The Independent 1920-01-31: Vol 101 Iss 3707

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eee The Independent January 31, 1920 a = => 2S J ust Just What Mr. Wilson Did at Paris In Which Numerous Current Rumors Are Disproved by the First Hand Statements of a Man Who Saw the Peace Conference from the Inside By Preston Slosson Member of the Staff of the American Commission to Negotiate Peace LEGEND has arisen in the United States among both radical and reactionary critics of the Treaty of Versailles which has done much to injure the prospects of the Treaty before the Senate, Perhaps the common belief might be fairly summarized in this way: Wilson met defeat at Paris. He was able to carry into effect his plan for the League of Nations, but at every other point he was vanquished by European “imperialists” who were as much superior to him in diplomatic skill as they were inferior in moral idealism. They offered such strenuous opposition to the Covenant that to save it he had to permit Clemenceau and Lloyd-George to impose extreme terms on Germany. In doing this he did not consult his col- leagues or the many “experts” whom he had brought to Paris. As a result a large number of these specialists, headed by Mr. Bullitt, resigned in protest as soon as the Conditions of Peace were made public. On one point only did Wilson stand out against the Euro- pean diplomats; when he adopted the Jugoslav program for Fiume and Dalmatia and thus single-handed defied Britain, France and Italy. To Japan, on the other hand, he surrendered without resistance the just claims of China. There is really nothing American in the Treaty, and even Wilson’s Covenant was cleverly captured by the British Government to obtain six times our representation in the League of Nations. The reader will admit that this is a just and even moderate paraphrase of scores of articles which have appeared under such titles as “The Inside Story of the Peace Conference,” “What Really Happened at Paris” and the like. In no single particular, however, does it conform to the facts as known to those who, like my- self, have seen the records of the Supreme Council and of the important Commissions which aided the Council to construct the Treaty. As these records are still diplo- matic secrets (much to the disadvantage of President Wilson) I can only refer to such matters as have been made public either here or in Europe, but have not been given sufficient publicity to choke the lying rumors which fill Congress and the press. In the first place President Wilson did not meet de- feat at Paris, but on the contrary won the most: nota- ble series of diplomatic victories which have ever fallen to an American statesman. If the Treaty is good, the credit belongs to America. If the Treaty is bad, ours is the blame. It-is true that on many occasions Presi- dent Wilson was forced to compromize to meet the views of his European colleagues. It is equally true that they were continually forced to compromize to obtain American assent. No Treaty would have been possible without such compromize. Fortunately, on most ques- tions of principle the chief statesmen at Paris were quite agreed. I am fairly certain that if all the de- cisions of the Supreme Council were counted up Presi- dent Wilson would be found voting with the majority two-thirds of the time. Very rarely was he forced into the romantic réle of “Horatius at the Bridge.” I can- not say too often or too emphatically that the Peace with Germany is an American Peace as truly as it is French or British. Instead of finding hostility, the American Commis- sioners found an atmosphere of agreement. A few crises arose, and these have been correctly enumerated by Mr. Ray Stannard Baker, Mr. William Allen White and other well-informed chroniclers of the Conference, but as a rule the Supreme Council worked with harmony. Par- ticularly notable was the cordial good will of the en- tire British delegation. Mr. Lloyd-George favored as moderate a peace as President Wilson, indeed on one point (the eastern frontier of Germany) he was more inclined to be “easy on” Germany than were the Ameri- cans. The French, it is true, would have imposed a more severe peace had they been free to write their own terms. But M. Clemenceau, unlike some of his French colleagues, was always ready to meet the British and American view more than half way. HE resulting peace was no doubt severe from the German point of view and has provoked much criti- cism even from strong supporters of the Allied cause. General Smuts, the great South African liberal states- man, was not the only man who signed the Treaty with some misgivings as to its attitude toward the van- quished. But it is absurd to represent the Treaty as a victory for the Imperialists, Had these had their way a “buffer state” would have been created on the Rhine, Danzig would have been given outright to Poland and the full costs of the war would have been saddled on Germany. That this was not done is due to the liberal- ism of the British and American Commissioners and to the wisdom of one Frenchman, M. Clemenceau. The true attitude of the various national delegations is better understood in Europe than in this country. Even the enemies of President Wilson admit his sue- cess and concede that his alliance with Lloyd-George was one of the factors which made it possible. The Tory National Review, for instance, deplores “the un- 163

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164 THE INDEPENDENT wholesome ascendancy which—thanks mainly to the feebleness of Mr. Lloyd-George—Mr. Wilson was al- lowed to assume in Paris.” Few people would call Mr. Lloyd-George “feeble,” but the National Review version is closer to the facts than the pathetic accounts of the trampling down of Mr. Wilson’s ideals by European Macchiavellis which have appeared so frequently in our press. The Covenant was not, as so often represented, a personal “hobby” of President Wilson. The British were for it from the start, and the French, suspicious at first, came to favor a much more binding League than President Wilson could agree to accept. The French idea was an international “General Staff” which would enable the League to become an armed alliance at the instant any Power broke the peace of the world, to- gether with an international inspection of armaments. The Italians, the Japanese and the lesser Allies were also unanimous for a League of Nations. President Wilson was one of the principal architects of the League as it now exists, but some sort of a League, or at least a permanent and organized alliance of. the Great Pow- ers must have been adopted in any case in order to make possible the enforcement of the Treaty. In connection with January 31, 1920 as having been “captured” by Jugoslav propaganda. The so-called “Wilson line” which gave Italy Trieste and western Istria to Pola was the work of American experts and specialists by whose unanimous advice the President was guided. This line favored Italy, inas- much as it placed under Italian sovereignty a larger number of Slavs than the number of Italians still re- maining on the eastern side of the proposed frontier. Jn fact, the American line was a compromize between the extreme claims of both sides, and would have been as strongly resented by the Jugoslavs had they been a Great Power as it actually was by the Italians. The Jugoslavs only accepted it because they were conscious of their military weakness and desired to win by mod- eration the good will of Great Britain, France and America. The recent elections in Italy, with the defeat of the imperialistic parties and the numerous Socialist victories, show that the second thought of Italy is nearer to the position of President Wilson than we dared to hope during the crisis of last Spring. Italy’s temporary withdrawal from the Conference in April was a cause of much sorrow and apprehension to the other Allied and Associated Powers, but it did not, as is so often stated, induce President Wilson to sur- render to Japan on the League it ought to be more widely known that the sep- arate representation of the British Domi- nions was not a de- vice of the British Government to se- cure additional votes but, just the con- trary, a concession of the British Gov- ernment to the Do- minions who wished to be free to vote in- dependently of the will of London. In rejecting the vote of such countries as Canada and Austra- li. the United States is decreasing its own influence in the League by rejecting Ree PE the Shantung issue. He supported what he believed to be the just claims of-China with the same vigor as he had supported what he believed to be the just claims of the Jugoslavs, and if he was less success- ful it was because of the different circum- stances surrounding the two cases. Italy was still only ad- vancing a claim; Japan had enjoyed “nine points of the law” in Kiao-Chau for nearly five years. China had compro- mized her own ease by agreeing, even Photograph by U. 8. Signal Corps. the support of poten- tial political allies. in Paris the Domi- nion representatives, tho nominally dele- gates of the British Empire, were quite independent of the delegates from Great Britain, Premier Hughes of Australia criticized the Treaty as too lenient with respect to reparations; General Smuts of South Africa regarded the same provisions as too severe; Premier Lloyd-George of Great Britain thought them about rea- sonable. In the question of Fiume and Dalmatia it is true that President Wilson came into sharp conflict with one European delegation, but \.ith one alone. France and Great Britain cordially supported President Wilson’s general position on the Adriatic question. They could not and did not abandon their pledges to Italy embodied in the Pact of London and therefore President Wilson appeared to the world as tho he was standing alone. But in private conference M. Clemenceau and Mr. Lloyd-George used all their influence to moderate the extreme Italian claims. It is altogether false to represent President Wilson The Big Four seem to form a quartet of close harmony in this photograph taken outside President Wilson’s Paris residence, on the street named in our honor “Place des Etats-Unis.” At the left Premier Lloyd George is listening to a good story of Premier Orlando’s. Wilson smiles, too. And even “the Tiger” in the doorway belies his name tho under pressure, to Japanese economic demands during the Great War. Final- ly, some settlement of the Shantung question had to be decided immediately, as it was part of the German Treaty, whereas the Adriatic question could be (and was) postponed. So President Wilson de- cided it was better to put faith in the assurances of the Japanese Government that Kiao-Chau would be evacuated in due course of time than to hold up the Treaty indefinitely without any practical benefit to China. President Wilson is also falsely represented as stand- ing alone not only among foreign Powers but even within the American Delegation. It is true that on the Council of Four the responsibility for great decisions rested with him alone, but it is also true that he en- joyed the constant support and confidence of his col- leagues and subordinates as did no other statesman in Paris. On all territorial and economic questions he con- sulted the ablest experts who were with him and was largely guided by their advice. Many specialists were dissatisfied with details in the [Continued on page 186 At the extreme right President ——— —

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A Message from the United States Government And Not a Drop to Drink! By Daniel C. Roper Commissioner of Internal Revenue HE eighteenth Amendment—the national prohibition amendment to the Constitution—is now a part of American basic law. It became effective at midnight January 16, one year after it had been ratified by the thirty-sixth state. It is the duty of the Government of the United States and of the states to enforce it and of every citizen to obey it as scrupulously as he would any other law. The amendment reads in part as fol- lows: Section 1. After one year from the rati- fication of this article the manufacture, sale or transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importation thereof into, or the exportation thereof from the United States and all territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof for beverage purposes is hereby prohibited. Section 2. The Congress and the several states shall have concurrent power to en- force this article by appropriate legisla- tion. The third section required that the amendment to be effective should be rati- fied within seven years. The fact that ratification by three-fourths of the states was achieved in only a little more than one year gives proof that the sentiment of the American people is overwhelm- ingly in favor of this great reform. The completion of ratification was followed by the enactment of a comprehensive enforcement act by Congress in which it was stated that “all provisions of this act shall be liberally construed to the end gers have obtained as high as $15 a quart for stolen spirits—and even for cold tea. At this rate a barrel could be retailed for something like $1500! Five barrels of whisky recently were stolen from a warehouse in western Pennsylvania and dispensed at exceed- ingly high prices. An Italian suspected of the theft was traced to New York, where he had boarded a trans-Atlantic steamer. He was arrested in France on wirelessed instructions and held until taken into custody by our men. He is now back in the United States awaiting trial. No effort will be spared by the Bureau of Internal Revenue in bringing offend- ers against the prohibition law to jus- tice. 5 It is only when liquor is removed from bonded warehouses that federal : taxes must be paid upon it by the owner. Un- der the prohibition enforcement act it can be removed only for certain well- defined non-beverage purposes and the tax is $2.20 a gallon. But liquor stolen must be regarded as “liquor removed for beverage purposes” and the owner is re- quired to pay the beverage tax of $6.40 a gallon, altho, in all probability, he had no hand in the theft. Liquor in storage is not at present adequately guarded against thieves. There are 350 distillery bonded ware- houses, sixteen general bonded ware- houses and twenty sp ecial bonded warehouses. The amount of liquor in each case varies from a few hundred that the use of intoxicating liquor as a evstone View beverage may be prevented.” This act Commissioner has stood the test of the courts and is now in full force and effect. The task of compelling its observance rests with the Bureau of Internal Rev- enue, backed up by the conscience and moral support of all law-abiding citizens. When national prohibition went into effect there were in bonded warehouses in the United States ap- proximately 62,000,000 gallons of whisky and 4,700,000 gallons of rum, gin, brandy and other beverage spirits. Che largest amounts are in storage in Kentucky, Penn- sylvania and Maryland. These storehouses are am- munition dumps loaded with high explosives in the midst of a peaceful and populous community. Inside the warehouses this liquor is practically value- less, but it is a constant temptation to thieves who may profit thru dispensing it illegally, thereby defeating the higher purposes of the law. It is reported that bootleg- Roper from a conference at the Capitol barrels to more than 40,000 barrels. Some of the warehouses are located in cities with police protection, but many of them are in outlying districts. Before prohibition went into effect the joint interest and responsibility of the warehouse men and the Government resulted in a system of protection that was adequate under past con- ditions—but is adequate no longer. To safeguard these supplies with prohibition in force it would seem necessary either to concentrate them in well-guarded warehouses with the Government exerciz- ing a monopoly over distribution for legitimate pur- pose, or to increase materially the number of guards at present employed. We now have only 450 guards. If we ere to keep this liquor in warehouses scattered across the country we should have at least 2500 men. We have submitted to Congress a request for an appropriation of $2,000,000 for guarding bonded warehouses during the remaining six months of the fiscal year. coming 165

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166 THE INDEPENDENT When the warehouses are adequately guarded the dif- ficulty of suppressing the bootlegging traffic will be materially reduced. Illicit stills conducted on a large scale will be rapidly wiped out. Brewing and distilling in the home are now much discussed, but I am convinced that it is a fad and that, like most other fads, will ulti- mately die out. In the first place it is dangerous, in the second place it is a great deal of trouble and in the third place I doubt whether the product ever measures up to expectations. As to liquor in bond, upon which approximately $20,- 000,000 has been loaned by the banks, its owners will sustain very heavy losses unless Congress interferes. It can be withdrawn, practically speaking, for none except medicinal purposes. While some physicians take the po- sition that whisky is a valuable stimulant in certain cases of illness or debility, the majority opinion of the medical profession seems to be that it may be entirely dispensed with as a remedy. Withdrawals for medicinal purposes will, therefore, be relatively insignificant. Wine-makers probably will not suffer such complete losses as the owners of distilled spirits, Wine may be dealcoholized and legally sold. This is now being done to some extent. Wines may also be sold for sacramental purposes and other non-beverage purposes. This will af- ford some outlet for the present stocks, but, of course, will not entirely take care of the situation. As an indication of the volume and extent of wine manufacturing in the United States, it may be pointed out that during the last fiscal year a tax was collected on wines in the amount of $10,520,609. The tax collected on beer during the same period amounted to $117,- 839,602. Under John F. Kramer, the first Prohibition Com- missioner of the United States, there has been organ- ized in the Bureau of Internal Revenue a force of some 1200 men for the administration of the prohibition en- forcement act. There are two branches of this organiza- tion, the first dealing with the legal use and the second with the illegal use of intoxicating liquors. Congress has defined “intoxicating liquor” as any liquid capable of being used for beverage purposes that contains more than one-half of one per cent of alcohol. We have set up in Washington a large chemical laboratory for the analysis of all preparations we suspect are being sold in violation of the law. January 31, 1920 given to see that they keep within the law. This branch has the still more important duty of supervising and coérdinating all state and municipal activities con- nected with prohibition enforcement. If there happens to be a district in which officials refuse to enforce the law the Federal Director calls upon the other branch of the prohibition force, much as a state governor would call for federal troops if a situation in his state got out of hand. The enforcement branch has the duty of detecting and prosecuting all persons engaged in illicit making, transportation and selling of intoxicating liquors. For this work the country has been divided into ten dis- tricts. In each there has been appointed a Supervising Federal Prohibition Agent, and under him a number of subordinate agents, the most of whom are experi- enced detectives. These men constitute a mobile force that can be moved to any part of a district in which there is reason to believe the law is being violated. The legislation adopted by Congress specifically places the responsibility for prohibition enforcement on federal, state and local authorities alike, But all these officials, no matter how well they codperate can- not make nation-wide prohibition effective without the assistance of all law-abiding citizens. This is so with every law. If it were not that the vast majority of the people themselves desire to obey—and that their neigh- bors obey—no law could be adequately enforced. The mere passage of a law does not make it effective. National prohibition is no new idea in the United States. It has been discussed pro and con for décades. During the last year it has received more newspaper space than almost any other public question. But now the time for discussion is past. We discussed for three years the wisdom of joining the Allies, but when Con- gress declared war against Germany we left off discus- sion and got down to business. So it is with prohibition. The time for talk is past. The time for action is here. Certainly not all of our people wanted prohibition. But neither were we unanimous for the war. Prohibi- tion has become the law of the land by the regularly prescribed processes and it is our duty now to put aside any opinions that may conflict, and observe the law. We are an honest and law-abiding people. As the head of that branch of the Government that collected more than $6,000,000,000 in taxes For each state there has been appointed a Federal Prohibition Director and un- der him a number of officers known as Federal Prohibi- tion Inspectors. The exact number of inspectors ap- pointed in each state de- pends upon conditions pre- vailing and the work to be done there. This branch is known as the “observance” branch as differentiated from the “en- forcement” branch. It has under its supervision all persons and _ corporations permitted to use or handle intoxicating liquors in any way, including physicians, pharmacists, soft drink man- ufacturers and common car- riers. The Federal Director issues the permits and the during the last year I have had ample substantiation of that fact. Obedience to law is the cornerstone of our Americanism. To hold the prohibition law lightly would be to breed disrespect for the whole body of our law— and that we cannot afford. Thousands of requests have come to the Bureau of Internal Revenue from in- dividuals and organizations asking how they can assist the Government in making national prohibition effect- ive. There are many ways. Citizens can organize in their local communities and work for the development of a strong and healthy public sentiment in favor of obedi- ence to law in general and to the prohibition law in inspectors keep check on those -to whom they are New York bvenwmg Juurnal © 192U, by Star Company The chief mourners at John Barleycorn’s grave particular. That would be a [Continued on page 191 eee ee

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Stig 2 toed ht A Message from the Imperial Japanese Government to the American People The national emblem of Korea is the tortoise, used in this case as the base of an old monument in a Korean graveyard Home Rule in Korea? By Baron Makoto Saito Governor-General of Korea OR nearly ten years since Japan annexed Korea the latter has been the object of little attention by the world. The annexation was peacefully ac- complished by mutual consent of the governments of the two nations; due to that memorable event, Korea ceased to be the storm center of the Far East, which it had been for many years prior to it; and under the efficient government of Japan the Korean people rapidly advanced in civilization and enjoyed the bless- ings resulting from the development of productive industry, as well as from the spread of education. In fact, all seemed to be going well in this peninsula. Such was also the feeling of both the Government and people in Japan proper. It was, therefore, a cause of general sur- prize when last spring what is now known as “independence demon- strations” suddenly broke out in and so make them happier. That they were eminently successful in this work has been attested by the late Colonel Roosevelt and many other eminent foreign observers and critics. But at the same time it can- not be denied that, in the hands of petty officials, their policies were often carried out in a tactless man- ner, and that the policies them- selves, tho suiting the condition of the Korean people for some time after annexation, needed more or less revision so as to keep pace with the progress of the times and the in- tellectual and economic advancement made in the meantime by the Korean people. As a matter of fact, the Gov- ernment was contemplating the in- troduction of reforms in its policies, but unfortunately this was not made known promptly enough and in time to prevent the outbreak of those demonstrations, which were nothing more or less than expressions of many parts of Korea. I shall not go into the genesis of these unfortu- nate occurrences; they have already been sufficiently ventilated by inter- ested parties, in many instances Baron Saito, who has been Governor of Korea since September, 1919, announces that it is his plan “to grant the Korean people the administration of local affairs at some opportune time in the future” popular dissatisfaction with the ex- isting régime. The Government in Tokyo, thoroly aroused by those events, recognized Japan having been grossly and unjustly misrep- reserfted. Local affairs of unfortunate nature have been represented as being general, and exaggerations and even fictitious stories have been assiduously dis- seminated at the expense of Japan. Nevertheless, we must admit that, for the serious situation presenting itself last spring in this peninsula, we must hold our- selves as principally responsible. In pursuing their ad- ministrative policies, my predecessors had no other de- sire than to improve the condition of the Korean people the necessity of promptly introduc- ‘ng radical reforms in the administration of Korea, and at once set itself to the task of revising the organic regulations of the Government-General. This was com- pleted in August, and the revised organic regulations were made public in the course of the same month. Among others, the most important reforms effected thereby were the abolition of the rule reserving the post of Governor-General exclusively for naval or mili- tary officers and the aboition of the policing of the country by gendarmeries, In other words, civil officials 167

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168 THE INDEPENDENT were made eligible for the post of Governor-General, and the policing of the country was placed in the hands of the ordinary police. Of the latter reform more will be said later on. It should be clearly understood that according to the new regulations a Governor-Gen- eral is appointed as such in a civil capacity, no matter whether he is a civilian or not. On the resignation by Count Hasegawa-of the Gov- ernor-Generalship, I was appointed his successor and arrived at my post in Seoul early in September. As Mr. Yamagata and several other high officials either re- signed or were relieved of their duties, Dr. Midzuno, who was Minister of Home Affairs in a former Cabinet, was appointed chief assistant, while nearly all the bureau directors were chosen from among the ablest officials in the home service. Since my arrival in Seoul I and my: assistants have been working day and night to complete the projected reforms in administration, and it is a source of pleas- ure to be able to say that these reforms have either been already carried out or are on the eve of being car- ried out. The administrative policy is now based on the rescript granted by the Emperor on the occasion of the promulgation of the revised organic regulations for the Government-General. In this rescript, His Majesty was pleased to announce his desire that in all respects his Japanese and Korean subjects should be placed on a footing of equality. Accordingly, one of the first reform measures taken was the abolition of all discrimination * between Japanese and Korean officials in respect to treatment. In other words, the rule was made that Ko- rean officials should hereafter be paid according to the same scale of salary as that for their Japanese col- leagues. Ways were also opened for Koreans of talent and ability to be raised to posts of responsibility and honor in the Government. For instance, the post of principal of common schools for Korean children, hith- erto exclusively given to Japanese, will hereafter be given to Koreans, too. It is hoped that the Government will be able to secure many well educated and capable Korean young men for its service, tho, as a matter of fact, there are already many Koreans serving and oc- cupying high posts in the Government, among whom, - January 31, 1920 it may be said, are five provincial governors, forty-four judges and public proculators, and 201 county magis- trates. I earnestly desire to hear the opinions of the Korean people, learn of their complaints and aspirations, and mold my policy so as to satisfy their reasonable desires. With this in view, soon after my arrival at my post I caused fifty-two representative Koreans, four from each of the thirteen provinces constituting this coun- try, to come to Seoul for a conference, and, besides ex- plaining to them the program of the new régime, had the satisfaction of hearing their opinions and views. The Central Council, an advisory body composed of leading Koreans, which formerly existed in name only, was also convened and consulted before putting into force certain revised regulations, and it is my intention to make the fullest use possible of this body. I daily receive many callers, Koreans, Japanese and foreigners, A trial under the old Korean regime. The prisoners, surrounded by policemen in formal costume of white coats and tall hats, kneel before the judges, who stand on a raised platform © Newman Seoul, the chief city and port of Korea, has many modern aspects > eee te a

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ee This inland village of Korea, with its primitive huts and general poverty, is in marked contrast to the city of Seoul to ascertain their views, and find this very beneficial in the execution of my work. It is also my intention short- ly to grant the people freedom of speech and press, which. for political reasons has hitherto been denied The Korean court under Japanese jurisdiction resembles more closely the European method of administering justice. Two or three of the six judges on the bench are native Koreans them to a large extent. Several applications asking for official permission to start new Korean and Japanese newspapers have already been received, and they are now being considered by the authorities concerned, and some of them, filed by men of good standing—if not all —will shortly be granted. I aim at doing away with the evil of formality and red tape in the transaction of official business, for this has been one of the principal causes of popular dissat- isfaction. With this purpose, several complicated regu- lations have been overhauled and tedious official pro- cedure has been simplified. I hope that the reform in this direction will result in great benefit to the people at large. I also hope to establish a thoro understanding between the Government and the people. In order to attain this object, among other measures taken, a num- ber of high officials have been dispatched to the prov- inces with the mission of explaining to the people the Government measures and plans, as well as of listening to their desires and complaints. I have also made ar- rangements for giving special liberal allowances to Japanese officials mastering the Korean language, so that they may directly hear what the Korean people have to say. But all these are preliminaries to the reali- zation of a plan which I cherish, i. e., to grant the Ko- rean people the administration of local affairs at some opportune time in the future. In this connection the Government has already started investigation. It is hoped that, after the Korean people have shown them- selves possessed of sufficient capabilities, they will be allowed to send their representatives to the Imperial Diet in Tokyo. Among the old institutions not suiting the present condition of things in this peninsula, which it is in- tended shortly to abolish, is the method of punishment by flogging. This form of punishment had long been practised in Korea, and, as it was considered a measure suitable to the standard of the people and an effective preventive of minor offenses, the Japanese Government retained it as a penal measure for Koreans. It is, how- ever, a method of punishment at variance with the modern idea aiming at the reformation of erring peo- ple. For this reason it is necessary shortly to abolish it, substituting for it fines or imprisonment with labor, so as to conform to the progress of the times. The sanitary condition in Korea is still far from ideal; epidemics frequently break out and the people suffer from a dearth of competent medical practition- ers and good hospitals. In order to remedy this short- coming, the Government has established and maintains in Seoul a great central hospital equipped with all modern improvements and staffed by first class physi- cians. It also maintains nineteen charity hospitals in the provinces, besides stationing more than one hun- dred public doctors at different centers thruout the peninsula. In these hospitals Korean patients of poorer means are treated free. Those well knowing the sani- tary condition that existed in this peninsula prior to annexation will not be chary in giving credit to the Japanese Government for the good work it has done in this branch of public work. The Government, how- ever, is not satisfied with what has so far been achieved. On the contrary, it is determined to improve and com- plete medical relief work for the Korean people. With this idea in view, plans have been formed to establish more charity hospitals, appoint more public doctors, and increase the force of sanitary experts attached to provincial governments. The spread of education among the Korean people has always been one of the tasks most earnestly car- ried on by the Government since it undertook the ad- ministration of this peninsula. Besides three colleges and several higher schools for boys, and two higher schools for girls, the Government has already estab- lished 460 common schools giving education to 87,000 Korean children. It has been recognized by the Gov- ernment, however, that, in order to cope with the progress of the times, it is necessary to introduce some radical reforms into its educational system. Ac- cordingly, the Government is now deliberating plans for lengthening the school course for Korean children, improving the school curricula, increasing the number of schools, and establishing new organs for higher edu- cation, as well as for the [Continued on page 191 169

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The Abraham Lincoln We Love Between the acts of an English poet’s dramatization of Abraham Lincoln a sculptor famous for his statues of the Great Eman- cipator tells the dramatic critic what Lincoln means to him By Montrose J. Moses HERE was method in my asking Mr. Gutzon Borglum to go with me to see John Drinkwater’s play, “Abraham Lincoln.” We had both seen it once before; we were both eager to see it again. But in addition I had a feel- ing that from a sculptor, who had done a deal of study of Lincoln, I would get some interesting re- actions which would en- rich my first impressions of the play. I was not dis- appointed. From the mo- ment we were comfortably seated in our chairs, I saw the sculptor chipping away at his impressions, as I imagine he chipped tiny amidst moving events—a man whose face showed, in every expres- sion, the shaping of a soul which was helping to shape a nation. Drinkwa- ter has modeled his con- ception of Lincoln in his play as a sculptor would cut it out of stone—con- scious of how Lincoln felt at every hour he was called to act. What makes every scene in Drinkwa- ter’s “Abraham Lincoln” so effective is that we are made to feel that the playwright knows exactly what was stirring in Lin- coln’s mind when the com- mittee calls on him to accept the nomination for the presidency; when, in his head of Lincoln from the block of marble; in words he sketched his image of Lincoln for me, as I imagine he sketched his first design for the noble figure of Lincoln seated on a bench, waiting for the people to come and sit by him. REMEMBER once hearing a minister deliver a ser- mon on Abraham Lincoln to the children of his con- gregation; the first two rows of pews were lined with bobbing heads and restless bodies. Before the pulpit was placed one of the not too prepossessing likenesses of the martyred President. “You all think this is a pic- ture of a very ugly man,” suggested the minister. There was a roar of affirmation. “Well, now—look at his eyes -—have they not compassion in them? See his mouth— is there not gentleness in the sensitive lines? Watch the eyes closely—are not kindness and humor there?” Thus, carefully, he sketched the essential humanity of Lincoln for these children, and then he put the ques- tion again, “Do you now think this is a picture of an ugly man?” And the answer again was, “Yes.” This story has a double moral—it points to the fact that our school children are wofully in need of having their imaginations cultivated, and it shows—which is - to our purpose here—that the true inspiration of his- tory lies, not in fact, but in character at supreme mo- ments. The English poet, John Drinkwater, having all his life held Lincoln to his heart as a hero, has written a play which, in substance, is nothing more than a series of events contained in every school history, and yet which, in its effect, makes us see Lincoln as the minister would have had his children see him. This has been done by the simple adherence to simple speech, and with no effort to put more drama into the play than the events themselves ‘actually held. Having seen Drink- water’s drama, “Abraham Lincoln,” you have a living statue of Lincoln in your mind forever—a man of des- 170 A moment that reveals the essential nobility of Lincoln’s char- acter—when he pardons one of who is to be shot as he has been found asleep at his post his first cabinet meeting, he sees what opposition he has to face; when, at the supreme hight of determination, he announces his Emancipation Proclamation; and when, as a visitor to Grant, on the field of battle, he pardons the sentry, a mere boy, found asleep at his post. These commonplaces of school history are beacon- lights in the character of Lincoln. By word and phrase, Drinkwater colors them with the spirit of a great man, and he gives us a Lincoln, which, in London and New York, has been unhesitatingly acclaimed and accepted. It is not always that we say, “This is our Lincoln.” The camps are divided, for instance, in liking for the St. Gaudens statue of Lincoln, and for the ungainly figure of the Great American by Barnard, recently unveiled at Manchester, England. Others, to settle the question, brush the two aside, and declare that the only real Lin- coln is the head by Gutzon Borglum, in the rotunda of the Capitol in Washington. We have nothing to do with the dispute here. I mention it because, in the stage pro- duction, as being given in New York at present, and likely to travel thru the country for many years, the actor who portrays Lincoln often stands as though he had studied the Barnard statue for every wrinkle of his coat; and in expression looks as tho he had selected ma- terial, now from the Lincoln life mask and then from Borglum’s head. It was this constantly recurring sim- ilarity between Drinkwater’s methods of sketching Lin- coln and the sculptor’s method of cutting his way to character that first suggested my asking Mr. Borglum te go with me to see “Abraham Lincoln.” The evening was a revealing one, for I was with a man who doubt- less knows more of the human make-up of the American leader than any other student of history. For fifteen years he fitted himself for his task before he put chisel to marble; for fifteen years he ferreted out every source of Lincoln’s life, examining the wealth of photographs, Grant’s sentries, a mere boy,

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January 31, 1920 and explaining every expression by some shaping event. “To my mind,” he said, “that is the only way to reach character thru photography—to reason out why the subject had the particular expression at the particular time.” We sat thru the play enthralled; each had seen it before. Borglum gave himself completely over to the living progress of events. I never saw a man more re- sponsive to character, reveling in the phases of loyalty and disloyalty among the members of Lincoln’s cabinet, which only served to sharpen the eyes of Lincoln, and to reveal how completely he knew the men conniving against him. “Lincoln had the keenness of a horse trad- er,” Mr. Borglum said under his breath, as the Great Leader, in one of the scenes, faced Seward with his double dealing, and made him own up. “They couldn’t put anything over on him.” Then he sat up with the en- thusiasm of a boy, as Lincoln, entering the fateful cab- inet meeting when he presents the Emancipation Proclamation, sat him down and read to his impatient political family the latest thing by Artemus Ward. “There’s the supreme moment. Lincoln is applying the acid test. It’s a joy.” All thru the play he would grab my arm whenever the actor impersonating Lincoln approached nearest his conception. These moments were mostly when the head was down. But on the whole, the actor stood the sculp- tor’s gaze admirably. To judge by Borglum’s en- thusiasm, I should say it was eighty per cent to the good. “Lincoln was not vain,” the sculptor declared, “but he knew which side of his face was the best for pictures, and he seemed to know exactly at what angle to hold his head. This man on the stage appears to have studied very carefully the outward details, but where he is most successful is in the throwing of spiritual ac- tion on the face, I don’t believe Lincoln ever wore such a short coat, nor do I believe that it is right to over- _ interpret the ungainliness of the man. Lincoln was not awkward; he was large and loosely hung together. He always sat in chairs too small for him, for he was an exceptionally tall man. He was careless of attire, but that is a different matter. Without putting Mr. Borglum in the position to criticize, I could glean what he considered to be the defects of the Barnard statue from his criticism of the actor on the stage. But he did not spare him- self; he told me exactly how his own ideas changed while he worked on his marble head. Here was a man, steeped in Lincoln lore, witnessing a very Paul Thompson “Did you know that Paderewski, Abraham Lincoln and John Keats have similarly shaped heads?” Gutzon Borglum, the sculptor, thinks so. And he ought to know for he did the head of Lincoln shown above, which is in the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington THE INDEPENDENT Davie & Sanford 171 simple play, yet boyishly touched in his interest over Lincoln’s humanity; applauding the minor actors wherever it seemed they had made a study of their parts directly from history. “Watch Grant,” he exclaimed, “It was just in that way he used to throw his cigar into his face, and wipe the ash end of it on the lapel of his coat.” That the theater had a thoro grip of Borglum there was no gainsaying. In the play, when Lincoln, with Hay, visits Grant in camp, he stays the night, eager to learn if General Meade will bring news of Lee’s willingness to surrender. Propped up in a chair, the Great Leader falls asleep. Grant passes, gets his army coat and tenderly covers the President with it. Before going out he pauses and looks into Lincoln’t face. Borglum turned to me. “I know nothing greater,” he said, “than to see two great men together.” I am not telling these actions and reactions in the spirit of spying on Mr. Borglum’s emotion; but rather in justification of my claim that Drinkwater has some- how done the trick—he has given us a living statue of Lincoln, in a day when we need statues of living men! Of course, being a sculptor who has to deal with the physical proportions, there are things not necessary in a play that are necessary for the sculptor’s art. I learned from Mr. Borglum the size of Lincoln’s collar, the way his hair was brushed, and when he changed the parting of it, the character of his beard—points that Mr. Drinkwater did not have to concern himself with. But tho the sculptor must consider these details he must not be enslaved by them. He must be chiefly concerned with the spirit. I was curious to find out exactly how certain liberties taken by Drinkwater with historical circumstances would affect Borglum. For instance, there is a new character introduced into the Lincoln cabinet. Drink- water justifies his use by explaining that upon him are placed the opposing forces with which Lincoln had to contend; thus was Drinkwater relieved of clogging his other characters with elements that had nothing to do with their main value. I could see, by Borglum’s ap- proval of taking any liberties that did no harm to the essential truth of history, that he was be- ing true to type as an artist himself: art is not the exact photograph of life, but the ar- rangement of those facts in life which will best depict it in its magnitude. If Drinkwater had set himself the task of . writing an American play with Lincoln as the chief character, he might have fallen into gross errors of local col- [Continued on page 187 Joseph F. Sabin

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—— re The People and Their Servants By Hamilton Holt AST week’s overwhelming vote of the faculties © and students of the American colleges and uni- versities in favor of ratifying the Covenant without reservations, or only with such reserva- tions as will honorably compromize the differences be- tween the factions in the Senate favoring some kind of a League of Nations, must have given Senator Lodge and his Drastic Reservationists and Senator Borah and his Battalion of Death a severe jolt. Of the 158,078 votes taken in 410 institutions 61,494 favored a compromize to permit immediate ratification; 48,232 favored the Treaty without change; 27,970 ex- pressed themselves in accord with the Lodge program; 13,943 favored killing the Treaty and the League; and 6449 would negotiate a new treaty with Germany. In other words, less than one-tenth of the vote favored Borah and less than one-fifth favored Lodge. President Wilson’s uncompromising stand evoked more support than the Lodge and Borah proposals combined. In fine, nine-tenths of the voters are in favor of ratification in some form and seven-tenths are for a League even more virile than the Foreign Relations Committee would have it. The vote, in which the mature judgment of the facul- ties corresponds with the idealism of the students, has been confirmed by every other test so far taken in the country. The result of a postal card poll of returned soldiers and sailors from Southern Massachusetts made by Mr. Frank L. Andrews of Fall River, showed that 554 voted for the League unamended, five for reservations, and twelve were opposed. HE American Federation of Labor at its annual meeting in July voted 29,000 in favor of the Cove- nant and 400 against it. At a meeting of the National and State officers at Washington on December 13, 1919, the vote was 240 to 3 in favor of ratification, two of the three dissenters being unredeemed Irishmen. ’* The Church Peace and 228 for no treaty at all. I have addressed thirty meetings in ten states in the last three months on the League of Nations—North, South, East and West. Be- fore I presented my case I invariably called for a show of hands from the audience. With one exception (on the New York East Side) every assemblage voted about the same, not only those who came knowing they were to hear an address in favor of the League, but audiences such as composed the City Club of Cleveland, the Teach- ers’ Association of Minnesota, and the Southern Com- mercial Congress, which came for the occasion and not for the speaker. I found that about 60 per cent were in favor of the treaty as presented by the President, 30 per cent were for mild reservations and the remaining 10 per cent were scattered between the drastic reservationists and bitter enders. F all these straw votes were not sufficiently conclusive the last doubt of where the country stands on the Cov- enant must have been removed when the official repre- sentatives of twenty-six National Organizations waited on Senator Lodge and Senator Hitchcock last week and urged them in behalf of the majority and minority fac- tions which they represent in the Senate, to get together to compromize their differences and to ratify the Treaty without delay. When practically all the official organiza- tions of the land, representing among other classes, the Farmers, the Workers, the Churches, the Schools and Colleges, the Women, unite on a program of this kind it is the American people that is speaking. From the above expressions of American sentiment it is evident that the present alignment of the country ° on the League of Nations differs radically from that of the Senate. In other words, the Senate does not repre- sent the American people on this issue. The Senators therefore have two imperative du- ties to perform if they are intent on satisfying the people whose servants Union took a nation-wide poll of the ministers of the country, Protestant, Catholic and Jewish. The vote was 17,309 in favor and 816 against—most of those in opposition being Irish Catholics. Fourteen daily news- papers from ten states have just taken a very significant poll of their readers. The total vote was 48 per cent for no reservations, 35 per cent for a compromize, 10 per cent for the Lodge reser- vations, 7 per cent for no League. Most of the pa- pers were in Republican Congressional districts. The poll of the Portland Oregonian, which is not included in these percent- ages, was 11,096 for un- amended ratification, 665 for compromize, 112 for the Lodge _ reservations I Had a Little House In memoriam to my wife Mary Pyne By Harry Kemp I had a little house upon a hill, A little house on loving kindness built ; Small windows over which the dawn was spilt Shimmered with gold; across its gentle sill Love hand in hand walked in and out; nor far Seemed the soft influence of the evening star. Familiar spirits blessed the sacred place For the bright benediction of your face ‘Drew thither all things good and pure and fair. .. . Gone is the loveliness you brought to me, My little house is left a broken fane; Its roof lies gaping for the void to see, All, all my life is full of falling rain. they are. First. They must com- promize their differences so that sixty-four of the eighty Senators favoring some kind of a League of Nations will ratify the Treaty. Second. They must agree upon such a com- promize as will permit the President to transmit it to our allies for their acceptance rather than to project the issue into the next Presidential elec- The pastoral voice of flutes hung in the air; tion. If the Senate in ratify- ing the Treaty so emas- culates it as to force the President to the latter course there can be little doubt as to what the people will do at the next election both to the party and the individual sena- tors who are responsible for the delay. 172

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_—— The Story of the Week Opening the League of Nations HE new régime of international codp- eration was inaug- urated by the organiza- tion of the Council of the League of Nations on January 16. The nine men who took their seats about the green table in the Clock Room of the French Foreign Ministry on the Quai d’Orsay at 10.30 in the morning were Léon Bourgeois, repre- senting France; Earl Curzon, _ representing England; Ambassador Matsui, representing Japan; Carlo Ferraris, representing Italy; Am- bassador Quinones de Leon, representing Spain; Dr. Eastoa da Cunha, representing Brazil; Pre- mier Venizelos, . repre- senting Greece, and Paul Hymans, representing Belgium. The secretary of the League, Sir Eric The League of Nations is an expression of the univer-, sal desire for saner methods of regulating affairs of man- kind, and provides machin- ery. by which practical ef- fect may be given the! principles of international, friendship and good under-' standing. The success of the labor conference at, Washington is a good aug-| ury for the future of the: League of Nations. For the first time an at- tempt was made to, bring, together under the aus- pices of the league repre- sentatives of governments, employers and labor, and an advance exceeding the results of the entire work of the previous quarter of a century has been made in the field of international action on industrial ques- tions. The Council voted to hold the next meeting in London, and, on Lord Curzon’s suggestion, the date and program of Drummond, sat across the table from the chair- man of the Council, M. : Bourgeois. and a member of the Allied In his opening address, M. Bourgeois said: Today, gentlemen, we are holding the first meeting of the Council, convened by the President of the United States. The task of presiding at this meeting and of in- augurating this great international institution should have fallen to President Wilson. We respect the reasons which will delay the final decisions of our friends in Washing- ton, but we may all express the hope that the difficulties will soon be overcome, and that a representative of the great American Republic will occupy the place which awaits him among us. The work of the Council will then essume that definite character and that particular force which should be associated with our work. January 16, 1920, will go down in history as the date of the birth of a new world. Decisions to be reached today will be in the name of all nations adhering to the Covenant of the League. It will be the first decree of all free nations, leaguing themselves together, for the first time in the world to substitute right for might..But the organization of the League of Nations will not be complete until the assembly of all the states meets. Lord Curzon, who followed, echoes the same wish: While I am in entire accord with all that M. Bourgeois has said, I should wish especially to express my full con- currence in his observations regarding the United States of America. The decision must be her own, but if and when the United States elects to take her place in the new coun- cil chamber of nations a place is vacant for her and the warmest welcome will be hers. The presiding officer at the first meeting of the League of Nations, held in Paris on January 16, was Léon Bourgeois, rep- until President Wilson resentative of France on the Council of the League of Nations business was left open could be consulted. The only other business transacted at this session was the appointment of the members of the commission to trace the boundaries of the Sarre concession to France. Raymond B. Fosdick, who had been selected by Sir Eric Drummond as Under Secretary General in order to have an American member in the secretarial staff of the League, has felt himself forced to resign because of the embarrassing position in which he is placed by the refusal of the United States to enter. commission which founded it Minor Wars in Washington ONCURRENTLY with the Supreme Council at C Paris, the American Congress gave evidence of a new attitude toward Bolshevism. Congress wants no compromize with Bolshevism either in Russia or in the United States, but it is reaching out for new and effective weapons for the fight. “You cannot fight an idea with bayonets. . . . Bol- shevism is an idea,” said General Tasker Bliss, member of the American Commission to Negotiate Peace, upon his return to this country. “Bolshevism must be fought with logic. To fight it with force is to spread it.” Herbert Hoover previously had: said much the same thing. Since that time the blockade against Soviet Rus- sia has been lifted; the withdrawal of American forces from Siberia has. been begun and Allied support for 178

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174 THE INDEPENDENT OUR ILL BE A.LITTLE LATE HONEY: I'VE GOT SOME IMPORTANT WORK TO DO “knot tn Dallas News All set for the little game the anti-Bolshevik forces has been greatly diminished. “The Soviet Government is being maintained by pres- sure from without,” Lenin told a witness who will ap- pear before the Senate committee investigating Bol- shevik activities in this country. “All Russian elements are giving support to the Government in its efforts to repel invasion. Once Allied pressure is withdrawn they will go back to their own political theories. Russia will always remain a Socialist republic, but it is probable that the Soviet system will have to be modified.” The Supreme Council apparently has accepted this view. Congress was not far behind. Bolshevik “Ambas- sador” Martens was treated most considerately when he took the stand before the Senate committee. He ap- peared to be anxious to tell and the committee to learn the truth about Bolshevism and the activities of its representatives in the United States. There was noth- ing of the inquisitional methods employed in the Senate propaganda investigation just after the close of the war. To meet Bolshevism with logic, rather than force, Bolshevism must first be understood. Martens has been given a new status in the eyes of American commercial interests by the lifting of the blockade. He has negotiated with them for millions of dollars worth of tentative contracts, and they see pros- pects of being able soon to deliver the goods. Some of their representatives have asked to be heard on Mar- tens’ behalf. The attitude of the Department of Justice toward Martens, however, remains unchanged. A deportation warrant has been sworn out and six agents of the de- partment have been in constant attendance at the hear- ings to arrest Martens as soon as he completes his testimony. The warrant was issued several weeks ago, but the sergeant-at-arms of the Senate reached Martens first with a Senate subpeena and he has since been under the Senate’s protection. Opposition to anti-sedition legislation asked by At- torney General Palmer to permit him to cope with Bol- shevistic agitation in his country has unexpectedly de- veloped: in the House. The fight to modify the drastic provisions of the Graham sedition bill is being led by January 31, 1920 Simeon D. Fess, chairman of the Republican Congres- sional Committee. He has joined with Samuel Gompers in asserting that the utmost freedom of opinion and expression must be preserved in order that the argu- ments of Bolshevism may be brought out in the open and fought in the open with logic. After it had been amended to permit an appeal to the courts by any publisher whose publication might be de- clared by the Postmaster General to be non-mailable, the Sterling sedition bill floated thru the Senate, prac- tically without opposition. The House Judiciary Com- mittee amended the Sterling bill by substituting the drastic Graham measure and then sought a special rule to limit debate and insure quick passage. The refusal of the Rules Committee to grant the re- quested rule without comprehensive hearings came as a surprize. It was taken to mean that the Reputlican steering committee had decided the bill should not pass until it had been greatly modified. It now seems doubt- ful whether the Attorney General will be able to secure much more than a codification of the present laws against sedition, which many members hold are ample to meet any existing threat against the Government. Meanwhile new raids long planned by the Department of Justice on the basis of the expected legislation are being delayed. Another proposal that was expected to be speedily approved by Congress, but which is encountering oppo- sition, is that of Secretary Glass for the establishment of food credits in the amount of $150,000,000. for Poland, Austria and Armenia. The opposition centers against granting aid to Poland, on whose behalf the most urgent recommendations had been made because it is the only remaining military barrier against Bol- shevism. Congress has gained the impression that Poland, altho its people are starving, has embarked upon an imperialistic adventure, and it is reluctant to extend any aid that may be used to further such designs. OMPETING with the Bolshevik and anti-sedition hearings for public attention is the Senate investi- gation of the conduct of the war at sea. Washington society has flocked to the hearings, at which Admiral Sims has been the principal witness. Like the House investigation of the War Department, the Senate in- quiry into Secretary Daniels’ administration of the Navy Department is likely to prove a disappointment to those who were most anxious for it. Admiral Sims’s charges of bungling during the war, launched without forewarning during a hearing on the medal awards’ controversy, are serious, but impartial observers are loath to accept them until the other side of the story has been told. For his statement that he was told just before embarking for Europe in March, 1917, that “we would as soon fight the British as the Germans,” Sims is being roundly criticized. If the state- ment was made—and hedid not reveal who made it— repeating it in public was the hight of impropriety. Admiral Sims’s charges are characterized by the friends of Secretary Daniels as a new manifestation of the jealousy of the professional fighter for the civilian head of a department who insists upon knowing all that is going on in his department and performing his duties for himself rather than having them performed by his professional advisers and occupying himself merely with speech-making and politics. The interest in this and other current controversies has taken attention from the treaty contest. Two weeks ago the public pressure for quick ratification was very heavy. Something had to be done. Instead of ap- pointing a formal conciliation commission to negotiate

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o--4 January 31, 1920 a compromize, an informal commission was appointed and set at work. The difference is that a formal com- mission would have had to report to the Senate, either a compromize or that an absolute deadlock had been reached. The informal commission has no such obliga- tion and serves equally well to convince the country that “something is being done.” A compromize agree- ment in the informal commission is not impossible, but most unlikely. The hand of the Administration in the treaty fight was weakened by the tie vote of the Democratic caucus on the selection of a permanent minority leader. It showed that the Democrats were equally divided, one- half supporting Senator Hitchcock in his efforts for in- terpretative reservations and the other favoring Sen- ator Underwood’s plan of surrender to the Republicans on the best terms obtainable, in order to achieve quick ratification. It is true that Senator Underwood said after the caucus that if elected he would not attempt to take the leadership in the treaty contest away from Senator Hitchcock. Had this statement been made be- fore the conference the division of the Democrats on the treaty issue would have been less evident. The Democratic split has served to fortify Senator Lodge in his determination to make no material conces- sion, since he holds practically all of the Republicans solidly behind him. The outlook for an acceptable com- promize is, therefore, even less encouraging than be- fore, in spite of apparent progress in the conciliation commission. RICHARD BOECKEL, Washington. Bone Dry America HE dominant topic of the week for many thou- sands of Americans is the enforcement of the eighteenth constitutional amendment which be- came effective on the sixteenth of January. The attitude of the Federal Government is thoroly satisfactory to prohibition sentiment. Attorney-General Palmer an- nounces that the Department of Justice will enforce the law to the letter. For this purpose an organization of some 1500 men has been ‘established under John F. Kramer, Federal Prohibition Commissioner. The United States is divided into districts, at the head of each of which is a district supervisor with the right to order investigations, raids and arrests. For each state there is a director charged with the administration of the permissive features of the law, such as the clauses allowing physicians and druggists to use intoxicants under certain conditions. Mr. Kramer’s bureau has $2,000,000 at its disposal by vote of Congress with which to conduct its work to the first of July. The Federal Government is operating under the pro- visions of the Volstead Enforcement Act under which it is illegal not only to sell intoxicating liquor but to manufacture it for consumption, to export, import or transport it, or even to own it save in private dwellings or government bonded warehouses. It has been pro- posed to purchase the 60,000,000 gallons of liquor now in bond in order to prevent loss to the banks which have loaned money against this liquor. The Treasury, after purchase of this liquor, could gradually dispose of its stock and recoup its expenditure by sales for medicinal, scientific or industrial purposes. Complaint has been made of thefts from storage warehouses and Mr. Kramer’s staff has been instructed to guard the Stored liquor with special care. Anti-prohibitionists are advancing to the attack from three directions. One policy is agitation for the repeal of the eighteenth amendment. At present this is admittedly a hopeless prospect, but it is believed that THE INDEPENDENT 175 in time the current of public sentiment can be reversed until three-fourths of the states are ready to ‘consider repeal. To this end Governor Smith of New York rec- ommended a popular referendum in his state. This could have no legal effect but it might result in a “moral vic- tory” for the wets which would help their campaign. Much more reliance is placed on an alternative policy of reversing the eighteenth amendment in the courts, or at all events of nullifying the more stringent provi- sions of the Enforcement Act. To this end the State of Rhode Island is asking an injunction in the Federal courts against the local enforcement of the law; charg- ing that the eighteenth amendment was irregularly put into effect and that it exceeds the competence of the Federal Government. Applications for similar injunc- tions brought by private persons have already been dis- missed by the courts as beyond their competence, but the action of a “sovereign State” introduces a novel ele- ment, The third, and most promising, line of attack is to accept the eighteenth amendment as it stands but weaken its force by unfriendly local legislation; just as the “personal liberty laws” of northern states before the Civil War virtually nullified the fugitive slave laws passed at Washington, and just as the complex fran- chise provisions of some southern states in recent years have destroyed the spirit, while respecting the letter, of the fifteenth amendment admitting negroes to the franchise. The second section of the eighteenth amend- ment gives the states “concurrent power” with Con- gress to enforce prohibition “by appropriate legisla- tion.” Taking advantage of this provision laws have been proposed in various states which are far less dras- tic than the Federal Enforcement Act. New Jersey has been the leader in this movement. Legislation is proposed which will define “intoxicating liquors” by a high alcohol content. The Federal En- forcement Act places the limit of alcoholic con- tent at one-half of one per cent. The prohibitionists are endeavoring to secure local legislation framed in conformity with this provision. Anti-prohibitionists claim that it is illegal and unconstitutional to fix a defi- nite percentage, especially at so low a figure, and to Evans in Baltimore American The earthquake in the United States

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The first accomplished trip to the moon will probab!y be in the movies. These sketches show the rocket drawn by Max Fleischer for a picture to be sent out shortly from the Bray Pictograph Stu- dios. In the interior of this movie rocket are (along the left side) dynamo, radium power tank, chairs, motorcycles on which to explore the ee “There is always room at the top” applies more truly to the atmosphere than to busi- ness. If we could run our elevated trains on a frictionless track at a hight of 200 miles we would not need to hitch on an engine. A single shove-off at the station would send the train around the world. The Germans did something of the sort with their big gun which shot the shell so high that the air-resistance became negli- gible and the projectile had no difficulty in traveling 75 miles to Paris. If when the shell had reached the upper limit of its flight and was about to drop to the earth a second charge of powder had been ex- ploded underneath it would have been the Meen driven further upward and aaa This multiple-charge idea has been applied by Professor Goddard, of Clark College, to a rocket which he believes could be sent above the limits of the atmosphere by the gradual discharge of ten pounds of explo- sive in the rear, if the instruments do not weigh over one pound. A hundred times that charge would, according to his cal- culations, carry the rocket out of the range of the earth’s attraction and up to the moon if pointed in that direction. The principle is a familiar one, for when we were children we used to set pinwheel fire- works revolving by the reaction from the force of the gunpowder gases streaming out of the rear of the pasteboard tubes. Even in a vacuum this would work, for, as Newton said in his third law, “Action and reaction are equal and opposite,” A gun kicks even when it is not leaded with ball. The hot gases escaping from the rocket are driven so rapidly to the rear that their momen- r tum balances that of the heavier and slowg mov. ing rocket head. Readers of Jules Verne will #mem- ber that his voyagers to the moon used that method of getting back to earth. Of course ideal propellin gpower would be the radium emanation that shoots out corp with a velocity approaching the speed of light. In our issue of Decem. ber 27 we told of a French scientist who proposed by thatjmeans to send a man to Venus. But Professor Goddard is more mo #t and Proposes merely to use his invention for sending mtn, ments into the upper atmosphere. We might then learn more about at the weather is going to be. Very light and compact recording instrumen$ have been devised for balloons used to explore the upper atmosphere. But thy have never ascended as high as twenty miles and then they float around and oftentannot be recovered. But Professor Goddard expects to send his rocket to a hight of 23!\ miles, ; about the limit of the atmosphere, within six and one-half minutes and it would com§ down like a stick in about the same time, altho it would be necessary to ease up the desceté by a parachute to prevent smashing the instruments or hitting somebody. The recording ba®meter would give the changes in air pressure going and coming. A thermometer would tel! how lise the temperature of empty space approaches absolute zero, which is 459 degrees below zero Fab¢ heit. An automatic camera could take snapshots of the earth at a distance of 200 miles and of the m@P free from the disturbing influences of the air. A vacuum tube set to open at the proper hight coug take moon, food com- partment, berths, lockers, gyro- scope; (along the right side) more berths, heater, desk, water tank

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pplied by liege, to a d be sent re by the of explo- nts do not lred times o his cal- the range up to the tion. The when we wheel fire- 1 from the streaming yard tubes. ork, for, as Action and e,” A gun with ball. rocket are ir momen- owe movy- ill ®mem- method of lin) SJpower yuscl#s with of Vecem. that}means mow@pt and ical Instru- ut wRat the men have t thy have ften tannot f 23% miles, com dow n escett by a 7 ba®meter ow clase the Fahenheit. e mam free coum take samples of the air for chemical analysis to determine if it contained more of such light gases as hydrogen and helium and less of such heavy gases as oxy- gen and nitrogen. Professor God- dard suggests the possibility of sending his rocket to the moon, where its arrival could be signalized by the explosion of a gigantic flashlight on the dark side of our satellite. He does not propose to send up any passengers to explore the moon, tho various scientific romancers, not bound by his sense of practicality, have allowed free rein to their imaginations. Lucian, the Latin author; Jules Verne, the French romancer; H. G. Wells, the English novelist, and others have told of trips to the moon. The movie man has taken up the idea, as we show herewith This is how the earth looks when you are on the moon, 240,000 miles or more away from home. These photographs of the moon’s surface are au- thentic. The one at the left shows in its deep sha- dows the roughened surface and volcanic craters The arrows above show the “spheres of gravita- tional influence” round the earth and moon. When the rocket reaches the lunar atmosphere its. power must be reversed to overcome gravitation toward the moon. Below is one of the craters

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178 tule that all beverages containing more alcohol must be intoxicating. They demand that the intoxicating character of a beverage be judicially demonstrated in each case; or, failing that, the sale of beer and wines containing less than five per cent of alcohol be per- mitted as presumably “non-intoxicating.” All this hostile activity has not found the prohibi- tionists asleep. The Anti-Saloon League has announced that it “will stay in politics” so long as there is any danger of the nullification of prohibition. It pledges it- self to the defeat of any person or party who opposes strict enforcement of the laws on the statute books or ‘ who seeks to change those laws so as to frustrate the intent of the eighteenth amendment. A separate organi- zation, the Allied Citizens of America, has been founded to supplement the work of the League. Members are not required to believe in prohibition as a policy, but simply to support the constitution and the enforcement of the laws as they stand in the name of good citizen- ship and obedience to the will of the majority. The Fed- eral Prohibition Commissioner has given his written endorsement to this organization. The prohibition movement is an outgrowth of the temperance or abstinence movement which, in its or- ganized form, dates back in the United States for more than a century. It was not, however, until Maine passed its first law in 1851 that a political character was given to the anti-saloon agitation, which previously had worked by the method of religious propaganda and in- dividual pledges of abstinence. Kansas followed the example of Maine in 1880. Local option laws were passed in many states, but only a few state-wide laws were passed until Georgia and Oklahoma acted in 1907. The “solid south” once more lived up to its name and went over to prohibition almost as a unit. The active participation in politics of the Anti-Saloon League, founded in 1893, created something like a panic among “wet” politicians as election after election, in every THE INDEPENDENT ee oka Oe Zain id nae © 144149, New York Tribune, Inc. The innocent little game of crack the whip January 31, 1920 part of the nation, turned on the state prohibition issue. The Prohibition Party, organized in 1869, was less di- rectly influential as it never became a serious rival to the two dominant political machines and did not, like the League, play off Republicans and Democrats against each other. Federal action began with the Webb-Kenyon Law of 1913 which forbade the importation of liquor into “dry” territory. This was followed by war-time prohibition and the passing of the eighteenth amendment by a vote of 281 to 128 in the House of Representatives and of 65 to 20 in the Senate. The hostile votes were mainly provided by New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Pennsylvania; tho Connecticut alone voted solidly against the amendment. The ratification of the thirty-sixth state legislature on January 16, 1919, made the amendment legally effective one year from that date. However, other legislatures continued to go on record in favor of ratification until at the time when the eighteenth amendment became effective only New Jersey, Connecticut and Rhode Island had failed to approve national prohibition. It is noteworthy that fourteen states approving national prohibition had not yet enacted state-wide prohibition within their own limits. American prohibition differs from the movement in European countries in two important respects. Liquor dealers .put out of business are rarely compensated for their losses, whether under national, state or local laws; whereas in Europe some compensation is generally paid to the holder of a license. Also no discrimination is made between distilled liquors on the one hand and light wines and beers on the other; whereas in Europe drastic prohibitory laws are directed only at strong in- toxicants. Which policy is the wiser is legitimate mat- ter of debate; but one thing is unquestionable, the strength of contemporary American sentiment thruout nearly the entire nation for complete, rigorous and un- compromising prohibition. The Coal Truce HE coal mines of the United States are still in a condition of armistice, the peace negotiations are in progress which it is hoped may result in a permanent industrial settlement. The decision of the operators to submit their case before the coal commis- sion appointed by the President enabled the commis- sion to begin its work on January 13. This commission consists of Chairman Henry Robinson, for the public, Rembrandt Peale for the mine operators and John P. White for the miners. The decisions of the commission must be unanimous and, even so, do not become directly binding on the mine owners but simply “serve as a basis upon which a new wage agreement can be made.” The Government, however, by its power to control prices and stimulate production in the interests of the public can exercise great pressure to compel the ac- ceptance of the verdict of the commission. The miners are demanding a sixty per cent increase in pay and a basic thirty-hour week. They claim that the increase is justified by the rise in the cost of living and that the fourteen per cent already awarded to them by the Fuel Administration is the only increase of pay they have had since October, 1917. Frank Farrington of the Illinois Miners’ Union estimated that the average annual earnings of miners in his state had increased only from $700 in 1913 to $1390 in 1918; the cost of living during the same period having much more than doubled. It is true that the additional sixty per cent proposed by the miners would more than overtake the rise in the cost of living, but John L. Lewis, acting President of the United Mine Workers of America, price clusi coal creas whic mino tende ing 1 T natio Trea: name Wilsc howe ed hi I re recon: shoul desire utmos been s Positic that | count1 gation priviic

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January 31, 1920 defends the policy of increasing “real” as well as “nom- inal” wages on the ground that the standard of living for the coal miner is and has always been discreditably low. The thirty hour week is certainly shorter than pre- vails in other branches of industry and, it might be added, is only about half the working week of the aver- age professional man, business executive, housewife (without servants) or western farmer. But the miners point out with some force that what they desire is not so much to reduce their hours of labor as to distribute labor more evenly thruout the year. At present seasons of overwork alternate with seasons of unemployment. By the adoption of the six hour day and five day week there will, it is claimed, be employment the year around and production will not be decreased. For overtime the miners demand payment at “time and a half” rate; and payment at double rates for work on Sundays or legal holidays. © The coal operators replied that to accept the miners’ demands would be to disturb, without adequate in- quiry, the adjustment of wages to prices and mining conditions which have been established by decades of negotiation and collective bargaining. The increase of wages would be so great that the coal industry could not possibly absorb it by improving methods or by ac- cepting diminished profits. The bulk of the cost would have to be passed on to the public in the form of higher prices. As soon as the Lever Act expires with the con- clusion of peace, the mine owners insist, the price of coal will no longer be subject to regulation and in- creases will be necessary to cover any advance in wages which the commission might approve. The numerous minor demands presented to the commission, they con- tended, were in every case indirect methods of increas- ing wages and therefore the costs of production. Pan-American Unity HE Second Pan-American Financial Congress met | at Washington on January 19 to discuss such problems of reconstruction as are common to the nations of the New World. Secretary Glass, of the Treasury Department, welcomed the delegates in the name of the United States, acting in place of President Wilson, who was unable to be present. The President, however, sent a letter of greeting in which he expound- ed his ideal of Pan-Americanism: I rejoice with you that in these troubled times of world reconstruction the republics of the American continent should seek no selfish purpose but should be guided by a desire to serve one another and to serve the world to the utmost of their capacity. The great privileges that have been showered upon us, both by reason of our geographical position and because of the high political and social ideals that have determined the national development of every country of the American continent carry with them obli- gations the fulfilment of which must be regarded as a real priviiege by every true American. Secretary Lansing and John Barrett, director of the Pan-American Union, gave addresses of welcome, to which the Latin-American guests responded with the courtesy which is their heritage and tradition. The Financial Congress then resolved itself into discussion groups to consider definite problems of trade, credit and transportation. The chief topic considered at the first day’s session was that of steamship transportation. Dr. Du Puy, of Venezuela, exprest his belief that communication be- tween his country and the United States was better a quarter of a century ago than it is today. Mr. Payne, chairman of the Shipping Board, explained how the needs of war and the repatriation of troops after the THE INDEPENDENT 179 Underwoud 4 Underwood The Edison medal this year “for meritorious achievement in electrical science, electrical engineering, or the electrical arts” has been awarded to William LeRoy Emmet, who designed the Curtis steam turbine and who first developed the principle of electric propulsion for ships, used notably in the newest United States warships, the “New Mexico” and the “California.” The “New Mexico” was the first electrically driven battleship to be owned by any nation. Mr. Emmet is an Annapolis graduate; he served as a lieutenant in the navy in the Spanish-American War war had withdrawn ships from the American steamship lines. He announced that the Shipping Board intended to use five formerly German steamships of fifteen knots speed on a southbound route to Rio de Janeiro and thence to Montevideo and Buenos Aires, thus maintain- ing fortnightly communication between New York and the chief South American cities of the Atlantic coast. In addition, the Shipping Board intends to establish a monthly service of cargo steamers, especially adapted to the transport of frozen beef, between Argentina and western Europe. Dr. Ricardo Aldao, of Argentina, said that even this shipping program would not prove adequate. At present mail frequently took more than two months to come from the United States to business houses in Argentina. Dr. Carlos Sampaio, of Brazil, exprest his regret that the United States, unlike his own country, still stood outside the League of Nations, but he was glad that in the meantime the Americas were united in a league of friendship. He said that Brazil viewed the banking system of the United States as an example to be followed by other American countries. The United States was now the financial center of the world and the only place to which Latin-America could look for cred- its. Among the other delegates were Dr. Salaberry, ° Minister of Finance from Argentina; Dr. José Pejada, of Bolivia; Dr. Luis Izquierto, of Chile; Dr. Enriquez Sobral, of Mexico, and Dr. Manuel de Cespedes, Cuban Minister to the United States. The increasing strength of “Americanism,” in a broader sense of the word than “United Statesism,” is indicated in many ways. The most obvious, of course, is the growth of trade relationship in spite of the handi- cap imposed by our participation in the Great War and by the shipping crisis. From 1913 to 1919 our imports from Latin-American countries have increased from about $442,000,000 to more than $1,126,000,000; our exports to those countries from $323,000,000 to $866,-

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180 000,000. Even if we halve the present figures, to make due allowance for the doubling of values during the Great War, a very important increase is still indicated. Our political influence, or, better, our solidarity of sentiment on political issues with Latin-American coun- tries, is sufficiently proved by the fact that of the twenty Latin-American republics only Mexico, Vene- zuela, Colombia, Argentina, Paraguay and Chile failed to align themselves with us against Germany, either by declaration of war or by breaking off diplomatic rela- tions with our enemies or similar official action. Mexico alone of the six technically neutral nations of Latin- America failed to show general popular sympathy with the American cause. In addition to the ties of trade and politics there is an educational bond among the American republics. From March, 1917, to March, 1919, the number of stu- dents of Spanish in the New York schools increased from 13,362 to 25,729, altho the total number of stu- dents taking modern languages had not increased at all. That German should have lost ground was, perhaps, natural but it is noteworthy that very little of this loss went to the advantage of French or any other ancient or modern language save Spanish; which within a twelvemonth overtook the lead of French, German and Latin to seize the first place in the language curricu- lum. In similar fashion Latin Americans are turning to American education. Chile has arranged a system of exchange professorships thru the good offices of the University of California. The first United States rep- resentatives are Dr. Chapman, professor of Hispanic- American History in California University and Mr. Gregory of the San Francisco Polytechnic High School. Should the plan work as is hoped an exchange of nor- mal schoo] teachers will be added. In Cuba a fund has been established, under the patronage of President Menocal, to endow a professorship in Cornell Univer- sity. Cornell has eighty-six graduates in Cuba and two of ‘them, Estrada Palma and Menocal, have later filled the office of President of the island republic. Sinn Feiners Win N the Irish elections of January 15 the republicans elected 70 per cent of their candidates and secured control of most of the municipal and local councils. Out of 80 seats in the Dublin corporation Sinn Fein won 42 and Labor 14. These two parties will vote to- gether in opposition to the British administration and will constitute a majority. Opposing them are 14 Na- tionalists, 9 Municipal Reformers and 1 Unionist. The old corporation was composed of 51 Nationalists, 7 Sinn Feiners, 6 Unionists and 1 Laborite. Having a clear majority in the new corporation the Sinn Feiners are expected to elect as Lord Mayor of Dublin either Al- derman Tom Kelly who is now in the Wormwood Scrubbs Prison in London or W. T. Cosgrove whom the Sinn Feiners elected to Parliament but who refuses to enter that body. The Dublin corporation will probably make formal recognition of the Irish Republic and refuse to recognize British authority. Two women were elected to the Dublin corporation; Mrs. Wyse Powers, one of the treasurers of the Sinn Fein organization, and Mrs. Sheehy Skeffington, whose husband, editor of The Irish Citizen, was killed in the Dublin rising of Easter, 1916. Even in Ulster, the stronghold of Unionism, the re- publicans gained a large minority, and in some parts a majority representation. Nine-tenths of the southern townships of Ulster went republican. In Ulster County as a whole, excluding the Borough of Londonderry, for THE INDEPENDENT January 31, 1920 © Kadet & Herbert The new Premier of France, Alexander Millerand, former Gov- ernor of Alsace, who was asked by President Poincaré to form a new cabinet upon the resignation of the Clemenceau ministry. M. Millerand has always been a special student of social and economic problems. It is expected that he will continue as Premier under the administration of President-elect Deschanel which the returns were not complete, the parties stood as follows: Unionist, 246; Labor, 90; Sinn Fein, 83; Nationalist, 79; Independent, 4; Reform, 5. In Bel- fast, the new corporation will consist of 37 Unionists, 13 Laborites, 5 Sinn Feiners and 5 Nationalists. The old corporation was composed of 52 Unionists and 8 Nationalists. In the Shankill district of Belfast, an Orange constituency, the highest vote was received by a Socialist and among the other seven members, one is a Socialist and one a Sinn Feiner. When the Sinn fein member from Shankill was received at the Bel- fast City Hall he returned thanks for his election in a speech in the Irish language. When the Socialists appeared the crowd outside the City Hall sang “The Red Flag.” Two new and incalculable factors entered into this election; the women’s vote and proportiOnal representa- tion. Under the system of balloting a minority can se- cure representation by bunching its votes for one or a few candidates. It was hoped by this means to prevent the Sinn Fein from getting exclusive control of the county councils in the south of Ireland but the chief result was to give the Sein Feiners a greater chance in Ulster where they had hitherto been shut out by the old method of districting. Another reason for the Sinn Fein gains in Ulster is that early in the war the men in the shipyards volunteered for army service and their places were taken by Irish from the south. Con- scription was never extended to Ireland for fear of trouble. The British Labor party has sent a delegation, headed by Arthur Henderson, to investigate the Irish prob- lem on the spot and recommend a party policy. Mayor Hylan of New York City, acting, as he was careful to state, in his official capacity and by authority of the Board of Aldermen, received Eamon de Valera as “President of the Irish Republic” and conferred upon him the freedom of the city. Mr. de Valera was escorted to the City Hall by a band of Irish pipers and a detachment of the Sixty-ninth, the New York Irish regiment that did such distinguished service in

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January 31, 1920 France. This reception was the opening of a drive to sell $10,000,000 of bond certificates of the Irish Re- public. The New York State Assembly has approved of this Irish “Liberty Loan.” Russian Blockade Raised HE resumption of peace relations with Germany was promptly followed by the opening of com- mercial relations with Russia. On January 15 the Supreme Council at Paris took the following action: With a view to remedying the unhappy situation of the population in the interior of Russia, which is now deprived of all manufactured products from outside of Russia, the Supreme Council, after taking note of the report of a com- mittee appointed to consider the reopening of certain trade relations with the Russian people, has decided that it would permit the exchange of goods on the basis of reciprocity be- THE INDEPENDENT © Kadel & Herbert Under dramatic circumstances M. Paul Deschanel was elected, on January 17 by the Chamber of Deputies, to be the next President of France. The chief plank in his platform was the defeat of Premier Clemenceau, the “Tiger” who led the republic of France thru the long war to victory. The candidacy for president was forced upon Clemenceau against his will, but his political enemies were as bitter as his friends were enthusiastic, and when Deschanel’s greater strength in the caucus became apparent Clemenceau withdrew his name from the nomination 181 tween the Russian people and allied and neutral countries. For this purpose it decided to give facilities to the Rus- sian codperative organizations which are in direct touch thruout Russia so that they may arrange for the import into Russia of clothing, medicines, agricultural machinery «nd the other necessaries of which the Russian people are in sore need, in exchange for grain, flax, etc., of which there is a surplus supply. These arrangements imply no change in the policies of the Allied Governments toward the Soviet Government. This puts an end to the policy of isolation adopted by the Allies toward Russia on the accession of the Bolshe- viki to power in November, 1917. It was officially de- nied until recently that it was a blockade and therefore it was not subject to the limitations and requirements imposed by international law upon a formal blockade. But being free from such regulations it could be made much more stringent and effective than a legal blockade so for more than two years the exchange of goods, passage of persons and intercommunication by papers has been almost completely prohibited. Altho technical- ly the Allied Powers and the United States were not at war with Russia since they did not officially recognize the Soviet Government as in existence, yet their troops have been fighting on Russian soil against the Soviet forces. Scandinavian vessels carrying non-contraband goods bound for Petrograd have been stopped by the British fleet in the Baltic Sea. The United States, in accordance with its historic doctrine of the freedom of the seas, refused to acknowledge or support the blockade, but acquiesced in it by declining to give clearance papers to Soviet ports. Doubts as to the advisability of the blockade policy heve been increasing as it became evident that it did not effect its purpose of weakening the Soviet Government while it caused incalculable misery to the Russian people. The Soviet rationing system was so contrived that those who refused to work for the Soviet received the least food, so the anti-Bolsheviki suffered the most from the famine. In England, France and Italy there has been growing opposition to the maintenance of the blockade and military intervention from two diverse classes; first, from the labor and socialist organiza- tions who regarded it as a capitalist attempt to crush a working class state; second, from the financial and manufacturing interests which saw in it money wasted and trade opportunities lost. The Big Five of the Paris Conference differed in their attitude toward Russia. The French and the Japanese favored joint military operations on a large scale for the overthrow of the Soviet. The Japanese are ready and willing to occupy eastern Siberia as far as Lake Baikal. The French sent an army into the Ukraine and, this being driven out by the Bolsheviki, Clemenceau proposed to back up the Poles and Letts in the invasion of Russia from the west. Lloyd George has secretly been in favor of open- ing up communications with Soviet Russia, but he has been held in check by Winston Churchill and the mili- tary party, who refused to listen to compromize. Presi- dent Wilson has’ been openly opposed to intervention from the first. Premier Nitti has apparently been af- fected by the recent overtures of the Soviet to Italy and lately declared himself opposed to the continuance of the blockade. Now it appears that Lloyd George and Nitti have got their way in the Supreme Council. Clemenceau, who has been discredited by the late elections, withdrew his opposition on condition that a paragraph be added to the declaration that: “These arrangements imply no change in the policies of the Allied Governments toward the Soviet Government.” The day before the announcement of the lifting of the blockade by the Supreme Council the British mili-

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THE NEW FIELD OF FOREIGN COMMERCE By action of the Supreme Council of the Allied Powers at Paris a certain amount of strictly regulated commerce is to be permitted with Soviet Russia, the shaded area in the above map. The arrows show the gains made by the Bolsheviki and their present direc- tion of attack. Kolchak, when driven out of Omsk, retired to Irkutsk, but this also he has lost and his whereabouts is unknown. The Japanese will attempt to hold that part of Siberia lying east of Lake Baikal. The American and Czech troops are being withdrawn from Vladivostok. The Bolsheviki have established at Tashkent a center of propaganda for Mohammedans which is causing disturbance in India, Afghanistan, Turkey and Persia. Mongolia has broken away from Russian control and reunited with China. Denikin’s army has been broken and scattered and he is now trying, with the aid of the British, to prevent the Bolsheviki from reaching the Caucasus. They have captured his headquarters at Rostov and threaten now to take Odessa. Along the western _region the Poles and the Letts (Livonians) have started a drive against the Bolshevik forces and have taken the city of Dvinsk

tary party made a final effort to forestall the antici- pated action by sending out a big “scare-story” de- scribing the alarming advances of the Bolsheviki in the direction of the Caucasia, Turkey, Afghanistan, India, Persia and China, and intimating that the Allied Pow- ers were about to combine their forces in establishing a bulwark against Bolshevism. The British War Office in a long semi-official statement warned the British people that they must prepare for a new war to be waged against Russia on a large scale within the next three months. This statement created a sensation in the English and American press, but it was negatived next morning by the announcement of the new commercial policy toward Soviet Russia. This need not, however, involve any official recogni- tion of the Soviet Government or condoning the crimes of the Bolsheviki. The codperative societies, to whom is entrusted the distribution of the goods to be imported into Russia, are non-political and unofficial organiza- tions, which have managed to survive and even to thrive under the Czar, under Lenin, and under Kolchak. They claim to have 65,000 local societies, comprizing 20,000,- 000 members, and to supply the wants of five times that number. Last year they operated over 500 industrial plants with more than 50,000 employees. Their total turnover is said to be 8,000,000,000 rubles or about $1,600,000,000. Representatives of the Russian codp- eratives came to the United States last year and worked long and earnestly to open up trade with this country. But they were regarded here as Bolsheviki, altho some of them had been condemned to death by Soviet courts and had escaped from Soviet prisons. They complained that they could not get a hearing either from Washington officials or American business men, so they left in disgust for London to make the same offer to the British. There they have been suc- cessful, perhaps because British manufacturers felt more the need of the flax, hemp, lumber, hides, furs and platinum which they were accustomed to get from Rus- sia. Large stocks of these have accumulated in the last five years and will be exchanged very cheaply for the machinery and manufactures of which Russia is desti- tute. The British Food Controller, G. H. Roberts, esti- mates that there is a million tons of wheat in Russia ready for export, and that this would aid in relieving the shortage in England and other countries of western Europe. Russia in normal times produces a large sur- plus of food products, and the present destitution of the people is due to the disorganization of industry, the collapse of the financial system, the lack of agricultural machinery, the wearing out of the railroads, the incom- petency of the Soviet administration and its preoccu- pation with the war. Under the Soviet constitution all foreign commerce must be conducted by the Soviet Government, not by individuals. But the Soviet has been obliged to recog- nize and deal with the coéperatives and doubtless they will be entrusted with the handling of international trade. The codperative officials when they were in the United States offered to give bonds that any American goods they were allowed to import into Russia should be distributed to the most needy without distinction of political party. On account of the worthlessness of the Soviet paper currency, goods can only be interchanged by barter, and the question of credits will be hard to adjust. The Over- seas Trade Department of the British Government has been planning to take immediate advantage of this an- ticipated opportunity and proposes to provide a fund of $85,000,000 to insure British traders against commer- cial risks in Russia. It is expected that the House of Commons will authorize the increase of this guarantee fund to $125,000,000. The opening of this new market of over a hundred million people to English woolen and cotton goods will bring a boom to the British mills, while the linen manufacturers will procure the flax that they need so much. Formerly Russia exported about $50,000,000 of flax a year largely to England and Ire- land. The United States Government has announced its in- tention of withdrawing all its troops from Siberia as soon as the Czechoslovaks, whom the American forces

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January 31, 1920 were sent there to protect, are shipped away. The evac- uation of Vladivostok will begin February 1. No objec- tion is made to the proposal of the Japanese to occupy eastern Siberia with their own troops and so prevent the advance of the Bolsheviki beyond Lake Baikal. Senator Kenyon of Iowa has introduced a new issue into the campaign. He makes the ingenious suggestion that candidates for the Presidency make public shortly in ad- vance of election the personnel of their intended cabinet. This would not only enable the voters to gain light on the policies of the Presidential candidate and his intentions with respect to appointments but would also establish a popular veto on unpopular appointments to cabinet office by withdrawing support from the candidate. He desires the Republican party to pledge its nominee to name his cabi-. net in advance of election. If platform pledges should not prove sufficient, the Senator will introduce a bill into Con- gress to make such action compulsory on all party nomi- nees. The shop councils bill, which has just passed the Ger- man National Assembly, provides that in any establish- ment where five or more men or women are employed, ex- cept newspaper offices, the employees shall elect.one or more stewards who shall confer with the employer on the conduct of the business. They may attend directors’ meet- ings and vote, tho not stockholders. Any foreman or de- partment chief may be forced to quit on demand of the em- ployees. The employers are prohibited from discharging women to give place to men. This legislation, tho radical beyond precedent, did not satisfy the Independent Social- ists, who demand soviets and started riots in Berlin against the bill. President Menocal of Cuba announces that 2,250,000 tons of Cuban sugar is now under engagement; a prepon- derance of which has been sold. He declares that “the Cuban Government put forth every effort to conclude by agreement with the American Government the disposition of the entire output of Cuban sugar for the year 1920” and expresses regret that the American Government has not availed itself of the Cuban offer. Alexandre Millerand has succeeded Clemenceau as premier of France. His cabinet is composed of younger and comparatively unknown men. Millerand was the first So- cialist to take office in the French Government, when he became Minister of Commerce in 1899. This violation of the rules of the Socialist party involved his separation from the party. He was Minister of War in the early part of the recent war. Governor Lowden of Illinois has received official permit from the War Department for the construction of a water- way intended to improve river commerce thruout the Middle West. Besides connecting Chicago more adequately with the Gulf, it will provide a water route by way of the Illinois River from the Great Lakes to Minneapolis and St. Paul. The cost is estimated at $20,000,000. The French steamer “Afrique,” bound from Bordeaux to Dakar on the west coast of Africa, sprang a leak in the Bay of Biscay, January 10, and sank three days later. The storm prevented rescue and out of 465 passengers and 100 crew only fifty-seven are known to have been saved. Many of the passengers were French colored troops returning to their homeland. The Austrian Chancellor, Dr. Renner, announces that Austria and Czechoslovakia have formed an offensive and defensive alliance. Austria and Germany were anxious to unite but the Peace Conference would not permit it. Colonel Russell, commanding United States marines sta- tioned at Port-au-Prince in the Republic of Hayti, reports THE INDEPENDENT 183 that on January 15 three hundred armed bandits attacked the town. The American marines and Haytian gendarmes repulsed the attack and killed or captured half of the raiders. Two American privates were wounded. Under the South Dakota primary law, which requires candidates to accept a challenge to debate on the issues of the campaign, Senator Poindexter of Washington has for- mally invited General Wood to discuss questions of national policy. State officials, however, have interpreted the law as to permit debate by proxy. Both Houses of Congress have agreed on the appoint- ment of a Congressional committee of investigation to visit the Virgin Islands, purchased from Denmark, and report as to the establishment of a civil government in the islands in place of the present temporary administration by Amer- ican naval authorities. Dr. José Luis Tamayo, former President of the Senate and candidate of the Liberal Party, has been elected Presi- dent of the Republic of Ecuador. His Conservative oppo- nent had withdrawn from the contest a few days before election and the day passed off very quietly. The Indiana Legislature has ratified the equal suffrage amendment to the American Constitution by an almost unanimous vote. The Governor of Wyoming has summoned the Legislature in special session to act on the amendment and favorable action is assured. In the Waziri war which we described last week the British have suffered severely. A column invading the Mah- sud country was attacked and 385 casualties inflicted upon the British and Indian troops. The loss of the Mahsuds is supposed to be about the same. To relieve the shortage of change due to the hoarding of small silver coins the Mexican Government has issued paper certificates for one peso and for fifty centavos. Paper currency for small denominations has not hitherto been in circulation since 1916. Now that the German treaty is concluded Japan an- nounces that she is ready to fulfil her promise to restore the Shantung territory to China and will open negotiations for the transfer. “HERE ARE NO STRAIGHT LINES iW SPACE. LIGHT 1S WARPED BY (TS WEIGHT and Or THe Sun's ATTRAC TON 160 Tons OF LICHT FALL On “Tine /*S THe Fount Beason wey LIE Ewneeyy in PME MIND OF THe = 0636 “ACCORDING To THESE S, THERE is Sy.) A DEFINITE tinnt To Time AnD Sface” DO MAWe MYSELF ENTIRELY CLEAR ?” “ YES, HNOEED, our FoR OME THANG © © 1920, by John T. McCutcheon Explaining the Einstein theory of time and space

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Here Are Books—and Books Booth Tarkington on Bolshevism The Gibson Upright sounds like the title of an apartment house farce, but i€ is really a very entertaining satire on the labor question with more than a little truth of the world go hang. “Daisy adored writing and used to pray for bad weather so that she need not go out but could stay in and write.” The Young Visiters is an amus- ing combination of a precocity gained from reading grown-up novels and watehing the visitors who in it. A play by Booth T ark ington and Harry Leon Wilson couldn’t help being amus- ing, but it might man- age to avoid a point. It doesn’t, tho. It tells what happened when Gibson, in a state of despair over labor difficul- ties in his piano fac- tory, took his workmen at their word occasionally came to her home, and the naiveté of an extremely innocent mind. Its characters, unchaper- oned and acting in a pecu- liarly hair-lifting manner, go their blithe way thru the High Life of the time —to visits at a country house where “the hall was very big and hung round with guns and mats What England Did You know that British recruiting poster which shows a small boy looking up into his father’s face and asking, “Daddy, what did you do in the Great War?” Daddy is depicted with a look of utter misery, but not, as the artist would have you suppose, because he did nothing—on the contrary, he did a great deal, but he is British and hates the idea of talking about it. The British have said so little in comparison to what they did that it is a joy when an occasional inhabitant of the islands be- comes sufficiently Americanized to tell us about it. Mrs. Humphry Ward and Philip Gibbs have each just added a volume to their stories of what England did in the and ancestors giv- ing it a gloomy and grand air,” to par- ties at the “Crys- talle Pallace” and to a levie at Buck- ingham Palace. It even introduces its readers to a Prince Edward grown weary of Court and turned the whole plant over to them to run on shares with the wage system abolished and the tools be- longing to the worker. It is a situation with possibilities and the playwrights make the most of them. Of course it is prejudiced and one-sided, but then there is much to be said on that one side and you really can’t write a satire and be tol- erant at the same time. Tho evidently written for the stage, it is a play more likely to be read than acted. One rea- son for that is the “love interest” which is apparently introduced simply for the sake of propriety and is quite unimportant. There is a very fair amount of action, and, for a play with & purpose, a remarkable freedom from long speeches. An amateur dramatic club with a sufficient number of mas- culine members could probably do ef- fective work with it. The Gibson Upright, by Booth Tarkington -_ Harry Leon Wilson. Doubleday, Page & is the way she looked penned (pencilled, to exact) that remarkable English manners in her The Young Visiters “Mr. Salteena was an elderly man of forty-two and was fond of asking people to stay with him,” starts off The Young Visiters, a book written by Daisy Ash- ford, an English child, when she was nine years old. According to J. M. Bar- rie, who wrote the preface, Miss Ash- ford, who is now grown up, at the time she wrote The Young Visiters was one of a small family who lived in the country, invented their own games, dodged the governess, and let the rest 184 The authorship of The Young Visi- ters is a question of Who killed Cock Robin? Was it Daisy Ashford or was it Barrie? If the former, this Life. “It upsets me said the prince lap- ping up his straw- berry ice all I want is peace and quiet when she and a little fun and =, — here I am tied down notebook 0 this life he said taking off his crown being royal has many painful draw backs.” But why quote. You must read it. Every one else is Great War. Mrs.Ward’s Fields of Vic- tory, like ** EF n gland’s Effort” and “Toward the Goal,’’ is made up of letters to an American friend. Even if you don’t like Mrs. Ward as a novelist, and it is very possible that you don’t, you will probably like her exceed- ingly as a let- reading it. London devoured four editions in a month. And every one who loves children shouldn’t let this bit of child literature go by. The Young Visiters comes in a funny little edition “com- pleat” with a photograph of the author and a reproduction of a page of the stout two-penny notebook to which it was confided in pencil and where it has lain these many years. The Young Visiters, by Daisy Ashford. G. H. Doran Co. Modern Fables Alvin Johnson’s John Stuyvesant Ancestor and Other People is a collec- tion of moral tales. It doesn’t sound al- luring when you say it that way but it is. Mr. Johnson doesn’t point his mor- als, he just leaves them around in per- fectly plain sight and goes away. These sketches or stories or conversations or whatever you want to call them, are keenly and skilfully written. Mr. John- son has in a very high degree the art of being detailed and at the same time omitting the unessential. John Stuyvesant Ancestor, by Alvin John- son. Harcourt, Brace & Howe. Daisy Ashford, grown up, gave a Young Visiters tea for charity in Lon- don the other day, but the reporter who covered it-for the London Times failed to mention her deportment. Lacking other details, we can only assure you that this is how she looks ter writer. She gives, of course, a brief but a c om prehen- sive view of the last year of the war. Parts of the book are just ade- quate, parts of it are thrilling. She makes an interesting summary of the roles played by the respective Allies: “The war was finally won un- der the supreme command of a great Frenchman, by the British Army, act- ing in concert with the French and American armies—and supported by the British naval blockade and the Brit- ish, French and Serbian military suc- cesses in the East.” To the United States she is more than generous: Thank God, we did not win without America! The effects, the far-reaching effects, of America’s intervention, of her comradeship in the field of suffering and sacrifice with the free nations of old Europe, are only now beginning to show themselves above the horizon. They will be actively and, as at least the men and women of faith among us believe, benef- icently at work when this generation has long passed away. “The Menace” and “The Repulse,” the two volumes of Philip Gibbs’s The Way to Victory, are collections of his

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January 31, 1920 THE INDEPENDENT 185 How Peter Perkins Got His Start Peter Perkins is not a genius. He has only a limited education. Certainly he is not a financier. He never made a salary over $150 a month. He says he is just Peter Perkins, and confesses that he is only an ordinary fellow. If you looked up his whole life’s history you would probably find that he was born in Indiana or Kansas, worked on the farm and “done chores,” then went to town to clerk in the store where his folks had always done their tradin’, and played in the silver cornet band. But we can’t vouch for all of Peter’s past history. As far back as we can trace him he has been a city man, but with rural tendencies, an honest plugger, and NOW he is on the high road to success, The Greatest Game in the World He says he is playing the greatest game in the world, and it is one that he devised himself. It is true, he did get some help from:-old Dave Roberts to put it through, but it was Peter’s scheme. He calls it “the game of getting ahead,” and he says it is the most in- teresting and most fascinating of all sports. And he says that every man who loves his family will start playing the game just as soon as he finds out what it is. Peter was never a gambler. He not only let the cards and races alone, but he shied away from gambling on the stock market and board of trade. He never could see how a man could buy wheat without ever getting any wheat. And he couldn’t quite see how it was strictly on the level to buy and sell stocks that were never delivered. Peter Is Honest There isn’t a dishonest hair in Peter Perkin’s head, but after being married KRIEBEL & CO. | Investment Bankers , 141X South La Salle Street | CHICAGO awhile and with the help of his good wife he began to develop the kind of thrift that they practice in Indiana and Kansas. The thrift fuse was there all the time, of course, but he hadn’t touched a match to it. He first wanted to save some money and then he wanted to put that money to work to make him as much more money as possible without risk. He knew a lot of fellows who were gambling on the stock market, and while that was out of the question for Peter, he couldn’t help thinking there was some legitimate way to make money on stocks and bonds. But the problem was to get the right plan and then get somebody to finance it. This is where Roberts came in—on the financing. If ever there was a conservative old bird, it was Roberts. He held Peter back a little sometimes—that is he counseled going slow when Peter could just as well have speeded up a little and made more money. But perhaps it is better as it is, for Peter played his game along for ten years, putting in only $25 a month, and at the end of the ten year period his little $25 monthly investment had grown to $10,511.82. Peter says he reckons that all thrifty people will admit he has done right well. Peter Writes a Book He has written down the story of these ten years, and after verifying his figures we have published it in book form. Recalling that Peter is just an ordi- nary fellow, you will not expect his book to be a literary gem, but it is intensely interesting and you will prob- ably enjoy it more than any literature you ever read. You can read it through in half an hour if you have plenty of time, but if you are in a hurry you can hit the high spots in half the time and still get Peter's big idea about saving and investing. He claims—in fact he has demon- strated—that saving and investing are so closely related that they are in- separable. Nearly all good investors are good savers, but a great many good savers are poor investors. The plan which has worked out so well for Peter Perkins links up saving and investing in such a way that it literally forced him into a condition of financial independence. Yes, he made it on listed stocks and bonds. But he didn’t gamble. He didn’t try to out-guess the stock market. He let margin trading severely alone. He says he wishes everybody would stop thinking of gambling when they think of the stock market, and look for dividends plus genuine increases in value—the REAL profit. Peter’s story, which he calls “Getting Ahead,’’ tells how to do this. We Will Send You a Copy Free — On One Condition We are going to distribute 10,000 copies of Peter Perkins’ book, “Getting Ahead.” It is free. We do not even ask you to pay the postage, but we DO name one condition: that you will write us if you like the plan, or send the book back if you don’t. Many who have read it say it his opened up an entirely new future for them. Alli say that the first line gripped them with an interest that grew more intense until they had finished. Truly, it is a wonderful book that Peter Perkins has written. You can almost hear his drawling voice as you read through his quaint philosophy and practical reasoning. Your copy is ready. It is free and it entails no obligation. You only need to sign and mail the coupon—‘“Get- ting Ahead” will come by return mail. ee ee eee eee ee ee oe ee ee eee eee KRIEBEL & CO., 141X South La SalleSt.; Chicago You may send me, postage prepaid, Peter Perkins’ book, “Getting Ahead.” If I like the plan I will write and tell you so. book back to you within five days. If I don’t like it I will send the |

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186 RELIGIOUS BOOKS FOR MODERN MEN The New Orthodoxy By Epwarp 8. Ames. $1.00, postpaid $1.10. Every person dissatisfied with the scholastic faith of traditional Protestantism will find this volume exceedingly helpful. Tne Religions . the World (Revised Edition) By Grorce A. BARTON, $2.00, postpaid $2.15. A keen and sympathetic interpretation of all the great religions. Two new 0 have been added. The Psychology of Religi By Greorce ALBERT Cop. $1. %. ‘Postpaid $1.65 (after March 15, $2.00, postpaid $2.15 It analyzes religious phenomena from the ca of view of both the structural and functional methods. Christian Faith for Men of Today By E. Atpert Cook, $1.25, postpaid $1.40. Professor Cook treats such vital questions as Chris- tianity, the Bible, Religion, What Shall We Believe about God? Some Religious Implications of Pragmatism By Josern R. GEIGER. paid 53 cents. The author discusses the question, What are the general doctrines of pragmatism, and what contri- — do they make to the interpretation of reli- gion. (Paper) 50 certs, post- Turew Books sy G. B The Finality of the Christian Religion $2.50, postpaid $2.70. The Function of Religion in Man’s Struggle for Existence $1.00, postpaid $1.15. The Function of Death in Human Experience 25 cents, postpaid 27 cents. The University of Cnicago Sermons By Members of the University Faculties. Edited $1.50, postpaid by Tueopors G. SoaRzEs. $1.65. Contains a contribution of one sermon from each of eighteen members of the Faculties of the University of Chicago—eighteen sermons worthy of a high place in the world’s homiletic literature. THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 5751 Ellis Ave. Chicago, Ill. ep CercVissm@ntelatins JOURNAL OF PRAC ric AL HYGIENE PARTIAL CONTENTS FOR FEBRUARY Scientific Rest Cure Robert Walters, M. D. Worry ; John P. Naughton, M. D. How the Body is Nourished— Sugar S. W. Dodds, M. D. Dreams Cyrus Edison, M. D. Vaccination Humbug Herbert A. Thorpe Why Vegetarians Often Fail Eustin Miles, M. A. Massacre of the Tonsil John N. MacKenzie, M. D. 20 cents a copy. $2.00 a year. Trial offer 3 months 25 cents HEALTH CULTURE 700 St. James Building, New York City Inventions Wanted. Cash or Royalty for ideas. Adam Fisher Mfg. Co. Dept. 128 St. Louis, Mo. 1ANY BOOK IN PRINT Delivered at your door; stan autnors. fine editions. new books. Lo savings course in 80 . Dy some of America’s leading uni- ersities.; 300,000 book lovers buy from it. Free if you write now. THE BOOK DAVID B. CLARKSON Groner 203 CLARKSON BUILDING, CHICAGO, ILLS. THE INDEPENDENT dispatches from November, 1917, to the end. They are first-hand history of the most fascinating kind, written by a man whose business was to see things as a whole so far as any human being could see them, but who has also the gift of seeing and painting the little concrete, typical incident that makes the huge whole vivid and personal and real. He is the British correspondent whom Americans know best. In fact he has written and spoken so much in and about the United States that we feel as if he more than haif belonged to us and so are doubly interested in what he has to say about the British army. Fields of Victory, by Mrs. Humphrey Ward. Charles Scribner’s Sons. The Way to Victory, by Philip Gibbs. G. H. Doran & Co. O You Chemistry! Dr. Slosson’s “Creative Chemistry” as a Sophomore Would See It This book looks like a text-book, but is interesting to read. Text-books tell you what you ought to know, “Creative Chemistry” tells you what you want to know. Jules Verne also wrote interest- ing scientific books, but he had the fu- ture to draw on and could put in a lie whenever he felt the need of it, while Dr. Slosson has handicapped himself by sticking to the past, the present and the truth. So it seems to me that he has done mighty well to make Sunday reading of a subject you used to think only stuff fit to be digested into col- lege credits. He is a literary catalyst, an agent which transforms dry facts into a palatable substance, and, like the chemical catalysts, he does not lose anything of himself in doing it—at least the last chapter is as good as the first. I could not have thought up a comparison like this—of a writer and an enzyme—before I read this book. The author not only enlivens chemi- cal discoveries, but he humanizes the discoverers. I have always thought of a great scientist as a sort of disem- bodied spirit hovering around books and test-tubes, and only coming to long enough to have its picture taken. But Dr. Slosson’s chemists are real human January 31, 1920 beings, people that get sore fingers and probably swear sometimes and go out to lunch with you. That Britisher who worked ten years to make billiard balls out of gun cotton, castor oil and cam- phor, I’ll wager said something stronger than “My word” when he found out that somebody had beaten him to it by just leaving out the castor oil. I think the jokes in this book are bet- ter than the illustrations, maybe be- cause the writer made up the jokes himself. As minor criticisms, I noted “cannot only” in place of “‘can not only” in one place, although I could not find the page afterward. Also in some of the munition pictures the munitionettes are plainer than the chemistry, but maybe the author meant it that way. I cannot understand why, and this is a major criticism, the author feels the way he does about Nature. To improve on Nature is all right, but I do not see why this should give a man a grudge against her. Probably one reason Na- ture is unpopular with the chemists is because she likes to tear down what they are trying to build up, but I gather from this book that her chief offense is foisting on the public some of her cruder things in place of pure chemical syntheses. I was brought up to regard Nature as a model, but I be- lieve that if somebody gave this author a mirror to hold up to Nature he would try to hit her over the head with it. One thing which makes this book in- teresting is the large sums of money it tells about. In most college scientific books the only dollar sign you see is in the book advertisements on the cover. The large sums quoted by our author were created by Chemistry, but before the war seemed to have been mostly collected by Germany. We hope they will be more evenly divided from now on. Anyway, after you have read page after page telling of the millions Chem- istry has saved and will save in the future, a sum like the price of this book seems such a mere bagatelle! Creative Chemistry, by Edwin E. Slosson. The Century Just What Mr. Wilson Did at Paris (Continued from page 164) Treaty and spoke their minds free- ly, for a man of science has an in- curable habit of candor. But nearly all agreed with the President and the other American Commissioners that the Treaty of Versailles, imperfect tho it was, contained more sound states- manship than any other general politi- cal settlement in human history. The famous “exodus” of disgruntled “experts” is a pure myth. To my cer- tain knowledge not a single member of the Division of Political, Territorial and Economic Intelligence, headed by Dr. Mezes and Dr. Bowman, resigned because of the character of the peace. Mr. Bullitt, who resigned with such clangor, was not one of the “experts.” He was a journalist who had made a brief trip to Russia and had returned to Paris to take an administrative po- sition (“current intelligence sum- maries”) with the American Commis- sion. The fact that his resignation co- incided with the return to their homes of many specialists on the completion of the work in connection with the Ger- man Treaty gave rise to the mis- chievous and utterly baseless rumor that Mr. Bullitt was the spokesman of a large secessionist movement with- in the American Commission staff. It is a pity to destroy the romantic legend of the defeat of President Wil- son by the Wicked Powers of Europe and his isolation within the American Commission. But facts are facts; and the simple truth is that President Wil- son was the honest spokesman for the common sense democracy of both America and Europe and that we who worked under him in Paris know that he was the very heart and center of the Peace Conference.

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January 31, 1920 The Abraham Lincoln We Love (Continued from page 171) or; as it is, he has, now and again, in the printed play, phrased his talk as only an Englishman would speak. But that is easily changed for the stage. Drinkwater has lifted Lincoln out of his locale, and has dealt with him as any poet might deal with Dante. An artist has to lay the founda- tion of historical study in tracing character. After that the fuse-pipe of his genius is what counts. There is much in common between the Borglum and Drinkwater methods. After the play, we sat long into the night talking about Lincoln. That is to the credit of the Drinkwater play; it has set many people thinking and talking of Lincoln. I heard new stories of Lincoln’s mother whom he helped bury on a hillside where he might see the spot every day; of his early love, from which, Borglum says, marking a line in his face, he never quite recov- ered. But perhaps the most interest- ing comment of the evening came apropos of nothing except that we were talking of the proportions of Lincoln’s head. “Did you know,” he volunteered, “that John Keats, Abraham Lincoln, and Paderewski have similarly shaped heads?” Which is_ thought-stirring, even though it is another story! Drinkwater tells us that as a student in England, at the Birmingham Uni- versity, he first came to know and love Lincoln, taking him as his ideal. It is appropriate that Lincoln should serve the young manhood of the Anglo-Saxon race. When the time came to write the play, the poet found it all but on paper. He used the chronicle play form, each scene preceded by a poetic interlude delivered by a herald, dressed as a man of the hour, and descriptive of the spiritual stuff from which the scene is evolved; also narrating the inter- mediate events, with which the play has nothing to do, but which helped to shape the weary soul of the Great Leader. From the descriptions I have read of the English production, I fear the actor playing Lincoln has made him theatrical; certainly the Irish brogue of his speech must serve to destroy the illusion. But it is my im- pression, from the evening spent with Gutzon Borglum at “Abraham Lin- coln” as given in New York, that the excellence of the American production lies in its maintenance of untheatrical simplicity. One sits down before it, not caring if the soldiers click their heels together quite in the regulation fash- lon, not worried as to whether Lincoln drank tea in the White House at 4 o’clock, English fashion—but touched, deeply touched, over the burden, almost too great a burden for one man’s shoulders to bear. There is not one moment that you are allowed to for- get Lincoln’s stupendous coping with events. And that is the spirit one has while looking at the head done by Gut- zon Borglum. Here are two examples, therefore, of art making history live— the one in a play—the other in marble which speaks volumes, tho it is silent. New York THE INDEPENDENT If you could see the Germs in your Throat— HE sight would more than convince you of the vital necessity of throat protection. The throat is the natural gateway for germs to enter the body. The many folds and crevices back of the teeth and tongue offer an ideal breeding ground for germs of all kinds. There they wait for the first favorable chance to invade the system and that chance comes whenever the body happens to be a trifle below par, provided always the germs are sufficiently numerous to overcome the body’s natural defense. Our first duty, therefore, is to reduce germ-life in the throat to a safe minimum and a trustworthy means of doing this lies in the regular use of Formamint Tablets. Little tablets, handy, pleasing in taste, they free in the saliva a most ef- fective, yet harmless, germi- cide that searches out and destroys germs in the most secluded corners of the throat. Taken regularly, they not only soothe away irritation, but help prevent serious infection, such as tonsillitis, influenza, etc. More than 5000 American phy- eicians have endorsed them in writing. BO cents, at all druggists. The Bauer Chemical Co. Inc. 120 West 18th St. New York City FREE SAMPLE So that you may see how effective these pleasant Formamint tablets are in mouth and throat trou. bles, we will gladly mail n tage. W or it today. 187 Go to Europe al our Expense A few tours to organizers of small parties, Write today for plan and programs, UNIVERSITY TOURS, Box 8426, Wilmington, Del. | TEMPLE TOURS. EUROPE AND THE BATTLEFIELDS Moderate Prices ——o—-._ Satisfaction. 80 BOYLSTON STREET BOSTON A BANKER en Send at_ once for free ™ How to Become a Banker,’’ by EpGAR G. ALCORN, Presid: American School of Banking, 23 McLene Bida.. Columbus. (Div. VI) Chicago, Ill.

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THE INDEPENDENT January 31, 1920 Safeguarding the Investor By Luigi HERE is a great deal of money in circulation these days. A large part of the floating wealth has been created by higher wages and a great deal of it is being spent for lux- uries. Working men will no longer buy two-dollar cotton shirts; they buy silk ones at ten dollars. So for their benefit, large issues of fraudulent oil stocks have been created and reports have it that half a billion dollars in fraudu- lent or questionable securities have been sold to investors recently. What does this mean? That no adequate safeguards are thrown around the sale of securities and that the saying Caveat emptor is still in vogue. The sale of fraudulent securities re- ceived such an impetus in the western states among the rural population some years ago that legislation had to be enacted to place the creation and sale of securities under state super- vision. The law regulating the sale of securities, known under the term of “Blue Sky Law,” was first inaugurated in one of the western states and was followed by legislation in Kansas, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Idaho, Illinois, Michigan, Ohio, Indiana and other states, principally in the West. In view of the recent statement by a public of- ficial that a great part of the fraudu- lent securities originate in the New York market, it is interesting to note that there is no regulation in New York State which may be termed “Blue Sky” legislation—although such legis- lation has been under discussion. T HE laws of those states having “Blue Sky Laws” require that be- fore any securities can be offered in any particular state, a statement must be filed with a securities commission and its approval obtained. The require- ments vary, but all demand complete historical and statistical data regard- ing the company, its earnings, its financial condition, as evidenced by a detailed balance sheet, the personnel of its management and other pertinent in- formation. In some states the require- ments are very elaborate with the re- sult that permits to offer securities are often delayed for many weeks, due to the time required to examine all data. This has been the principal objection made by reputable investment dealers who must be guided by market condi- tions in the purchase or sale of securi- ties and must act quickly. The Governor of New York State re- cently named a committee to investi- gate the question of frauds in the sale of securities, the personnel of the com- mittee being composed largely of lawyers and investment bankers. While the majority report advised against any legislation with respect to the is- suance of securities, a minority report was offered by Mr. A. Barton Hep- burn, Chairman of the Board of the Chase National Bank, and three other members of the committee of twelve.

In this report Mr. Hepburn not only Criscuolo recommended the filing of pertinent statistical data regarding the company offering securities, but proposed to li- cense every investment dealer and se- curity salesman before either could conduct business in this state. The Governor of New York State, in appointing the committee, stated that New York was the financial center of the world and that other states were looking to it for guidance along finan- cial lines; he also said that he believed there should be proper supervision of the issuance of new securities and a prevention of the evil of offering worthless securities for sale to in- vestors. The majority report set forth that there were two methods that had been suggested for dealing with the problem: (a). conferring jurisdiction upon state officials to supervise com- mercial transactions and investigate frauds, and a revision of the penal laws; (b) requiring full information regarding the securities to be filed un- der oath with penalties for any false statements made; (c) the licensing by a state official of all persons dealing in securities. ie: The report of the majority set forth that for the good of the State, which contained the financial center of the world today, it was of prime import- ance that legitimate business should be safeguarded in order that the State could maintain its financial supremacy; that it could not afford to adopt ex- perimental legislation of the character adopted in our western states. They felt that experience had taught them that it was unwise to place drastic regulations upon enterprize as a whole merely to exclude possible frauds and that the State should preserve as much freedom for business enterprizes as was possible. The majority report said that a distinction should be made among losses caused by ignorance, by cupid- ity and by fraud, and that they were concerned more with the latter than with the others; that it was impossi- ble to prevent unwise investment by legislation and that the ingenuity of the crook can never be wholly circum- vented by statute. The report recom- mended more stringent laws to punish persons guilty of fraud in connection with the sale of securities but goes on record as opposing licenses for dealers _ or the filing of statistical data. OF course, legislation in the western states has not driven the crook out of business—an enormous amount of money is being lost in fraudulent se- curities. But—as the Wall Street Journal says—“intelligent inquiry is the public’s great safeguard.” The careful investor, whether he has a hundred dollars or a hundred thousand to invest, has many avenues of inquiry. He can ask his local bank for advice or he can ask a member of the New York Stock Exchange or an investment firm that is known to be reputable. Some investors begin to learn for

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January 31, 1920 themselves just what factors make a good investment. If the circular thru which securities are offered is issued by a reputable in- vestment banker, it will contain a full description of the security, the busi- ness, past history, management, labor conditions, earnings over a period of years, conservative estimates for the future and a balance sheet. With this jnformation at hand, assuming that the figures have the approval of a well- known firm of auditors, the investor can easily judge whether the earnings warrant a continuance of interest or dividend payments and whether there is any value—tangible or potential— back of the security. In the case of bonds, notes, or preferred stocks, only net tangible values count. In the case of common stocks, there is usually little tangible value but mostly prospective earning capacity as a basis. THE public’s real safeguards are: (1) Deal with reputable investment bankers only, or their representatives; (2) Shun the high pressure salesman who has a “good thing” to offer or who promises big dividends or to double your money; (3) Always ask for a cir- cular describing the securities and study it before buying; if you cannot analyze the few points, ask your bank- er to help you; (4) Do not expect that a speculation is a “sure thing;” you may lose every cent you put into it; (5) If the salesman makes it clear that you are taking a chance—as many do —you should not blame him or his house if the proposition falls flat. Aside from some intelligent discrim- ination on the part of the investing public, there is no reason why it could not be made compulsory for every broker in New York State offering se- curities to file with some official a com- plete circular such as he intends to use in offering the securities to the public, before he will be authorized to make the offering. Neither is there any sound objection to licensing brokers or sales- men. There should be a simple, work- able securities law; or, at least, a record of every man offering securities could be kept on file and be accessible to the public at any time for its in- formation. A national “Blue Sky Law” has been introduced in Congress by Sena- tor Kenyon of Iowa, who has declared that hundreds of stock salesmen are circulating thru his state, taking Lib- erty Bonds from farmers, widows and working girls, in exchange for fancy engraved oil stock which is absolutely worthless. The chances are the propo- sition will be delayed for some time. If New York, the financial center of the country, can work out some plan whereby the investor can be safe- guarded without throwing obstructions around legitimate business, perhaps those western states which have wound red tape about their “Blue Sky” laws will follow New York’s lead. What the country needs is a stand- ard “Blue Sky” law which will not ob- struct enterprize and yet will protect the investor in every way possible from cupidity and fraud. THE INDEPENDENT 189 Empire Gas and Fuel Company 8% Preferred Stock — by large equities in Oil Producing, Trans- porting, Refining and Dis- tributing properties. Sinking Fund Provision Cumulative Dividends High Earning Power Attractive Income Yield Circular CD-2 and detailed in- formation mailed upon request Henry L. Doherty & Company BOND DEPARTMENT 60 Wall Street New York J. P. MORGAN & CO. Wall Street, Corner of Broad NEW YORK DREXEL & CO. PHILADELPHIA Corner of Fifth and Chestnut Streets MORGAN, GRENFELL & CO. LONDON No, 22 Old Broad Street MORGAN, HARJES & CO. PARIS 14 Place Vendome Securities bought and sold on Commission Foreign Exch Cc ial Credits. Cable Transfers, Circular Letters for Travelers, available in al! parts of the world securities. Boston INVESTMENT SECURITIES We specialize in Government bonds and other investment This firm was founded in 1865 and we have always endeavored to recommend to our clients As members of the New York and Boston Stock Exchanges we are prepared to execute orders for the purchase or sale of securities on conservative investments. a cash basis in large or small amounts A circular describing several issues of desirable investment securities will be sent on request. Kidder, Peahody&Co. 115 Devonshixe St. 17 Wali Street New Yori CHARTERED 1853 United States Trust Company of New York 45-47 WALL STREET SURPLUS AND UNDIVIDED PROFITS, $14,512,007.58 THE COMPANY ACTS AS EXECUTOR, ADMINISTRATOR, TRUSTEE, GUARDIAN, DEPOS- ITARY OF COURT MONEYS, and in other recognized trust capacities. It allows interest at current rates on deposits, and holds, manages and invests money, securities and other property, real or personal, for individuals, estates and corporations. WILFRED J. WORCESTER, Secretary FREDERIC W. ROBBERT, 2d Asst. Secretary CHARLES A. EDWARDS, 2d Asst. Secretary TRUSTEES JOHN A. STEWART, Chairman of Board ARTHUR CURTISS JAMES cone ae N. BLISS, JR. CAPITAL, $2,000,000 EDWARD W. SHELDON, President WILLIAM M. KINGSLEY, Vice-President WILLIAMSON PELL, Assistant Secretary wM. vie LYMAN LYMAN J. GAGE J FRANK L’ PAYNE WHITNEY JOHN J. PHELPS EDWARD W. SHELDON LEwIs CASS LEDYARD CHAUNCEY KEEP WILI WILLIAM STEWART TOD we. VINCENT ASTOR OGDEN MILLS LIAM M. KINGSLEY RY W. de FOREST WILLIAM SLOANE

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190 When Prices Fluctuate An intimate knowl- edge of the financial position and latest records of the com- pany whose securities you own is at all times desirable —es- pecially when prices fluctuate. Over 500 prominent com- panies are described in the latest edition of our ““White Book.” We will be glad to send you a copy of this book and a pamphlet showing you how you can buy securities on the Monthly Instalment Plan. If you desire, a special re- port will be prepared on any security in which you may be interested without obligation on your part. Ask for Booklet 78-LL DUNHAM: Investment Securities 43 Exchange Place New York Telephone 8300-16 Hanover For 40 years we have been paying our customers the highest returns consistentswith conservative methods, First mortgage loans of 6200 and up {e) which we can recommend after the most thorou h personal investigation, P.ease ask for Loan No. vo. Certificates of $25 and ap alse for saving investors PERKINS & CO. Lawrence Kans RONZE tasters FREE BOOK OF DESIGNS Jno. Williams, Inc., Bronze Foundry Dept. 24), 556 W. 27th St., New York City “Paid in Full?” Wirt your investments be paid in full in cash, both principal and interest, on the days due? You may be certain of payment if you hold a bond, safeguarded under the Straus Plan, because of its strict and scientific provisions, and especially because of our system of monthly de- posits, which compels automatic pro- vision of cash to pay both principal end interest when due. Write for our booklet,“Safety and6%,” which tell how and why the Straus Plan has always protected investors from loss. Ask for Circular No, B-1012 SW.STRAUS & CO. Established 1882 Incorporated NEW YORK CHICAGO 150 Broadway Straus Building 38 years without loss to any investor THE INDEPENDENT January 31, 1920 Underwriting Americanism The Part Insurance Plays in Reconstruction Presidents at its annual conven- tion, held at New York in De- cember, 1919, took as its general sub- ject, “The Part of Life Insurance in the Problems of Reconstruction.” Two resolutions were unanimously adopted; ene urging all soldiers and sailors to retain their Government insurance, the other, expressing the views of insur- ance men on economic reconstruction, in the following terms: Resolved, that life insurance men thru- out the nation should respond to the pres- ent imperative demand for high national service by giving, and by urging upon pol- icyholders to give, effective support, direct- ly or thru appropriately constituted or- ganizations, to the promotion of the follow- ing objects: I. The rehabilitation of the railroads and establishment by law of rates adequate to provide for the present and future de- mands of our growing commerce and to sta- bilize the credit and securities of the roads; II. The adoption of a national budget system and the general curtailment of Gov- ernment expenditures and consequent re- duction in taxes; III. The exertion of special and vigor- Ous efforts to encourage the saving habit and generally to inculcate the principles of thrift. T's Association of Life Insurance HE Hon. William A. Day, presi- dent of the Equitable Life Assur- ance Society, summarized the progress made in the life insurance business during the year following the armis- tice with Germany and based on it an optimistic forecast of accelerated progress in the near future: In round millions, the volume of new insurance which life insurance companies have induced the people to take during the year 1919 promises to reach the enormous total of $7,712,000,000. This is $3,010,000,- 000, or 64 per cent more than was written last year. It is nearly $4,613,000,000 more than was written in the year 1914, or an increase of 149 per cent. When did any institution in the public service ever re- ceive such a significant vote of confidence as the public has given life insurance com- panies in this stupendous volume of new in- surance? In amount it exceeds all the insur- ance outstanding in all the companies twenty years ago, and it equals over one- fourth of the entire insurance in force in all companies at the beginning of the pres- ent year. It appears that every walk of life con- tributed to this increase in life insurance protection, and it seems to have included all of the standard plans issued by the companies. The gain in the popularity of insuring employees, thru the employer, on the group plan, is indicated by an increase of over 100 per cent in this new business over last year. It is estimated that the dependents of over one million workingmen are now protected with life insurance without cost to themselves as a result of the recent adoption of this progressive idea. The part played by the insurance companies in affording aid to the de- velopment of American agriculture is often overlooked. Mr. Louis Breiling of the Union Central Life Insurance Co. pointed out the importance of this contribution to the common welfare in the United States: In the phenomenal growth of the life insurance business in America the enor- mous assets of the companies have exer- cizd a tremendous influence upon the country’s development—particularly agri- cultural development. This is evidenced by the increasingly large volume of life insurance money in- vested in farm loans. The percentage of total assets invested in farm loans is not known because official statistics group city loans and farm loans under the single head, “Real Estate Mort- gage Loans,” but original statistics con- tributed by the companies do show that life insurance companies in the two-year period ending December 31, 1916, increased their farm mortgage investments from $655,000,000 to $845,000,000, and for the two-year period ending December 31, 1918, the companies increased their farm mort- gage holdings to more than a billion dol- lars. The increase for the two-year period last mentioned would doubtless have been ex- ceeded to the extent that life insurance companies financed the war thru purchase of Liberty and Victory Bonds. A reliable estimate shows that life insurance com- panies collectively purchased over half a billion of United States Government Bonds. Life insurance companies which either in whole or in part invest their annual in- crease of assets in farm loans are not only true to the interests of their policyholders, but also are of inestimable service to the country at large in contributing to the agricultural development by stimulating in- creased production of the necessities of life. Ms J. Stanley Edwards, president of the National Association of Life Underwriters, cited the esti- mate of the Bankers’ Trust Com- pany placing the per capita war debt of the nation at $228, or nearly $1,200 to each household. He offered the in- genious suggestion of underwriting the war debt of the nation with life in- surance: If every American family would see to it that they had $1200 of protection that family would have done two things: First, it would have provided its share of the national debt, and in the second place it would have made one more satisfied family in the community—and a dissatisfied na- tion, a nation of discontent is nothing more than an aggregation of discontented indi- viduals. If this debt was equal upon you and me and everyone else it could actually be performed. That is to say, life insur- ance could pay the funded debt of this Government in twenty-five years. And I will say further that the agent who puts out such a thought serves a double purpose and performs a double duty: not only in- creases his own protection but helps par- ticularly to solve his own individual prob- lem and lifts a little more than his share of the national debt that is upon us. Many of the speakers, including the Hon. Edward D. Duffield, vice-presi- dent of the Prudential Insurance Com- pany, emphasized rather the indirect gain to national productive power from the inculcation of habits of thrift and foresight which, it was feared, would be less stimulated by systems of state or compulsory insurance.

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January 31, 1920 Home Rule in Korea? (Continued from page. 169) improvement of those already existing. It was formerly planned to establish four hundred new common schools in the course of the next eight years at the rate of fifty a year, but this scheme has now been changed to the establishment of one hundred new schools a year, so that the four hun- dred may be completed in four years to come. Finally, in regard to the reform of the police system, it may be explained that it has been made both in method and in spirit. Formerly the adminis- tration of police affairs was virtually in the hands of military men. The Com- mander-in-Chief of the Garrison Gen- darmery was ex-officio the Director- General of Police Affairs and had en- tire command and supervision of all the police forces and gendarmeries. The Chiefs of the Divisional Gen- darmeries under him were also ex- officio the Directors of Police Affairs in all the provinces, Provincial Gov- ernors having little power with regard to the policing of the country. This was an anomaly necessitated for some time by the state of things existing in this peninsula after annexation. By the re- form introduced in the police system, this anomaly has been done away with. The Police Headquarters have been abolished, and a Police Affairs Bureau has been created in the Government- General itself. All the military officers hitherto in charge of police affairs have been relieved of their duty and replaced by civil officials, the adminis- tration of the police affairs in the Gov- ernment-General being now in the hands of-the Director of the Police Af- fairs Bureau under myself, and in the Provincial Government in the hands of the Chiefs of the Police Departments under the Provincial Governors. In this way, the policing of this country is now entirely done by civil officials, as in Japan proper. These are the more important of the many reforms that have been intro- duced in the administration of Korea since I was appointed Governor-Gen- eral. It is still less than two months since I arrived at my post to take up the onerous duty of governing this country, entrusted to me by the Im- perial Master, so I cannot as yet claim that I have achieved any marked suc- cess. I have, however, great hope that sooner or later the Korean people will understand and appreciate the new policy of the Government, which has no other aim than the promotion of their interests and happiness. Things are gradually settling down in this penin- sula, but the bad effects of the inde- pendence demonstrations of last spring are still in evidence at many places. Not only that, Korea has this year had the misfortune of having been invaded from Manchuria by Asiatic cholera, which has already claimed thousands of victims. In addition, a severe drought prevailed in the north-western part of the country during last sum- mer, practically ruining all agricul- tural crops. To fight and suppress the THE INDEPENDENT cholera epidemic, the Government has already spent more than one million yen, and to relieve the hundreds of thousands of poor starving Korean people suffering from the drought is also doing all it can, being prepared to defray ten million yen for the work, so that not a single Korean shall die this winter from hunger and cold. My task is heavy and difficult, but I shall do my best to accomplish it, so as to re- quite the confidence reposed in me by the Emperor and by the people. Seoul, Korea And Not a Drop to Drink (Continued from page 166) most valuable service, paying returns in more ways than one. They can, and should, strongly sup- port local authorities in the perform- ance of their duties under the prohibi- tion law. These officials should be ad- vised that all good citizens are looking to them for effective and impartial en- forcement. Failing to perform their duties properly, they should be removed from office. In a letter sent a few days ago to all clergymen in the United States I strongly urged “that a committee on law enforcement be appointed to re- ceive all complaints of violations of the law and to lodge such complaints, to- gether with the evidence obtained, with the proper authorities.” Church mem- bers, I added, will be a principal in- fluence in creating the right public spirit in each community. One letter I received from a clergy- man in a New England city illustrates the mistaken attitude being taken by a small fraction of our people, and among them some of those who worked most vigorously for this great national reform. The situation calls for no jacking up of public opinion, he said. It does call for officials who believe that they have but one duty—to enforce the law without fear or favor. The circumstances surrounding the frequent cases of drunkenness on the streets lead me to suspect that this is large- ly due not to bad public opinion but to official laxness. I have no wish to condemn public officials simply because they are public officials, but I cannot escape the conviction that it is less important for the churches to appoint law enforcing commit- tees than it is to have public officials who will enforce the law. There is justification for this criti- cism as applied to some communi- ties. During the war, prohibition en- forcement was in the hands of Col- lectors of Internal Revenue, whose other work took up most of their time and interest. Our new forces, now in the field, have but one duty—to en- force the prohibition law—and they will do it to the very best of their ability. However, the prohibition law cannot be enforced as this clergyman would like to have it enforced, without his active codperation and that of all other good citizens. He offers us passive sup- port. What we need is active support. Granted that, we will have little diffi- culty in the work of enforcement. Washington, D. C. $960 Buys Guaranteed, Ready-Cut Material to Build This Home UR PRICE includes best quality of new lumber, lath, sheath- , Shingles, beautiful clear siding, doors, windows, trim, flooring and hand- § some hardware; building paper nails, guttering, spouting, paints and varnishes for three-coat work, all under— Our Guaranteed Ready-Cut System Twenty-seven years honest dealing backed by & our $10,000,000 capital are your absolute surety. # There’s a Harris Home in your vicinity—letus tell you where it can be seen. Paste the coupon below on a postal card and mail it today for com- lete information and our Plan Book of onehun- & Bred other Harris Homes— sent to you FREE! HARRIS BROTHERS CO., Chicago, Illinois PASTE THIS COUPON ON A POSTAL HARRIS BROTHERS CO., 4 35th and Iron Sts., Chicago, Dept. KS- 171 . 1920 Book 1920General [ of Plans Material Book | Name. ® Town nN - State. aa PAY MENTS monthly buys outright any stock or bond. Purchaser secures all dividends Odd lots our specialty. Write for selected list and full particulars - FREE CHARLES E.VAN RIPER Member Consolidated Stock Exchange 50 BROAD ST. NEW YORK DIVIDENDS AMERICAN TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY Seven Year Six Per Cent. Convertible Gold Bonds Coupons from these Bonds, payable by their terms on February 1, 1920, at the office or agency of the Company, in New York or in Boston, will be paid in New York by the Bankers Trust Company, 16 Wall Street. G. D. MILNE, Treasurer. AMERICAN TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY Five Year Six Per Cent. Gold Notes Coupons from these Notes, payable by their terms on February 1, 1920, at the office or agency of the Company in New York or in Boston, will be paid in New York by the Bankers Trust Company, 16 Wall Street. G. D. MILNE, Treasurer. PACIFIC GAS AND ELECTRIC Co. FIRST PREFERRED DIVIDEND NO. 22. ORIGINAL PREFERRED DIVIDEND NO. 56. A meeting. of the Board of Directors has been called for January 31, 1920, to declare the regu- lar quarterly dividends of $1.50 per share upon the full-paid First Preferred and Original Pre-, ferred Capital Stock of the Company, payable by checks mailed February 16, 1920, to stockholders of record at 12:00 o’clock noon, January 31, 1920. The Transfer books will not close. D. H. FOOTE, Secretary. San Francisco, California. INSURANCE Write W. E. Underwood, Director of The Independent Insurance Serv- ice, to secure free and confidential information in regard to your insur- ance problems. 119 West 40th Street New York

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as winter clothing Because, like winter 4 ) clothing, Piso’s pro- ' tects young and old | from the effects of winter weather. It relieves coughs and soothes inflamed throats and hoarse- ness. Always keep it in the house—its use often prevents little ills from developing into real sickness. 30c at your druggist’s. Contains no opiate, Gocd for young and old hs & Colds for Cou The Independent Efficiency Service offers you ADVICE, INFORMATION AND SUGGESTION ON Office, Factory and Business Building Equipment, House- hold Furnishings and Appliances, Garden ork. Write for Check List No. | showing many devices and appliances making foroffice, factory and business build- ing efficiency, Check List No. 2, which covers home efficiency, furnishing, deco- ration, garden work and community interests or both. At present this ser- vice is free to our readers. THE INDEPENDENT Efficiency Service 119 W. 40th Street, New York LUDENS GIVE QUICK RELIEF FOR THROAT TICKLE ENGLISH: THE INDEPENDENT January 31, 1920 _ How to Study This Number The Independent Lesson Plans COMPOSITION BY FREDERICK HOUK LAW, PH.D. HEAD OF THE ENGLISH DEPARTMENT, STUYVESANT I. i, 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 10, (1. i. 1, 2. 3. 4. 5. Ht. 1, 2. 3. Iv. 1. 2. 3. Vv. 2. 2. 3. vi. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Vil. 1. HIGH SCHOOL, NEW YORK CITY The Abraham Lincolm We Love. Montrusc v. MOSco. What type of play is John Drinkwater’s “Abraham Lincoln’? Name any of Shakespeare’s plays that are of similar type. Explain the sentence: “The true inspiration of history lies, not in fact, but in character at supreme moments.” From any of Shakespeare’s plays draw an illustration that will tend to prove the truth of the sentence. Explain the sentence: “Drinkwater has modeled his conception of Lincoln in his play as a-sculptor would cut it out of stone.” Did Shakespeare model his conception of Henry V, or of Brutus, in the same way? Drinkwater introduces a new character into the Lincoln cabinet. Is it proper, in a novel or play based on history, to depart from the truth of history? “He might have fallen into gross errors of local color.” What are such errors? How would the dramatist have written the play if he had fallen into such errors? John Keats and Abraham Lincoln had sim- ilarly shaped heads. Were Keats and Lin- coln like or unlike in character? As a student Drinkwater took Lincoln as his ideal. Give a talk in which you explain why Lincoln is a fit ideal for any student. “He used the chronicle play form.” What is that form? What are its advantages? What are its disadvantages? Why was the chronicle play popular in the Elizabethan period? What is “a poetic interlude’? What is the purpose of an interlude? What do the in- terludes in Shakespeare’s “Henry V” do for that plav? | Had a Little House. By Harry Kemp. Is the poem like or unlike Longfellow’s “The Rainy Day”? Explain in full. Explain how the poem differs from Mil- ton’s “Lycidas,” from Browning’s “Evelyn Hope,” from Burns’ “Highland Mary,” or any section of Tennyson’s “In Memoriam.” What does the poem say concerning char- acter? Why does the poem produce such a pleas- ing effect? Explain the following expressions: “The pastoral voice of flutes”; “A broken fane.” Here Are Books—and Books. Is it true that “you really can’t read a satire and be tolerant at the same time”? Name some famous English satires. For what purposes were they written? Read aloud the review of “Creative Chem- istry.” What characteristic of style is most evident in the review? Just What Mr. Wilson Did at Paris. By Preston Slosson. What proposition does the writer set forth at the beginning of the article? Name the points by which the writer sup- ports his belief concerning the proposition. Is the article more noteworthy for argu- ment or for exposition? A Message from the United States Gov- ernment. By Daniel C. Roper. Explain the significance of the cartoon that accompanies the article. Summarize in one sentence the particular message that the article conveys. Give a talk on the theme, “Obedience to law is the cornerstone of our American- ism.” A Message from the Imperial Japanese Government. By Baron Makoto Saito. Point out the topic sentence of every para- graph in the article. Does the article have a satisfactory intro- duction, and a satisfactory conclusion? Draw from the article material for a short talk on Korea. Summarize the reforms that have been at- tempted in Korea. Does the article indicate that Korea is capable of home rule? The News of the Week. Prepare to talk before your class on any of the following topics: (a) The Opening of the League of Nations; (b) The Opening of Commercial Relations with Russia; (c) The Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment ; (d) The Irish Elections; (e) Demands of American Coal Miners; (f) The United States and South America. By LITERATURE AND HISTORY, CIVICS AND ECONOMICS BY ARTHUR M. WOLFSON, PH.D. PRINCIPAL OF THE HIGH SCHOOL OF COMMERCE, . What . What is the purpose of the NEW YORK CITY Reéstablishing Peace—‘Just What Mr. Wilson Did at Paris,’ ‘First Meeting of the League of Nations,” “Russian Blockade Raised,’’ “The People and Their Servants.” What is the basis for the “legend” that: “Wilson met defeat at Paris’? Summarize Mr. Slosson’s rebuttal of the legend under the following topics: (a) The League of Nations; (b) The Question of Fiume and Dalmatia; (c) The Shantung Issue; (d) The Unity of the American Delegation. . What thought was evidently in the minds of Leon Bourgeois and Earl Curzon at the first meeting of the League of Nations on January 107 . What was the underlying purpose of the informal blockade of Russia? Why is the blockade now being lifted? . Summarize Mr. Holt’s reasons for believ- ing that “the Senate does not represent the American people on this issue [ratifying the Treaty].” Japanese Policy “Home in the Far East— Rule in Korea.” . Review the history of the Chinese-Japanese Does war and the Russo-Japanese war. your history give you the impression that “The annexation [of Korea] was peacefully accomplished by mutual consent”? was the purpose of the “independ- ence demonstrations” referred to by Baron Saito? How is Japan meeting the avowed desire of the Koreans for. home rule? . Is Japan carrying on a policy of peaceful assimilation in any other part of the con- tinent of ia? The Eighteenth Amendment—“And Not a Drop to Drink!” “Bone Dry Amer- ica.” “The prohibition movement is an _ out- growth of the temperance or abstinence movement which dates back in the United States for more than a century.” Trace this movement from its inception down to January 16, 1920. . What measures has the United States Gov- ernment adopted for the enforcement of the Amendment? What will probably be done with the existing stock of whisky and other beverage spirits? . What were the “personal liberty laws” in the fourth paragraph of the second article? The “complex franchise provisions of some Southern states”? Latin-American Trade—‘Pan-Ameri- ican Unity,’’ . What, in general, are the purposes of the Pan-American Financial Congress? Why should the chief topic considered at the first day’s session be that of steamship transportation ? “The increasing strength of ‘American- ism’ . . . is indicated in many ways.” What are they? The trish Question—‘Sinn Win,” Review the history of the Irish Question (a) down to 1913, (b) in 1918-1914, (c) during the war. Feiners . What is the present attitude of the Gov- ernment toward Ireland? The attitude of the following parties: (a) Unionists, (b) Nationalists, (c) Sinn Feiners? . “Even in Ulster the republicans gained a large minority, and in some parts a majority representation.” What is the significance of this? » The Coal Truce. . Write a brief history of the controversy be- tween the operators and the miners. . Make a brief statement of the demands of the miners and the reasons given for these demands. What is the answer of the operators ? In the light of the settlement of the great anthracite coal strike of 1902, what de- cision will the present commission probably render? - Safeguarding the Investor. . Why does a period of national prosperity offer a golden opportunity to the pro- moters of fraudulent stock companies? “Blue Sky Laws” referred to by Mr. Criscuolo? What are the advantages and the disad- vantages of such laws? . What recommendations for curbing fraudu- lent stock deals does Mr. Criscuolo make? FF NEP IF oahiad