extract from the “Recollections.” The first book of Aksakov’s memoirs succeeds in realizing the rough-hewn figure of an eighteenth-century country gentle- man of the steppes in his chosen setting. Before long your sympathies are engaged by this fierce paterfamilias, with his berserker rages, his domestic tyranny, his severe rectitude, his pride of race befitting a man who could trace his ancestry back through thirty generations to the nephew of a Norse king. Here Aksakov also tells the story of his mother’s courtship and marriage to his father and the first few years of their life to- gether. The book concludes with the great moment when Stepan Mikhailovich, his grandfather, gets the news that the young couple have presented him with the ardently desired male scion who was to become the chronicler of his house. “Stepan Mikhailovich’s first act was to cross himself. Then he jumped nimbly out of bed, hurried in his bare feet over to the old press, pulled out the familiar family tree, and seized a pen. From the circle which contained the name of Alexey he drew a perpendicular line at the end of which he made another circle and wrote within it: Sergey.” The major part of this old gentleman’s days were spent in the newly opened lands east of the Volga, and the pioneer char- acter of the life that went on there, no less than the virgin landscape, gives a refreshing tang to the pages. Nothing in the two remaining volumes has quite the rich but homely aroma that lends “A Family Chronicle” its quality. In these other books one also finds that recapture this peculiar charm, but for the most part the narrative moves indoors, into the nursery and the schoolroom, and the limited horizon of one who has not yet put away childish things shuts down upon the reader. The less personal record mixes Wahrheit and Dich- tung. The reminiscences of childhood and boyhood are, on the other hand, chiefly valuable as faithful notations of minutely remembered experiences covering a period in the life of the individual of which few accurate accounts exist. This auto- biography is a human document in the truest sense of the word. I especially recommend to the attention of students of psy- chology and psychiatry the portion of “A Russian Schoolboy” which details so carefully the history of the young Aksakov’s neurosis. The trilogy, aside from its documentary significance, will be read for its pictures of places and people—drawn with the firmness and naivete of a woodcut—and even more for its translation passages palpable authenticity and wholesomeness. Yet Aksakov, ac- cepting things as they are, naturally misses the depth and in- tensity of his juniors and betters, Dostoevski and Tolstoi. He

~ <r, lacks that spiritual impetus, whether ethical or aesthetic, wh is the essential fire for want of which even first-rate writin; becomes second-rate literature. One is grateful to Mr. Duff for his competent rendering the Russian text. Mr. Beverley’s translation is unsatisfact because of its pompous turgidity. One cannot escape the ing that this version was Englished from a German translat rather than from the original, and the suspicion grows something like certainty when, on page 225, one discovers serf Yevseich singing “Eia popeia.” AVRAHM YARMOLINSK The Social Process Undiscovered Social Discovery. By Eduard C. Lindeman. lishing Company. $1. FTER plowing through this rather dull book very carefu one is moved to say that the social discovery one ha; hoped for is still unattained. The work is largely a synops:: of material which has been the common property of the s sciences for at least a decade, some of it much longer. |: must be said that such a review of traditional methods—} torical, analogical, and logical—may prove of value to the la; reader. There are, nevertheless, some obvious gaps in the dis. cussion of statistics. While we agree that measures of a\ ages, of deviations, and even of correlations are frequent); misleading, it remains true that the recent work in corr tions has proved of great service in sociology and economics, This contribution should in fairness have been mentioned. Neither does the author present anything novel when turns to psychology for assistance in uncovering the socia! process. Certain social scientists have long been doing this and since Tarde and Bagehot the practice has been increasing); common. Moreover, the writer’s strictures against the cor cepts of Ellwood, McDougall, Cooley, Wallas, and Dewey hardly in point in view of the fact that his own list is a curi- ous confusion of categories from individual psychology, s: psychology, and sociology. He mixes the concepts of stimu and response, habit and behavior, with those in social | chology of public opinion and with those in sociology of cus' and mores. If this variety of terms is to be used, certain p: suppositions must be laid down. It is better to follow American anthropologists like Boas, Kroeber, Lowie, Wissler and Goldenweiser and discuss the group as a unit in terms culture traits and complexes than to confuse a variety concepts together as Mr. Lindeman does. There is a very good discussion of the use to be made sociological descriptions derived from persons who participat in the group as members. The “participant” observer enable: us to know and to feel much as do the adherents to the grou; Some interesting concrete details concerning the cooperativ: marketing organizations of the South are also given. Their inception in economic crisis is well indicated, as well as inevitable alterations in techniques and standpoints as nev situations arise. For instance, a new type of leader was al- ways required after the movement got under way. Adjust- ments to other economic groups, such as bankers, merchants, middlemen, and manufacturers, became increasingly impera- tive. These made for change in habits and attitudes. T need for “humanizing” the marketing expert employed by cooperatives becomes here sufficiently evident. Since Mr. Lindeman has taken his cue from psycholog he is convinced that the core of all socio-economic reforms must be in human personality. He believes that self-conscious orga izations such as he investigated point the way for future stu‘ and consequent change. Throughout, moreover, the individu must remain the key to all alterations of the social or Groups of whatever sort are merely the means to individ ends. We are to look forward to @ community life wher divergent interest-groups will permit individuals to find op; Republic |

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The Nation March 25, 1925] ——— +onity for developing their personalities in well-rounded fashior Such has been the utopian dream of most reformers. But + an metas anges in human habits and attitudes, perhaps in human Whether one may reason from the highly selected redity. experience cited by Mr. Lindeman to the whole gamut of inter- +-groups is very much in quest We « not ignore t f g ) 1t around us are other social groupings more deep-rooted than , secondary ones here described: cliques, secret s t ! gious groups, and political and economic feudalisms w uch more ancient in their social and personal setting these recent consciously constructed organizations. The of control of these primary groups runs very deep in u ‘oars, desires for power and security, and community int 1 all sorts of personal attachments of a pr Whether we can bring these fundamental groupings to he really great probi Social science is young and we hope in time that ist us in altering the primitive social forms to more ry personal ends. Certainly the author disappoints ring these more fundamental social force yw how his consciously formulated groups relate t er ones, nor d he expose any method of altering the So far as standpoint or method is concerned it c¢ 1 that this brochure adds much to social theory. 1 f Giddings, Small, Cooley, and W. I. Thomas definitely u y+ es it. If, however, it aids the lay reader to take an Unfortunat treatment of men and the social sciences it is worth while. Mbored style and a ce? n overbearing aterials is likely to deter the intelligent lay reader f: getting all the satisfaction that he might. KIMBALL YOUNG The Book of Exodus Moses. A play by Lawrence Langner. Boni and Liveright. $2 5 LANGNER’S Moses is not the law-giver of the Children of Israel; he is the embodiment of law. He has a passion r making laws, as Shaphan the sculptor has a passion for \deling statues. played, laws have value only when they are applied. Hav- ng found a people on whom to apply laws, Moses leaves the alace of Pharaoh to put himself at the head of the Jews and ead them to the Promised Land. He has no more love for them than he has for the Egyptians. He wants to mold the Jews ording to his will, regardless of the nature of the material hand; and when they are refractory, unable to bear the uises from his iron hands, he is disgusted with them without inderstanding them. His sister Miriam is the symbol of love. She follows Moses rough the desert because she knows that he needs her for his nfort. She has neither faith nor belief in the result of hi 4 w-making passion. She loves her people, and loves them Like a play which materializes only when re and more as Moses ceases to do so. Every one of his failures proves to her that one could do much more h ] an with law. Moses cannot and will not understand, for Miriam is the spiritual mother of Christ. Aaron, Moses’s brother, is a sample of pompous clerical- n. As head of the priesthood he is much more concerned ith the color of the cloth he is going to wear, and the « , than with the dogma which was set down by Moses. |] good deal of a fool and an actor in Mr. Langner’s play. When Moses forbids the making of to work; and indeed 1 ™ Vd Shaphan is the creator. nages he braves all danger and continue is content to return to slavery in Egypt for the privilege of Jethro, Moses’s father-in-law, is the old, lried-up fanatic who would sh name of a principle. His symbols thus established, Mr. Langner sets to work reconstruct and interpret the story of the Exodus—in itself ntinuing his work. ed blood a hundred times in the ne of the greates 2d by the very magnitud + r+ 7 ¢ 4 L re MY 7) "T r , é I rht 4+ i ¢ ™ ral r 4 4 i ra) ] , anner, ve (; y ¥ = } I ( ¢ t ~ é ume as ay that t Wholly ina Le tte Ts from Charles nutshell: “T} » His Children’ w ’ 1 ++ are . ¢ ers, Wnic! ’ now “Darling became President “Your Lovin; but after he With Benefit in Briet

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334 The Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 31}: —- = —— America and the solaces of another, more adventurous man. The book is written in a strangely minor key, in a mood mid- way between sadness and detachment and with an infinitely poised and simple restraint. Semi-Attached. By Anne Parrish. George H. Doran Com- pany. $2. Evading the minister is an easy way of dodging matri- mony, but the problems which beset two people living together might just as well be matrimonial as what they are. This theme—not particularly new, but always inviting attack from some new angle—forms the basis of a novel of flesh-and-blood human beings whose outlook on life has been acutely observed and dramatically projected. When a practically minded, thoughtless male of conventional training launches into an ex- perimental union with a poetic, impractical girl, the stage is nicely set for complications. Arbitrary solutions are not in order, and Miss Parrish has wisely refrained from any. Romance and Jane Weston. By Richard Pryce. Houghton Mifflin Company. $2. Girls who adhere to the rule of never speaking to a man to whom they have not been quite properly introduced are apt to be rather fortunate in their ultimate infraction. The accu- mulated force of many a repressed salutation is released all at once; the results are invariably romantic. Jane Weston is the newest of the long line of heroines to put an irreproachable heel through the conventions, and Mr. Pryce—tracing her sub- sequent career—treats her with gallant humor and just enough sharpness to prove that he is not entirely taken in. Life in the Welsh hills and in London furnishes the background of an entertaining study of feminine character. Joshua Barney: A Forgotten Hero of Blue Water. By Ralph D. Paine. The Century Company. $4. Here is a beautifully executed volume recounting the heroic exploits of a conventional sea-dog of the revolutionary period who, fortuitously made a captain at the age of fifteen, experi- enced God’s plenty of hairbreadth adventures during the rest of his life. Having been informed that Barney is “like a hero of fiction,” the reader is not excessively surprised to learn that he once kissed the “damask cheek of Marie Antoinette,” nor, in fact, that he “always pleased the ladies.” Angered, as only heroes of his type would be, by “the failure of Congress to give him a formal vote of thanks” for his services during the War of 1812, he becomes a pioneer settler and peacefully expires at Pittsburgh. Fortunately his life’s story is unfolded with a minimum of comment; the naively vigorous style ought to cap- ture the hearts of the many patriotic youths—of from ten to eighty years—who probably will read it. The Lowery Road. By L. A. G. Strong. Boni and Liveright. $1.75. Poems chiefly of Dartmoor—a change of scene from Mr. Stroneg’s earlier “Dublin Days.” This volume is not as delight- ful as that one, partly because it is longer, with more ambitious pieces mixed in. But at its best it is warm and sparkling, and if it is not a perfect transcript of Dartmoor it is something better, an expression of Mr. Strong's generous, beguiling nature. Schwalbenbuch). By Ernst Toller. The Swallow Book (Das Ashley Dukes. Oxford University English version by Press. 8&5 cents. While Toller was in prison for his part in the Bavarian revolution a pair of swallows nested in his cell. These are the passionate and very beautiful fragments of free verse with which he paid them tribute. ind Ballads, chiefly from Heine. By Alexander Gray. Chicago: Hyman McGee Company. $2. Heine in Scots verse, and not without effect at that. Songs Drama Tenderness and Truth 7 HERE are many differences between the artistic traditio: of France and America, but none is at the moment significant than the difference in the attitude of the : toward the life of the provincial and the peasant. That | tration which the authors of the Main Street school broug the American literature of village life was a penetration of hate alone; we have forgotten that love, the proverb withstanding, is not necessarily blind. In France, on the trary, there is no department of literature more assidu cultivated or more eagerly read than that which describe manners and the customs of those half-forgotten corners |}; spiritually a thousand miles from the metropolis, and w describes them truly not because their authors scorn so fie: but because they love so tenderly. We are perhaps too clos: our own age of innocence, too unsure of our new-found so} tication, to look with anything but the hatred of fear at limitations which we have so lately transcended; but in older and richer civilization men dare to admire simple thing:| because they have no doubt that they themselves are comp); | and they do not need to emphasize very strongly the defects provincial manners because they can assume that these taken for granted. In the present state of our national culture no Americar dramatist would dare, for instance, to do what M. Charle Vildrac has done in his study of a village idealist, “Mi Auclair” (Provincetown Theater). No American dramatis: would dare to insist so little upon his own superiority and dwell so lovingly upon the virtues of simple folk. He cou on occasion, write a telling satire barbed with his scorn, he could, if he happened to be naive enough, produce a romazr. tically unconvincing idyl; but he has not reached that maturity | which would enable him to possess at once both the clear. sighted vision of experience and the understanding of love. I: is the peculiar distinction of such a writer as Vildrac to know his people well enough to have no illusions concerning them a: yet, for all that, to feel about them as tenderly as though suspected none of the things which his subtle irony implies. I do not remember ever to have seen a more exquisitely wrought dramatic incident than that which constitutes the first act of “Michel Auclair” or so delicate an intermingling of perfect insight with perfect sympathy. It is obvious that eact of the characters is in his own way touched with provin absurdity, and obvious that none of them is more absurd than the enthusiastic young hero, who, dreaming of a marvelous bookshop in Saint Serge, is even now on the point of a parture for Paris, where he hopes to learn those secrets of th trade which will enable him to sell the masterpieces of literatur to the self-satisfied inhabitants of his sleepy village. It equally evident that he speaks of his journey to Paris as thou leading him to the ends of the earth, it would put between hin and his fiancee all the unpassable deserts of Asia and Af) He is, like the girl and her mother, as naiv: person as one could well expect to find. But it is not in th limitations that the author is chiefly interested. With an irony so delicate that a considerable portion of his American audi- ence obviously misses it he insinuates his knowledge of defects of his characters; but essentially he sees them in only way in which we can see anyone whom we expect « tionally to comprehend—namely, exactly as they see themselves. Thanks to the exquisite portraiture thus obtained, the charac- ters come to seem (as they actually are) more rather than !vs: pathetic because of their obvious limitations. Gradually little idyl unfolds itself, the simple characters so relentle and yet so gently laid bare take hold of our imagination, and when finally the moment of parting arrives we are living an‘ suffering with them. The young man grasps the basket w! combined.

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radi mM } leric Mii March 25, 1925] The Nation 335 —— - —— mas - gontains his lunch; the mother turns her head; he kisses his Edgar Stehli as the hero deserves especial praise for a gweetheart goodby; and then, as he turns to go, the curtain very skilful interpretation of his role. Helen Freeman and falls No incident could be simpler or, in some respects, more Walter Abel are both satisfactory, but neither is called upon eommonplace; but as it is described by Vildrac’s magically to do anything so difficult as his subtle suggestion of things .racious and magically tender imagination, nothing could be which the text implies but does not actually say. more effective. Artistically this first act is the high point of the evening. As | the play progresses the complications grow, and it ends in le burst of optimism which is again suddenly transformed jnto an exalted pathos by the author’s gently insinuated knowledge of the fragility of the hopes which he puts into the mouths of his personages. Except for this last moment, when the happiness of the characters becomes so infinitely touching because they are, unlike the spectators, completely unaware of jts insecurity, there are no other passages which attain to a perfect blend of truth and sentiment. It and the first act ure both superb. the charming French pan- Theater), Had I the space, the revival of tomime, “Pierrot the Prodigal” (Forty-eighth Street would apne nageryrod comment. Suffice it, however, to say that the directing of Ot r Bartik and the acting of Laurette Taylor and the rest of t cast succeeded adm bly in the diffi- cult task of making of a pantomime with music a genuine medium of artistic expression. “Sky High” (Shubert Theater) is one of those musical comedies w i toward the bur- lesque show rather than the operetta. It is genuinely lively and amusing. “Puppets” (Selwyn Theater) is a romantie melodrama which does not quite get JOSEPH Woop KRUTCH —- THEATRE ow i THEATRE | wr PROCESSIONAL 49% ST. THEATRE, West of Broadway, Evenings 8:80. Matinees, Thursday and Saturday, 2:30. ARIADNE and THE FLATTERING WORD 65 W. 35th St. Evenings, 8:30. GARRICK Matinees, Thursday and Saturday, 2:80. THEY, KNEW, WHAT THEY, WANTED West 45th St. Evenings, 8:30. KLAW Matinees, Wednesday and Saturday, 2:30. THE GUARDSMAN ALFRED LUNT LYNN FONTANNE DUDLEY DIGGES Wes St. yenings 730. BOOTH est 45th St. Evenings, 8:30 Matinees, Wednesday and Saturday, 2:30. UreCA MAHrPMTH oft ESIRE O'Neill's Greatest D Play UNDER THE ELMS with WALTER HUSTON EARL CARROL THEA., 7th Ave. & 509th St. Mats. Tues., Wed., Thurs.. & Sat. West of aes nome ay. Evenings, 8:30. Matinees, Wed. and Sat. GEORGE ARLISS in John Galsworthy’s “Old English” R ITZ 48th Street, ACTORS’ THEATRE PLAYS | tri | should be tl } dliay qr from -_ 4 fp ’ rd ) ’ | j = | } @y en’ “The hi 1 Dy ave ‘ 7 hi : Mf yy So 365. a Zz 4 oe , | § Shaw's “Candida dor Theats a , F | Mats. Wed. & Sat at 8.35. ¢ Laurette Tayl r “Pierrot the Pr 4 | | George Copeland, Pra» ry Evening (Except Mor Matines ® LAST 5 TIMES ~ Uf THE James Joyce's “EXILES NEGHBORHOOD) Superb Play PLAYHOUSE LATER’? 46 GRann BEG ‘“SOONER and Dance Satire by Irene Lewisohn “THE LEGEND OF THE DANCE” Mediaeval Interlude IN NIN‘ ° ~- rnea ARTHUR HOPKINS presents “WHAT PRICE ac A new Play by Maxwell Anderson Laurence St PLYMOUTH THEATRE ¢):"\*\* and 4 tt ! | Holbrook Judith . i | BLINN ANDERSON a. | ™ Eves. at 8:20 | “THE DOVE” Mats. Wed. by Willard Mack & Sat., 2:20 | Belasco LENORE ULRIC _ ,,2ela*,. | in “THE HAREM,” supported a _— by William Courtenay & Sat. 2:30 HOUCHEUULELUAHUND ANON SKeNeongocerauoneoatenosecantcnnnonieteeneiosnaseeeteeeonenade " nR-OQOMN> Emme! ND VSO Way Peto | | i “LADIES , — | OF THE “ | Te aca | E V E N I NG “ * Thors. Sat., 2 : When writing to advertise r8, | OTHER ANNOUNCEMENTS LOUIS UNTERMEYER RAND SCHOOL 7 East 15th Street DR. MORRIS KAHN CHALIAPIN CONCERT please mention The hat

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International Relations Section — Ireland for the Irish 2 HE Government of the Irish Free State has proposed drastic action against all opposition. The following bill has passed two readings in the Dail and if it passes yet another will become law. Criticism has been sharp and there is still a possibility that the more drastic clauses will be amended. A¢, writing in the Jrish Statesman (Dub- lin), questions the wisdom of this bill which “seems to endanger the free expression of political or economic opin- ion and to impose penalties even when there is no incite- ment to violence.” It will be noted that the bill would make it illegal for an Irish Republican to plead his cause even in the United States, and would require a mother to inform upon her son. The text of this treason bill is as follows: Be it enacted by the Oireachtas of Saorstat Eireann as follows: 1. (1) Every person who commits in Saorstat Eireann any of the following acts, that is to say: (a) levies war against Saorstat Eireann, or (b) assists, encourages, harbors, or comforts any state or person engaged in levying war against Saorstat Eireann, or (c) conspires with any person (other than his or her wife or husband) or incites any person to levy war against Saorstat Eireann, or (d) attempts or takes part or is concerned in an attempt to overthrow by force of arms or other violent means the Gov- ernment of Saorstat Eireann as established by or under the constitution, or (c) assists, encourages, harbors, or comforts any person engaged or taking part or concerned in any such attempt, or (f) conspires with any person (other than his or her wife or husband) or incites any person to make or to take part or be concerned in any such attempt, shall be guilty of treason and shall be liable on conviction thereof to suffer death. (2) Every person who, being a citizen of or ordinarily resident in Saorstat Eireann, commits outside Saorstat Eireann any of the acts mentioned in the foregoing subsection (other than levying war against Saorstat Eireann), shall be guilty of treason and shall be liable on conviction thereof to suffer death. (3) Every person charged under this section with treason shall and may be indicted, arraigned, and tried in the same manner and according to the same course and order of trial in every respect and upon the like evidence as if such person stood charged with murder, and if such person is found guilty of treason he shall be convicted and sentenced in the same manner as if he had been found guilty of murder. 2. Every person who, knowing that any act the commission of which would by virtue of this act be treason is intended or proposed to be, or is being, or has been committed, does not forthwith disclose the same together with all particulars thereof known to him to a justice of the District Court, or an officer of the Dublin Metropolitan Police or the Garda Siochana, or other person lawfully engaged on duties relating to the preservation of peace and order shall be guilty of the felony of misprision of treason and shall be liable on conviction thereof to suffer penal servitude for any term not exceeding ten years or imprisonment with or without hard labor for any term not exceeding two years. 3. Every person who commits any of the following acts, that is to say: (a) attempts or takes part or is concerned in an attempt by force of arms or other violent means to overawe or intimi- date in any way either the Governor General or the Executive Council or any member thereof or any other minister duly appointed under and in accordance with the constitution, or : Oireachtas or either house thereof, or any lawful court or judge of any such court with a view to influencing their or actions, or (b) assists, encourages, harbors, or protects any pers, engaged or taking part or concerned in any such attempt aforesaid, or (c) conspires with any person (other than his or her y or husband) or incites any person to make or to take part be concerned in any such attempt, or (d) sets up or holds or purports to set up or hold any c of justice or court martial (not being a court or court mart duly established and maintained according to law) or ass or takes part in or is present at the proceedings of any su pretended court or court martial, or (e) incites any member of a military or police force fully maintained by the Government of Saorstat Eireann mutiny, or to desert from such force, or to refuse to obey ori given to him by a superior officer, or to absent himself fro: to refuse, neglect, or omit to perform any of his duties, or : commit any other act in dereliction of his duty, or (f) incites any person in the civil service (other tha police force) of the Government of Saorstat Eireann to ref neglect, or omit to perform his duty or to commit any ot act in dereliction of his duty, shall be guilty of felony ar conviction thereof shall be liable to a fine not exceeding hundred pounds or, at the discretion of the court, to suffer per servitude for any term not exceeding twenty years of impr ment with or without hard labor for any term not exceeidi! two years or to both such fine and such penal servitud: imprisonment. 4. (1) Every person who commits any of the follow acts, that is to say: (a) falsely represents himself or holds himself out as | or styles himself as the president or the vice-president or lawfully appointed minister or other officer of state of Saorste: Eireann, or (b) acts or purports to act as, or styles himself or allow: himself to be styled or addressed as, or represents himself t be, or holds himself out as being the president or vice-presiden: or a minister or other officer of a pretended government porting to be established in Saorstat Eireann otherwise tha: under and by virtue of the constitution . . . shall be guilty a misdemeanor and on conviction thereof shall be liable fine not exceeding five hundred pounds or, at the discretion the court, to suffer penal servitude for any term not exceeding five years or imprisonment with or without hard labor for term not exceeding two years, or to both such fine and su penal servitude or imprisonment. FREEDOM OF SPEECH 5. (1) Any person who commits any of the following shall be guilty of the misdemeanor of seditious libel, that say: (a) declares or publishes by speech or writing that constitution is not the lawful constitution of Saorstat Eirean: or (b) declares or publishes by speech or writing that executive council, or the president, or the vice-president, « minister duly appointed under and in accordance with the stitution is not the lawful executive council, president, president, or minister, as the case may be, of Saorstat Eirean! or (c) declares or publishes by speech or writing that Oireachtas is not the lawful legislature of Saorstat Eirean! or that the Oireachtas has not power to make valid laws Saorstat Eireann, or (d) declares or publishes by speech or writing that lawfully established court duly functioning under and in acc —— *

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March 25, 1925] The Nation 337 —_ “« Mm, or ¢ Qnce with the constitution is not a valid and lawful irt, or F —”E| t or 2 (e) utters or publishes any speech or writing with a ) sedis fious intention as defined by this section. | | (2) Any person who agrees with any person (not being 5 | | sig gr her wife or husband ) to do any act fi r the furtherance of a ] , ee — | : geditious intention common to both such persons shall be guilty 1] STRAIG H I [ HIN KING — of the misdemeanor of seditious conspiracy. {| ~e (3) In this section the expression “seditious intent.on” | part means an intention to do any of the following things, that t 1 ¢ (a) to bring into hatred or contempt or to excite disaffec- — mart tion against the constitution, or the Oireachtas or either | « ie thereof, or any lawful court, or {| | ny su (b) to incite any person to attempt to bring about or eff 1] (otherwise than in accordance with law) the alteration of the | f = 2 ~~ constitution or of the law established by or under the nstitu | to 1 €¢, to a t | — tion, or the repeal or alteration of any statute, or {| Atti (c) to raise, promote, or foment discontent or disatfection | | fro. amongst the citizens of Saorstat Eireann or feelings of ill-will | i | me oe or hostility between different classes of such citizens, or 1] : | ; (d) to incite any person to commit any crime in breach of Als: he . | (4) Any person who commits the misdemeanor of sedit | y OMe)“ tibel or the misdemeanor of seditious conspiracy shall be liable Phe kee t and ¢: wr " : , ° 28 8 on conviction thereof to a fine not exceeding five hundred pounds ne ! or, at the discretion of the court, to imprisonment with or with- J ' out hard labor for any term not exceeding two years or to both sé such fine and such imprisonment. “r ng 6. Every person who as elector, candidate, or member takes t | ” part in any election to or any proceedings of any assembly or Edit , 1 body (other than the Oireachtas or either house thereof) which Straight thinking t wt claims, purports, proposes, or attempts to take upon itself, or a Short > does take upon itself, or wilfully permits to be attributed to it Seribner’s Ma ne € 20 4 all or any of the powers and functions of the Oireachtas or of into the form and { ! — either house thereof, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall the st oa be liable on conviction thereof to a fine not exceeding five hun- 1S t ae dred pounds or, at the discretion of the court, to imprisonment of fiction as well to ft , a . mo with or without hard labor for any term not exceeding two years writer of it rsh i} ae or to both such fine and such imprisonment. — ern M t pur] RIGHT OF ASSEMBLY ! t » tha 7. (1) It shall not be lawful for any meeting or assembly It} f more than twenty persons to be held or take place during or sae t within one hour before or after any sitting of either house of e * * lon o! the Oireachtas in any public place within one-quarter of a mile eding f the place at which such sitting of such house is held. Corctine Ticks r al (2) Every person who convenes, holds, takes part in, or ; | ' present at any meeting or assembly held or taking place in con- William Oct ravention of this section, and also every person who prints, i a posts, publishes, or distributes any handbills, advertisements, or st | —_ ther notices convening or announcing the holding of any such y eeting or assembly, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be liable on conviction thereof to a fine not exceeding one hun- " 2 5 lred pounds or, at the discretion of the court, to imprisonment : with or without hard labor for any term not exceeding twelve Georce | nths or to both such fine and such imprisonment. the 8. (1) Save as authorized by an Executive Minister under omers. presents his section, and subject to the exceptions hereinafter mentioned, Ancestt i 1] le ' Be es a, ee t shall not be lawful for any assembly of persons to practice , r to train or drill themselves in or be trained or drilled in the e of arms or the performance of military exercises, evolutions, one ; r maneuvers, nor for any persons to meet together or assemble r the purpose of so practicing or training or drilling or bs Pe By I ng trained or drilled... . Liberal educat n Engl (3) If any person is present at or takes part in or gives ives | Imp ' tt for truction to or trains or drills an assembly of persons who new Amer h | without or otherwise than in accordance with an authorization on his recent t to t granted by an Executive Minister under this section practice, or countr train or drill themselves in, or are trained or drilled in the use f arms or the performance of any military exercise, evolution, maneuver, or who without or otherwise than in accordance ne SS When writing to advertisers, please mention The Natior

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338 The Nation nes ———, with such authorization have assembled or met together for the purpose of so practicing or training or drilling, or being trained or drilled, such person shall be guilty of felony and on convic- tion thereof shall be liable to a fine not exceeding five hundred pounds or, at the discretion of the court, to suffer penal servi- tude for any term not exceeding seven years or imprisonment with or without hard labor for any term not exceeding two years or both such fine and such penal servitude or imprison- ment. (5) In any prosecution under this section the burden of proof that any act was authorized under this section shall lie on the person prosecuted. 9. (1) Every person who shall (a) form, organize, promote, or maintain any secret society amongst or consisting of or including members of any military or police force lawfully maintained by the Government of Saor- stat Eireann, or (b) attempt to form, organize, promote, or maintain any such secret society, or (c) take part, assist, or be concerned in any way in the formation, organization, promotion, management, or mainte- nance of any such society, or (d) induce, solicit, or assist any member of a military or police force lawfully maintained by the Government of Saorstat Eireann to join any secret society whatsoever, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be liable on conviction thereof to suffer penal servitude for any term not exceeding five years or imprisonment with or without hard labor for any term not ex- ceeding two years. 2) In this section the expression an association, society, or other body the members of which are required by the regulations thereof to take or enter into, or do in fact take or enter into, an oath or other engagement not to disclose the proceedings or some part of the proceedings ” ‘ “secret society . means of the association, society, or body. 10. (1) Every person who shall administer or cause to be administered or take part in, be present at, or consent to the administering or taking in any form or manner of any oath, declaration, or engagement purporting or intended to bind the person taking the same to do all or any of the following things, that is to say: (a) to commit or to plan, contrive, promote, assist, or con- ceal the commission of any crime or any breach of the peace or any other unlawful act, or (b) to join or become a member of or associated with any organization, association, or other body having for its object or one of its objects the commission of any crime, or breach of the peace, or other unlawful act, or (c) to abstain from disclosing or giving information of the existence or formation, or proposed or intended formation, of any such organization, association, or other body as aforesaid, or from informing or giving evidence against any member of or person concerned in the formation of any such organization, association, or other body, or (d) to obey the orders of any committee, council, or body of men not lawfully constituted or of any leader or commander or other person not having authority by law for that purpose, or (e) to abstain from disclosing or giving information of the commission or intended or proposed commission of any crime, breach of the peace, or other unlawful act, or from informing or giving evidence against the person who committed such an act, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be liable on conviction thereof to suffer imprisonment with or without hard labor for any term not exceeding two years. (2) Every person who shall take any such oath as is men- tioned in the foregoing subsection shall be guilty of a misde- meanor and be liable on conviction thereof to suffer imprison- ment with or without hard labor for any term not exceeding two vears unless he shall show— (a) that he was compelled by force or duress to take such oath, and When writing to advertisers, please mention The Nation a, | @InrERNATIONAL | = leader reveals himself to be an Revolutionary incisive literary critic in original, fearless, Literature and Revolution by Leon Trotsky He interprets the new literature of Russia and apprais: its writers. “Like everything Trotsky has written, th book is brilliant, forceful, and subject to controversy.” Elias Tobenkin in the N. Y. Times. $2.5 The Stories of New Russia Flying Osip vigorous, non-traditional literature .. . in- i sidelight on the state of mind of the revolu- Times. $2.50 “A burly, valuable as : tionary Itussian.”—wN. Y. Foundations of Christianity by Karl Kautsky The origins of Christianity, analyzed and interpreted fron the materialist point of view. Octavo, 480 pages. $4.0 bookstores. If ordered by mail from add 8% for postage. Write information on new books. For sale at the Publishers, for bulletins of ‘INTERNATIONAL International Publishers, 381 Fourth Ave., N. Y. | A New Novel by Romain Rolland of “Jean Christophe” Author ANNETTE and SYLVIE Translated by Ben Ray Redman itself: lif: | as race, oO! | | ' | modern life classification is too the flood of for such surface class or sex. “Annette and Sylvie” pleasant: its wisdom is stern, human.’—New York World. TWO NEIV BOOKS ON CRITICISM “Rolland releases too universal vital to be its humanity shockingly $2.50 In the Popular Series, Writers of the Day. BERNARD SHAW By Edward Shanks The most astute critical estiimate of Shaw that has yet been made. H. G. WELLS By Ivor Brown | of this versatile writer. Each $1.00 A decided illuminating criticism {t All Booksellers HENRY HOLT and COMPANY 19 WEST 447TH STREET NEW YORK [Vol. 120, No. 31)

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The Nation 331 AB | cry AND CIVILIZATION By PAUL BOUSFIELD Author of “The Omnipotent Self,” etc. man capable of taking an equal place wit! ynNoMmMiIcC field? Dr. Bousfield believes she stigation will show that the present differer 1 her and man in tastes, ideals, efticie: y artificial and can be overcome by the proper of the results of psychological research a ition of future generations. Price, $5 r he Elements of Practical Psychoanalysis By the same author, $5.00. ' PP. DUTICR CC. 681 Fifth Avenue, New York = = in- Olu _— as i veg Che Ftith Aucmw Restaurant ty Tee Ter 1 _ EXCLUSIVELY A LUNCHEON AND - EVENING BANQUET RESORT ON THE ;ROUND FLOOR OF THE FIFTH | \VENUE BUILDING, 200 FIFTH AVENUE. i| TEL. GRAMERCY 4900 TO 4907 INCL. | THEODORE KEMM, Proprietor H TOECUCCCEOEGAOee ae New Books: with The Nation for a year Arrowsmith, by Sinclair Lewis $5.50 The Rector of Wyck, by May Sinclair 5.75 Trimblerigg, by Laurence | Housman 5.75 Orphan Island, by Rose - | Macaulay 5.25 1 | ° ' Annette and Sylvie, by FRo- y | main Rolland 5.75 v ' | T . Processional, by John How- ard Lawson 5.50 THe Nation 20 Vesey Street, RD New York a a ee te tie et Oe OS. ee hee Puitinam’s New Books From WITH PENCIL, BRUSH AND CHISEL a. By Emil Fuchs «a y/ THE ROAR OF THE CROWD By James J. Corbett LIVES AND TIMES B y Mea Je as viinnigerode IRVING BERLIN ‘er Woollcott THE STORY OF By Alexan Hot BIRD ISLANDS OF PERU By R. C. Murphy ADVENTURES A SCHOOL FOR IN CRITICISM AMBASSADORS By By Sir Arthur Quiller-Couch Suslne \, ae ; THE EDUCATION OF BEHAVIOR By I. B. Saxb NS New York YW) © London G P PUTNANM'S

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340 The Nation [ Vol. 120, No. 31) (b) that within four days after the taking of such oath if not prevented by actual force or sickness, or where so prevented then within four days after the cesser of the hindrance caused by such force or sickness, he declared to a justice of the Dis- trict Court or to an officer of the Dublin Metropolitan Police or the Garda Siochana the fact of his having taken such oath and all the circumstances connected therewith and the names and descriptions of all persons concerned in the administering of such oath so far as such circumstances, names, and descriptions were known to him. 11. (1) Where a justice of the District Court is satisfied on the information on oath of an officer of the Dublin Metropolitan Police or the Garda Siochana not below the rank of chief super- intendent that there is reasonable ground for suspecting that there are treasonable or seditious documents in any specified building, land, premises, or other place, such justice may issue to such officer such search warrant as is mentioned in this section. (2) A search warrant issued by a justice of the District Court under this section shall be expressed and shall operate to authorize a named officer of the Dublin Metropolitan Police or the Garda Siochana not below the rank of superintendent, accompanied by such other members of the Dublin Metropolitan Police or the Garda Siochana (as the case may require) as such officer shall think proper, at any time within forty-eight hours after the issue of the search warrants, and if needs be by force, to enter and search the specified building, land, premises, or other place aforesaid (which place shall be also specified in the warrant) for treasonable or seditious documents and to seize and remove all documents found on such premises which appear to such officer to be treasonable or seditious. (3) The officer conducting the search of a place under such search warrant as aforesaid may demand the name and address of any person found in such place during such search and (without prejudice to any other power of arrest vested in him by law or by virtue of any lawful warrant) may arrest without warrant any such person who refuses to give his name or his address to such officer or gives a name or address which such officer knows or suspects to be false or misleading. (4) In this section the expression “treasonable or seditious document” includes any document which relates, directly or in- directly, to the commission of any act which is by this act declared to be treason or to be a felony or a misdemeanor and any document which is a seditious libel. 12. This act may be cited as the Treasonable and Seditious Offenses Act, 1925. The Nation’s Spring Book Number REVIEWS of the Important Spring Books April 15 64 Pages SCIENCE, TRUTH, RELIGION AND ETHICS By HARRY MANN GORDIN “This volume, the object of which is to determine the real natures science, truth, religion and moral behavior, and on the basis of these en:; properly defined to set up a strictly rational philosophy of life, is singy), free from mysticism, supernaturalism and metaphysical speculations, anq in full accord with modern science. ... The author, a practical chen was a man of vast knowledge whose experience in his chosen profession , firmed him in the belief that a sound philosophy should be based on scien; research.”"—St, Louis Times. “The treatment of the subject reveals a depth of study, a clearness thinking and a power of logical reasoning, not always combined in writ on either the orthodox or the rational side of the controversy.””—Chirq, Evening Post. Cloth, 467 pages, $3.00 postpaid. CHARLES H. KERR & CO., 347 East Ohio Street, Chicag MAMMONA RT UPTON SINCLA IR The most revolutionary criticism of literature and the arts ever penned. 400 pages, cloth $2, paper-bound $1, postpaid. UPTON SINCLAIR $3 $3 Pasadena, California — D REAL HARRIS HOMESPUNS 233! fom, the Maier Suit Lengths Cut to Order. Price $2.00 Per Yard Postage Paid NEWALL, 150 Stornoway, Scotland. Write for patterns stating shades desired Summer Time! ag Those who have an apartment they wish to rent Those who want to rent an apartment Camps, hotels, summer homes, boarding houses, —and those who seek such accommodations we recommend placing an advertisement in the classified section of The Nation, as the best means of bringing the right person and the right place together. Rates on re- quest. Address Dept. C, care of The Nation. Teaching Methods in Workers’ Education Proceedings of First Annual Conference of Teachers in Workers’ Education. Papers and Discussions by Harry A. Overstreet, A. W. Calhoun, A. D. 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M. ’ ¢ THANK YOU those of you who have written in, giving us 9 the name of the shop where you buy books. { We are now sending these bookshops, as a convenience to the shop and its customers, a very good looking weekly card, containing excerpts of Nation book reviews to be hung on their bulletin board or in the window. { Will those of you who have not yet done so, write us the name of your favorite bookseller so we may add him to our list? The Nation. accept but 3 —... a mn Non Depressant non Habit Forming In Convenient Aluminum Boxes At every drug Store 3 Tablets 15¢ 10 Teblets 40c. AAV for HEADACHE moons When writing to advertisers, please mention The Nation

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fing us books op and