St. Louis Post-Dispatch
April 19, 1914

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PAA fi SUNDAY | ST.LOUIS POST-DISPATCH ae pei as . om eo ‘5 pags qeaegee ee ahs c : ee »~e PR... a fin! a "45" * » he ee el ‘en be Siac! ai vo a fee 4 ak Ae the Post-Dispatch M. PAYNE. ~WOL. 66. NO. 242. _ Ait oe eS ee. ON a. Wee GOP dea ge Ey CA. (Ulf, —— om Laos bi A gpeee Sars yo at papers MMe a real one—Den watch —: — be with ins admitted. “I suppose brry ffaw long it will be be- get wise to you. And look ain't sore because you get it. We may kid you, Kd, ain’t a guv at the office r put it up to the boss that be let out and-it wouldn't tof dif.’ 3 —e —_ — —" — the Post-Dispatch By VIC. aN | BENEARSIO _ ners of heaven. _ Wfiiver fn a half-dazed, inquiring way. d lord's store, where he could get dried : ee and at most ate meat twice a j ‘tet the United States Keep - “The Whirlwind Is Gettibicad an the Dictator From the Four Corners of Heaven, but We Insist That He Must Be Destroyed by Mexicans and That We Be Allowed to Finish Our Own Fight in Our Own Way.” By Senor Don Francisco Urquidi. (Written y for the Post-Dispatch and the New York World and Translated by Henry N. Hall.) R the present, however, consider Long- F champ, now when Lent ts ended and the glory of Parie and of France has gone forth, os in annual wont. Not to as- sist af Tenebris masses but to sun tiself end ghow itself and salute the young spring. Manifold bright-tinted, glittering with gold; el through the Bots de Boulogne in long- drawn, veriegated rowe; like long-drawn Yoing flower borders, tulips, dahlias, lilies of the valley, all in their moving flower- ’ pote (ef LO oY carriages); pleasures of fhe eye end pride of life! So rolls and the procession, steady, of firm as- ae tf rolled en adamant and the | feandation of the world, not on a mere : parchment under which esmolders Blake of fire. Dance on, ye foolish ones; ye | peught not wisdom, neither have ye found | # Yeand your fathers have sown the wind; | pe mall reap the whirlwind. Was it not ' prom of old written, “The wages of sin is | gest" I—Thomas Oarlisles “THE FRENCH ' REVOLUTION.” @ it was in France, so it is in Mexico to- A day. The bull ring and the cock pit draw their accustomed crowds, the theaters play to capacity, and along the mocking Avenida de la Reforma that leads to Chapulte- peo ostentatious wealth and empty vanity prom- enafe beneath the noonday sun. Fair women, richly clad, drive in high-powered automobiles at the doots of which canter gay men on steeds caparisoned in silver. Degenerate youths stand on the sidewalks, twirl their cares and leer. Merchants and their wives, the fat- tened parasites of plutocracy, look on with ap- proving eyes. Instinct keeps the common people -“gway. “Ar unwritten law decrees that only the well-dressed may venture there the pavement is but a@ flimsy crush of usurped and -fieeting power, betieath which smolders a fiery lake of popular wrath. The whirlwind is gathering from the four cor- From the north comes Villa, on his way down through the heart of the coun- try, from Juarez to Chihuahua to Torreon. From the west comes Obregon, with 20,000 mén and the Yaqui Indians, who for four cen- turfies have never known defeat; he is at Mazatlan, fighting for a seapert on the Pacific before he makes his final dash for Mexico City. From the east comes Gonzales, now at Tam- pice fighting for a seaport on the Atlantic, within striking distance of Huerta. Zapatism as a Peasant Ideal. UT the storm will\breék first from the south. Figuera and Zapata have joined their forces and are within 100 miles of | Figuera is a school master, but a school mas- with guts. Zapata has no learning. He is prototype of the Indian peon—merciless with he hates and self-sacrificing and tender with those he loves. kill Zapata tomorrow. ts more than an idea; it is an ideal. the gospel of peasant proprietorship. State ef Morelos, where he was born, is fee simple by less than two dozen lan4d- Real lords of the land are they. Three ago one of them consulted me as to an Mectrical plant for a great sugar mill. To the peen who carried my grip I gave a peseta—256 ents. He looked at the piece of ee eee: a He s0 ef Zapatism ! GREY . The procession rolis by, of firm assurance, never dreaming that WHO DON FRANCISCO URQUIDI IS ENOKR DON FRANOISCO URQUIDI was born Oct. 28, 1876, at Ohihua- hua, where his family had lived jor upward of a century. His father was Governor of Chihuahua and support- ed Juarez against the French. After his father’s death his mother moved to Mexice City in order to get the best educational facilities for her eight children. Young Francisco was educated in Mexico City and graduated from the Escucia Nacional. Then he was sent to Paris, where he entered the Ecole Centrale; passing from there to the Ecole Superieure d’ Electri- cite, from which he was graduated with honors. He returned to Mexico City to follow his profession and soon had a big practice as a cnsulting electrical cngineer. ‘He became professor of electrical en- gineering in the-National School of Mines and in the National School of Engineering and was elected Alderman of the City of Mexico. In this capacity he served on three of the most important municipal commissions—rapid transit; sewers and lighting. ) He tovok no active part in politics, but R supported Madero, in whose Cabinet one of his brothers was Under-Secretary of Public Works. After Madero’s assassina- tion Huerta ordered the arrest of all the male members of the Urquidi family, and Don Francisco fled to Vera Cruz disguised as*a Protestant clergyman. On his ar- rival in New York he offered hia services to Carranza and was asked to stay in this country aa Commercial Agent. | Senor Urquidi secks no political office of any kind. This tinie there is to be no dickering. the fuss is over it will be over for good. When We are having an election in M@zico, the only Kind of election by the results of which all Mexicans will now abide. When the votes have done their work and the dead are counted, then and only then shall we have peace. “We Are Fighting It Out.” ET there be no mistake ag to what the L present revolution in Mexico means. It means that a people for centuries ground under the heel of Spain and fettered by Rome, presently preyed upon by a plutocracy for the most part foreign, is emerging from the night of its ignorance and rubbing the sleep from its eyes as it struggles to its feet and girds itself for a life or death struggle. Nine millions of men have at stake the things you Americans hold most sacred: “Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” All that we ask the United States to do is to hold its hands off and let us fight our own fight, just as 50 years ago the world let you fight your own fight. If we are allowed to fight it out among our- selves Mexico will be saved. Huerta must go, but he must be put out by Mexicans. Material loss there will be; there must be in a healthy revolution. Some of it will fall upon foreigners, but Mexico is rich enough to pay for the damage done. Injustice there will. be and all manner of /housetops, (charity. Mexloo is Uke a man suffering from @ hideous ulcer. The core has been fully exposed and the surgeon's knife in- voked. There is nothing to do but shut one’s eyes and wish the surgeon God-speed. Humanity has a right to ask what the sur- geon’s plan is, whether the operation really offers a fafr chance of success. “A decent respect to the opinions of man- kind,” if I may quote from an American docu- ment, requires that we make answer. Peace That Could Not Last. ADERO became President as the result M of a compromise made at Ciudad Juarez, with the “Cientificos.” Porfirio Diaz abdicated and fled. Such a peace could not last. Diaz's nephew, Felix, a by-product of the least worthy element in Mexican politics, raised the standard of revolt in Vera Cruz. He it was who scwed the seeds of disloyalty to Madero in the army. Madero was too soft-hearted; he spared Diaz’s life. After a space young Diaz began plotting again, this time in Mexico City with Mondragon and Bernado Reyes. At the outset of the trouble Reyes was killed. His death changed everything. He was to have become President, an army tool of plutocracy, and if he had not fallen Madero’s life would probably have been spared. But God willed it otherwise. _ After a week of war in the streets and on the during which unarmed citizens fell by the thousand, Huerta, who owed everything to Madero, and Blanquet, who had pledged him the last drop of his blood, made a deal with Felix Diaz at the American Embassy whereby Huerta was to take the place of Reyes. It was tn Henry Lane Wilson's official residence, under cover of the Stars and Stripes, that the bctrayal:of Madero was hatched—nay, it was there signed and sealed and is even known as the pacto de la. Ciudadela. On Feb. 18, 1918, the Ambassador of the United States, having finally approved of Huerta’s selections for his Cabinet and promised recognition of the new Govern- ment, Madero and Pino Suarez were ar- rested. As a foretaste of the bloodshed that was to come Gustavo Madero was murdered, five days later Mudero himself and Pino Swarez were assassinated. At one stroke all the hopes of the country were 8hattered and wiped out. The old regime returned worse by all the difference between Porfirio Diaz and Victoriano Huerta, a military dictatorship truckling to the spirit of re- venge that animated the ‘‘cientificos’’ against those who had tried to free the people. Carranza’s Sixty Men. ARRANZA as Governor of the State of C Coahuila was notified by Huerta that he had assumed the presidency. Car- ranza refused to recognize him, and with 60 men started the present revolution. He first appealed to the State Legislature’ and obtained their support with a vote placing the funds of the State at his disposal to resist Huerta’s usur- pation. Men and money came from all sides. Among the men who came was Villa—Villa, the untamed child of nature—a half. breed mule Criver but a two-fisted fighting man. He is the strong right arm of the revolution today, every bit as loyal to Carranza as is Obregon, the wealthy educated planter, -or Gonzales, the suc- cessful manufacturer. They are the three gen- erals who are advancing south. They I teld bim what it was. I had even te explain te him what it was worth. Te was the first time in his fe that he had held in his hand real money of his own, this man whe had labored for 80 years and more. Was he not paid? Yes, but only in velaz, writ orders on the land- beans and corn to eat and rough cloth for his loins. He rarely tasted That is the condition that the Capata is fighting to end. When “Betrayal of Madero Hatched Under Stars and Stripes at U. S. Ambassador's Res dence ‘6 T was in Henry Lane Wilson’s official residence, under cover I of the Stars and Stripes, that the betrayal of Madero was hatched—nay, it was even knownas the pacto de la Ciudadela. ‘On Feb. 18, 1913, the Ambassador of the United States having finally approved of Huerta’s selections for his Cabtnet and promised recognition of the new Government, Madero and Pino Suares were arrested. | ‘“‘As a foretaste of the bloodshed that.was to come Gustavo Madero was murdered, five days later Madero himself and Pino Suarez were assassinated. At one stroke all the hopes of the country were shattered and wiped out. worse by all the difference between Porfirio Diaz and Victoriano Huerta, a military dictatorship truckling to the spirit of revenge that animated the ‘‘cientificos’’ against those who tried to free the people.”’"——DON FRANCISCO URQUIDI. The old regime returned have conquered more than half of Mexico. All of the State of Sonora except Guaymasg, all of the State of Sinaloa except Mazatlan, the states of Chihuahua and Durango and the southern part of the Coahuila (the Federals still hold Laredo in the north), most of the State of Guer- rero and towns innumerable are in their power. As the Federals have been driven out of state after state Carranza has followed in the wake of his victorious generals men in all executive positions. ero sent for him and offered him 4 $30,000 to Iny down his arms—$30,000 meant ontold wealth, meant more than millions would mean here—Zapata sent back word that he did . hot want and would not take gold wrung from tears of his fellow peons, and that he _ Would lay down his arms only if the land That stand of Zapata's is the stand. of Car- 3 Panta today. Carranza cannot be bought off and ; Will not dicker. The plea that half a loaf is better than no bread | : has been the block over which all really demo- | _ atic, - Mexico Dickering is fatal to reform. all really republican movements in | have stumbled and fatlen in the past.) injury. Some of it will fall upon foreigners, but injustice can be atoned for and injury redressed once peace is reestablished. We all want to see the fighting finished soon as possible. As yet we have not been recognized as belligerents, although we are in control of more than half of Mexico. Perhaps even the recognition of the Constitutional- ist forces as belligerente may retard the work of pacification. If we are recognized as belligerents we shall have to conform to the laws of war. If we remain revolution- iste we can finish the bloody work quicker. That sounds brutal, I know, but it ie true From the military Governor to the alcaldes each state has been given its complement of Constitutionaliast officials. The work of pacification is following close on the heels of the war of conquest. When Carranza finally reaches Mexico City he wil have behind him a number of State administrations ready to carry out his de- crees. The fires of revolution were being stamped out and no smoldering embers left behind to burst out in fresh conflagra- tiona. Up to now Carranza has been the absolute chief of the revolution. He has formed a skele- By Bs 22 es patel yet has made no side of such questions is usually imperfectly and has reorganized the gov- ernments, putting in his own “What We Promised In Return We Should Stand By” John B. nn ae Jn. Son of Former Missouri Senator, by Citing Our Treaties With Great Britain Oovering the Question of an Interoceanio Waterway, Plainly Shows Our Moral Obligation to Repeal the Tolls Exemption Clause as the President Is Urging Con- gress to Do. convincing article John Brooks Henderson Jr., an authority on diplomacy, disposes of the specious argument that Presiden’ Wilson, in urging Congress to repeal the clause of the Pan- ama Canal act exempting American shipping from paying tolls, is surrendering American rights to Great Britain. Henderson contends that the President is en deavoring solely to keep a solemn treaty covenant that we made with England and in return for which England consented to relinquish rights under earlier treaties that bound us specifically and unalterably TO CO-OPERATE WITH GREAT BRITAIN IN THE BUILDING OF ANY CANAL THAT MIGHT BE DIGGED TO CONNECT THE ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS AND TO SHARE WITH THAT NATION THE OWNER- SHIP, THE CONTROL AND USE ON ABSOLUTE- LY EQUAL GROUNDS of such canal. He points out that, in return for our guarantee that there should be no discrimination in tolls charges and that the nations of the world, with the exception, of course, of those with whom we might be at war, should be permitted to use the waterway on equal conditions, ENGLAND CONCEDED US THE RIGHT TO BUILD, OWN, OPERATE AND FORTIFY THE CANAL, MAKING IT TO ALL IN- T the following strikingly illuminating’ and TENTS AND PURPOSES OUR OWN | WATERWAY. Henderson is a son of the late John B. Hender- son, formerly United States Senator from Mis- souri, and not only has had extended diplomatic srperience but is also the author of an authoritc- tive treatise on international lato, entitled “Amert- can Diplomatic Questions.” He lives in Wash- ington. By John B. Henderson Jr. WASHINGTON, April 18. HENEVER a question of economic W policy of major importance arises which is complicated with foreign relations, a situation of peculiar difficulty re- suits. This is because, first, the diplomatic understood by the people at large, and, second, we are all prone to indulge our patriotism to the extent of liking to feel as a nation that we are always right, fair and honest, and that the other nation is possibly tricky and sharp, or at least more subtle than we in its diplo- macy. The Bering Sea fur seal controversy and the Northeast Coast fisheries dispute, both with England, are examples of such sit- uation and now we have what promises to be the most difficult subject of them all—this dis- puted interpretation of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty. This discord with Great Britain has arisen in this way: About two years ago Congress, when enact- ing certain legislative measures concerning the management and control of the Panama Ca- nal, exempted American vessels engaged in coastwise trade from payment of charges for the use of the canal, all foreign ships being subjected to a scale of tolls. England at once protested against this dis- crimination, on the ground that it violated a clause in the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, a com- pact entered into by the United States and Great Britain in 1900, in which the contracting parties agreed to a ‘‘neutralization” of the wa- terway with a toll basis of equality for ships of “all nations.” However the difference with England in this matter may be ultimately adjusted, whether we are right or wrong in our inter- pretation of the treaty, the fact cannot well be vontroverted that the President is acting wise- — “SS final appointments to his Cabinet. The various secretaryships are filled by acting officials, who are being thoroughly trained in the routine work. There is complete harmony in our ranks. Once Mexico City has been reached and Huerta has been thrown out, the evolution from a mill- tary to a civil form of government will proceed apace. The first period is and must be one of pacification, military governorships and legisla- tion by decree. That will be the best and easiest way to bring about the few great es- sential reforms the whole country is waiting for. The second period will see the election of a Congress which will be called upon to ratify or amend the executive decrees that may have been promulgated during the first period. A Constitutionalist cdénvention will perhaps also be called to bring about such changes as may presidential election, and our country will enter | upon a lasting era of truly popular govc~nment for the first time since it wrested independence from Spain 104 years ago. This I ee to see before Jan. 1, 18° | ¢ ‘be found necessary. After that there will be a ( ) ) | Jonn Brooks TIENDERON JR. ly in seeking to prevent legislation that may even seemingly violate ar international ob- ligation. It is part of a nation’s honor to abide by its contracts, and in case of disagreement to reach an understanding with the other party and legislate afterwards. There is no other course. A nation that willfully ignores its treaties in the face of protest from the other party, takes a step backward in the course of civilization. To get at the real merits of this question, it is necessary to take a brief review of the treaty itself, and more especially of the rela- tions of the two countries in respect to the canal before the treaty was entered into. The Words, “All Nations.” PON the face of the Hay-Pauncefote U treaty itself the issue can be mar- rowed down to a small circle drawn around the words “all nations.” In this clause the United States agrees to fix tolls on a basis of equality for “all nations.” Does this phrase “all nations” include the United States, or does it not? If it includes the United States, then it is clear that Mr. Hay gave up what would appear to be a national right to exempt our own ves- sels from costs in using our own waterway. He limited our own jurisdiction over our own canal. If such is the case, then we must have received something from the other party as a quid pro quo for such a renunciation of a natural right. Let us, therefore, go back to review the cir- cumstances which led up to this Hay-Paunce- fote treaty, which replaced and superseded the Clayton-Bulwer treaty then in force. Prior to 1850, the year of the Clayton-Bul- wer treaty, there never was any immediate prospect of the United States or, indeed, of any other nation, constructing a canal be- tween the Atlantic and the Pacific, notwith- standing that several constructive schemes had been advanced, and it was gemerally felt that some day the canal would really be built. The only real apprehension we had was lest some nation, particularly England, might build the canal and then seek to control it in a man- ner prejudicial to our national! interests. In other words, we could not tolerate the idea of a canal that was not made neutral by a very solid and lasting international guarantee. The chief cause of our lively apprehensions on this score lay in the disquieting fact that England owned considerable territory in Cen- tral America, and, moreover, showed @ very decided! tendency to acquire still more. At that time the Nicaragua route was generally regarded as the most feasible one, and the fact that England had a protectorate over “Mos- quitia’—now a province, or state, of Nicaragua —and kept seeking persistently to extend the northern boundary of this protectorate, even to include Greytown, the Atlantic terminal of the probable canal route, furnished us Do un- reasonable grounds for suspicion that she sought to command the territory through which the canal might some day passa. British aggressions in Central America not only gave rise to this suspicion, but also seemed to bid defiance to the much-worshiped Monroe doctrine. Acute Situation in 1850. HE situation, threatening enough at all times, became very acute when En- gland suddenly attempted to acquire Tigre Island, near the proposed entrance of the canal. So inflamed became public opinion throughout the United States that war actually threatened, and it may not be going too far to say that a conflict was only averted by the Clayton-Bulwer treaty of April 19, 1860. f By the terms of this instrument, or Aelia the nations of the world, if we show’ so little consideration for an ezxist« | ing treaty? Can we afford to sacri- fice the good will and regard of all nations by placing in importance above our international obligations a plank in a party platform that was hastily framed by a few men whe did not realize at the time that they violated a stipulation?__. JOHN BROOKS HENDERSON JR. was willing to cease her efferts te enlarge hen Central American territory, provided only thea the United States would promise never to bulld an isthmian canal without first joining with | England in a guarantee of its neutradty, | To this end both powers promised te eres j no fortifications along its course, and they ext a tunnt dohetans Slalgpaeienaaael . 4 : . ¥ gh “" apes ‘. i 1, = exclusive control over any canal ever te te | is built. . Such, then, was the situation after the rate | ification of this Clayton-Bulwer composts There were very grave about some of the terms of this treaty, and ite abrogation was repeatedly urged and even de- manded by the Senate later on, but whateves there may have been of misunderstanding wae later cured by England’s relinquishment of “<i rights along the Nicaraguan Atlantic coast. Up to this point, ‘then, the one concern of © the United States in the matter of canal — icy was to make positive and assured the ine ternational guarantee of neutrality of any. waterway across. the isthmus and to remove every doubt or threat that might stand in the — way of such a destrable conclusion, _ To accomplish this, we even went 80 far ae to agree never to acquire any in Cene tral America for the purpose of eanal cone struction. The idéa was simply that any ca- nal, whenever, and by whomever built, should pass through a neutral territory, should not be fortified, and that, in fact, the canal should - be regarded much in the light of an arm rori a ok + he q . - ¥ 24 7 us ata the sea, fashioned by nature and’ not The, events leading.up to the Civil the internal dissensions that. quietus for many years upon canal schemes, - although the question was never wholly losé | sight of. to have originated the idea of @ canal owned and solely controlled by the United with no guarantee of neutrality whatever, This notion became crystallized into a nations © al policy about the year 1880. Thereatten, until Cleveland became President, effc were most vigorously made by every &£ tary of State to circumvent the probibit to such a canal policy on our part as set f in the paragraphs of the Clayton-Bulwap } treaty. there was a temporary return to the older der of belief—that is, neutralized and for a time the Clayton-Bulwer treaty ceived less attention in the State I ; Canal Becomes a Possibility. TF more grandiose notions of va prowess, that we took on as e result our successful conflict with Speia, doubt influenced very deeply public opinion « the canal question, and again the. swung back to the ideas of Grant—that is, American-built, owned and controlled between the oceans. We had become rich enough in money brains to undertake the actual from a shadowy possibility, the canal at once $ became a probability of the near future. There was, however, that one stumbling block in the — way, the provisions « the Clayton-Bulwee = isthmus through which to build an Americas { “ f owned and American controlled canal; also, @ possible, to secure England’s consent to overe look the prohibition placed upon us never t@ acquire any such territory for any such pure pose, but at all events to , With the Cleveland sdministratiog, | i: ? iiglienarial : 7), = : Ne ahs fat py: ar With President Grant there oa = an e MR Be ma - - " es ot . . Sm. Ais at ’ a poyee F x Ae ae es Wag ale Si ile oe en ‘ 4 » 5 5 i : s Gai i IME OI SEEN 8, RO 4 cil got 5% 4 3 — Sr Se ER: yr “ “Borat i tale ye ” IE ip ah RS af * mg “ es Pee & ee zi pe Few