Daily Worker
January 6, 1925
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Help Insure THE DAILY .WORKER for 1925! 290 Published daily except Sunday by THE DAILY WORKER RY 6, | 6, 1 925 Se ko rss a CO.; 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill. Pri rice 3 Cents MUSSOLINI RULE Years; ; Bail Denied 2 mal se unt pie Your. TUESDAY, JANUA Iilinots under the Act of March 3, 1879, ¥ 4 Se i oe 7 ‘ ~ . * " x . ws Pe ’ 4 2 ha ;' 4 rai ely’ * el ¥ 5 , “ : ao . ; } @é& ' } OP ee ¢ i @ 2 It would be a dead body, | wy ong (Communist) Party, is of police stood by and watched the fascisti wreck the Nuvo Gior- - speaking. As it is, the); jait here tonight, under sen- nale, a newspaper of Florence, fearing to take a stand against ch it es o prin vertegh etn yh tence of three to 10 years in the mob, - @ feeling o se witssas | prison and a $5,000 fine, for It is reported Mussolini plans to create a directory of three deal. eae round table belabors with his|having “assembled with” his —himself and two generals—and impose martial law as a means pant er he, desires to add.em-|comrades in thé national con- re wher order to Italy, but this is believed unlikely, at least much s to his arguments, such as they | vention of the Communist Party at presen mply at Bridgeman, in this state, in There were evidences in London today that the heavy ation a 1921. censorship in Italy is being+ ation ‘ was quite a lot of excite | The fight to secure Ruthenberg’s maintained, if not tightened 2 cen ~mment ‘at last Sunday’s meeting of | release on bail, pending an appeal to News of the troubles there i a. of federation. It originated, inno | the United States supreme court, will subject to long delays in trans- | | tribu. ; enough when Comrade Arné/|be carried to the Michigan supreme mission. deep delegate from Painters’ Lo- court at Lansing, tomorrow. omes ; No, 194, ‘rose to protest against; Sentenced to State Penitentiary {i action of Thomas F. Kennedy,/ Judge C. W. White, in the Berrien ) :from‘the C. F. of L. to the | county circuit court, in imposing sen- Salandra Quite Mussolini. The secession’ from the black shir‘ party of former Premier Salandra har j| * " , i a eset ome at an inopportune time foi ‘Hi Paso convention of the A. F..of L.|tonce, refused to allow Ruthenberg to ~ - : ussolini. r ‘jendorsing the military training |;remair at liberty pending the appeal. BIG BUSINESS: “Why, Bill Johnston, yu are a genius!” ROOT es “t have lost faith in fascism,” Sa-| ¢ am system engineered by. the Am-| rhe sentencé of Judge White calls for hy y moners nF liandra said. ““My work for the past capitalist class and railroaded | inrprisonment in the Michigan state two years to insert fascism in the normal lif f try has bee . GREEN AS rmal life of the country has n the convention under the leader. | prison, at Jackson. ae a crs an ne | Tt es rome? OE TTLEMEN |. OF - — Senators, Financiers afice at Washington, te plknuing. to ty REASURER OF THE gree; Maseolin! tegey Nad tho delirious i push the trials of the other Commun- 60 AL oa IP 7 hes | , El ‘ ? S’ UNION OF AMERICA and Observers Unite et : approval of the fas¢ist newspapers, ists arrested, -including William Zr who pledge him.to continue the re- Foster, William F. a and a score newal of the. fascist administration. ‘ BE pee rural prominent party mas benae . ae BSCS “was shown in the’ calling for the “Te- the case of Robert Minor, former édi- president of District No. 17, United Mine Workers of America, was selected'| storation of tranquility to Italy.” tor of The Liberator, and. now car- Tasman # No P: ay) i i tary-treasurer today by the miners’ executive committee To. Oust’ Oddositton Deputies. toonist of. the DAILY WORKER. The’ G Y/| international secretary y by pp putie (Special to The Daily y wepen or y, 40, of Ha ee Pa. bm dale the the steps » sin tor be $4,000,000,000 war debt to the - , - | to sucesed William Green, who became president of the American Federation | It was believed a decree would be| United States was officially re- Minor case is set for Feb. 2, but it is Raise Yet of Labor following the death Samuel Gompers. forthcoming soon, declaring that all| vealed today as only an empty thought 1t will not be called until Feb. , deputies who do not attend sessions of | gesture,swhich for the present es ee have Berna Pecriskeps gs oot cae pee tes . F ‘4 parliament would be deprived of their| does not afford a suitable basis . aa n or . eamsters’ Union will return to atee] workers. He was followed on arte expockel that the Wichiees su- 4 : TELEPHONE OPERATORS’ seats. — cm had been the! on which serious funding nego- thy floor by another.delegate, not a So camer enna tee tha’ ated bn work this morning after a one day weapon of opposition deputies and | sistions can be begun. emmunist, who took exception to the ~ . rag ot ton J day strike that completely tied up STRIKE TIES UP ‘LINES their means of showing their disap- TI cm Of Del Kenedy in com: | the state supreme court on Jan. proval of “Mussolini despotism.” ie communication which “" ‘ Federation of La. 15. Chicago coal deliveries, and threw a Mussolini practically has placed Ambassador Herrick forwarded program. It was Court Room Is Crowded. scare into industrial, commercial and | AT HARRISBURG, ILL. Italy on a basis of martial law, with |to the state department over the evidaat ‘nat Fitzpatrick did not rasacecaggy § R cbdibher cts wed . municipal users of coal. A conference REDS LIBER ALS Pe tek be the strictest orders for suppression of | week end was not addressed to 1] Kennedy's report to be brought p> Sacto ince se 8 sin’ “atisehier: between the union officials and repre. 4 (Special to The Dally Worker) anti-fascist organizations, specialjthe American government, or : | floor, as it was not read to/, Ferguson, of Chicago The | Sentatives of the coal merchants as- HARRISBURG, Ill, Jan. 5—The | Militia guarding the railway stations|did it come from the French a ‘tiie body bat deposited in the columns|. pic was as crowded as on|%0Ciation, which met during the great.| PORTLAND, Ore., Jan. 5.—The re-| deadlock in the strike of telephone (224 the fascist prefects authorized to) sovernment, but was a “per- es ‘ot ‘the. eration’ News, which is mot}... vost interesting day of the trial|°% Part of yesterday at the Atlantic| gents of Reed college, a privately en-| operators of the Murphysboro Tele. |e the black shirt militia. = |sonal memorandum” from Fi- Uk read, for various reasons. , Hotel, agreed that the men shoud re- A railway strike under Communist e Minister ( that resulted im Ruthenberg’s convic- , dewed Portland institution once fam-| phone company here continued to- ' ‘on | nance Minister Clementel which bess | Te tion; the same court room that saw| ‘url to work while committees rep-| ous ¢or its liberal educational experi-| day with another conference be- | {0s creg the meg egte tion! contained no definite nor con- oned ic a very sign ‘cant incident the disagreement in Foster’s trial, af- resenting both sides “arbitrated” the ments, are giving notice to the stu-| tween union leaders and company ro aay > ae a crete suggestions for payment. rship oosurred. A delegate from th#/icr o long and hard fought legal bat-' differences. dents that there are some things in| officials scheduled for this after. ag 7 toh d 1 th In view of this fact, it was said te 1, at ers, by_the name of Diehl | ty¢, The outcome of the conference is/ the established order that are sacred.| noon. dissol: es arp 2 Italia ‘Libe “yet i be doubtful whether the American Hall, @ kite in the form of an unmask- Ruthenberg was not permitted tojat least a temporary victory for th« | When Pres. Richard Scholz died the Harrisburg business interests are VY) i “i aad as dp ae anger debt funding commission even would land that the Communists / address the court, stating his views as|coal merchants’ association, as the| students wanted Alexander Meikle-| suffering as the result of the tie UP jore * cs sg , Latening x acount nas np: be assembled to consider the French } wlll expelled from the federation. He}, Communist on trial in a capitalist |teamsters have as yet gained nothing| ‘ohn, owsted liberal president of Am-| of all telephone service. Mayor Guy a ae oy ws communication. A copy ot was sent ‘ thotight the time was overripe but/court, before sentence was passed.| by their walkout. The coal merchants | xerst, to be appointed but the regents| Patterson today notified both fac- Fasciat dO it] Clash to Secretary of the Treasury Mellon ——— \ aps there was still time. This/ After sentence, however, he issued a/ declared that the drivers are return | named Norman Coleman, practically| tions that they must get together ppm ni patty tei vas 3 iteq (#Or his information, M. Clemental’s tried to look impressive but/| statement declaring that: ing to work on the old scale, pending |} 4n unknown figure. ‘ and end the strike. aetna ; war sttes . pag ented ms q| memorandum was devoted almost en- ed notably. e cre aby ad ye , , | arbitration. It was stated at union No Hurry. : measures hee cuntan Mussolini,| “ely to an exposition of French ‘fiticized Kennedy's report as ~ headquarters that the men wi]l work . sy Ss sech on Sat.| DUbHe opinion on the general subject Sense ah soit which may be} | Statoment by Ruthenbere | jsaring tiny, on the ‘weal detet|aig tin Ses desares that to resent NOW Appointments (onic vouig clear" tne airs ana] °° feb Y responsible for the way some| ° ' |mined by the “arbitration” commit-| one determined to alt hard on-econo- on Foreign Service “break the Aventine sedition.” mean-| Jf ¢*#mination of the French memo . V4 ot the delegates “flew” at him late: “I have this to say: I am &}tees. mic heresies in the student body. f So . t R ° fling by this the resistance of the de- randum bears out the information wer . = . 7 » - ss P % ” _ "=: ee =* eg ae AE AE : — a _ Le ty AM ae Ay ~ — *- - eS a a> a _— ® . - : : ee — ’ ——— : 7 . ’ + 4 ? i? : ; ‘ =e a q a j : 4 - * wr" wr? Y $ " our - ~ > °
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LTO re ter “H a MANY HUNDRED CITY EMPLOYES TO LOSE JOBS Wage Appropriations Are Cut by Aldermen Holding of the city’s annual appro- priation bill within the anticipated revenue of approximately $46,500,000, which the finance confmittee has started out to do, will be at the sacri- fice of several hundred jobs of per- sons now on the city pay roll, it was announced by the chairman today. The committee planned to resume its sessions directly after today’s regu- lar meeting of the city council, and start into the home stretch, which is expected to be reached by Jan. 20 or before. Bill Slated to Pass by Feb. 1. The council session ‘was expected to be short, the purpose of the meet- ing being merely to authorize expendi- tures of the city for January in order that the departments may go ahead functioning legally until the budget is passed. In the last few years such action has been necessary for both February and March as well as Janu- ary, but it°is hoped that the appro- priation bill will have been passed by Feb. 1 this year. Salary Raises Increase Budget. The appropriation of $1,700,000 made last year for raising salaries al- most exclusively in the police and fire departments makes it necessary for the anticipated retrenchment this year in various other departments. The salary increases in 1924 applied only to the last three months of the year, but in 1925 the entire $1,700,000 must be met and it is pointed out that there can be no cutting of activities in the police and fire sectors. The finance committee is cutting off no jobs as such, but there will be no appropriations for materials with which to work in several sections of the public works department, which is naturally expected to result in cer- tain classes of employes being laid off. While this is expected to hit hardest in the department of public works, Ald. Woodhull states that cut- ting down of expenditures in several other departments will be obligatory. ANOTHER GOAL MINER LESS OF CZAR LEWIS: 200,000. “SURPLUS” ani to The Daily Worker) HARRISBURG, Ill., Jan. 5.—Wal- ndsome” Elisworth, age 35, a coal miner, was electrocuted here today, half an hour after he had gone to work as machine runner in the Ogara mine, No. 12. As John L. Lewis has declared that there are 200,000 miners too many, Elisworth’s death leaves the surplus at 199,999. Before the three- year contract expires, Lewis’ pro- gram of forcing these “surplus” miners out of the industry, may be effected by the operators ignoring safety laws. Ten Splendid CARTOONS By ART YOUNG ADOLPH DEHN WM. CROPPER FRED ELLIS HAY BALES Are only a part of the very best issue that has yet appeared— the January number of The Workers Monthly ’ —— | a eae NO WAGE CUTS MADE IN READING, PA., TEXTILE MILLS; BOTTOM ALREADY REACHED By ART SHIELDS. (Federated Press Staff Correspondent) READING, Pa., Jan. 5.—New Year’s day is not witnessing any wage cuts in the large silk and hosiery mills of Reading because these mills already have the long hours and the high speed system which give them a commer- cial advantage over their Paterson and New England competitors’ Four to six loom# are operated by each silk weaver—contrasted with the two-loom system the Paterson workers are maintaining by aggressive unionism—and the 10-hour day prevails. Since the Paterson strike last summer the huge Vanity Fair mills, covering a long city block in Reading have been working overtime. Women work the full 54-hours permitted by Pennsylvania law and the sky is the limit for men. Only straight time pre- vails for overtime. Organization Benefits. The advantages of organization and the disadvantages of the open shop are glaringly illustrated. Building trades workers and printers, both strongly organized, have the 44-hour week and union wages. Shop crafts workers for the Reading railroad maintain the eight-hour day. Some minor reforms are treasured by steel workers, organized in three locals of the Amalgamated Association of Iron Steel and Tin Workers, tho shop con- trol is lacking. The rest of the city’s workers, for the most part, have to accept whatever the boss decrees. No Textile Unions. In the Vanity Fair mills there is no unionism, tho the United Textile workers and the Amalgamated Textile workers have made organization ef- forts. The Nolde & Horst Stocking factory;: the Berkshire Knitting mills and smaller concerns, employing a total of thousands of knit goods work- ers are without the vestige of organ- ization. An organizer of the Ameri- can Federation of Full . Fashioned Hosiery Workers, spent a year in Reading, making a determined at- tempt to build up a union but was not able'to get results. The Reading workers are Americans, of old Penn- sylvania Dutch stock. Might Be Worse. Compared with some other towns in eastern Pennsylvania, however, Reading unionism is to the fore. Its well organized building trades and printing workers make a strong con- trast to the open shopism of Bethle- | hem, for example, where Charles M. Schwab has crushed out unionism. Even in the steel industry the con- trast is noticeable betweén the three locals of the Amalgamated in Read- ing and the lack of unionism in the three steel mills in Bethlehem. AS WE SEE IT—By T. J. O’Flaherty (Continued from page 1) Labor. Isn’t that the doodle.bug’s nippers? . . . O other delegate had the temerity to second Diehl’s suggestion that the Communists be expelled, but Vic tor Koehler disposed of his military pipe dream very effectively by the single exclamation of “Bunk.” Hav- ing cleared the air he then proceeded to state that tho he was not a Com- munist, he knew from his experience with Communists—mentioning Jack Johnstone in particular—that they stood up for fundamental issues and he stood with them and would do so in the future when he thought they were right. It was not the Commun- ists who were tending to disrupt the labor movement he declared but those. like Diehl, who would expel them. * +. > ND this is a very significant fact, that should be carefully noted. It was very obvious that no matter how many of the delegates disagreed with the Communists on the ultimate goal of the Workers Party and the methods by which that goal could best be realized, they nevertheless knew that the policies advocated and fought for by Swabeck, Johnstone, Overgaard and the other active Communists in the labor movement were very vital issues in the lives of the working class, while those were the very is. sues that the fakers were either ignor- ing or actively fighting against. And if the Communists fight for the in- terests of the workers and the reac- tionaries fight-against those interests, who is the honest union man going to support, regardless of how much brimstone and smoke the fakers hur) around in order to becloud the issue? The question answers itself. ” a > IEHL’S suggestion to expel the Communists evoked no enthusi- asm and Edward Nockels, secretary of the federation, realizing that a “boner” was pulled, gut and tried to belittle the Communists. He _ said they should be left alone. Was Diehl’s suggestion after the fashion of Noah ‘sending out the raven from the ark to look for evidence of an abate. ment of the flood? In this case the raven was testing the sentiment of the members for the expulsion of the Communists, but instead of bringing back an olive leaf he got a bunch of raspberries. * ¢ ¢ ELEGATHD SCHUSSLER, referred pointedly to the christian gentle- men at the head of the federation ONLY ONE RED WAY 10 ACT! For we are fighters. the DAILY WORKER. CIES sold. this MILITANT PAGE. There is only one RED WAY to act. And that is to enter EVERY party campaign a hundred percent and with that pugnacious spirit which every Communist must have. We are militant or we are noth- ing. Today we want you to fight with us to overcome the things that stand in the way of the safety and progress of The way to fight this battle is to sell INSURANCE POLICIBS. The way to tell who are the fighters is by INSURANCE POLICY REMIBTANCES. So we have decided to (1) Issue a BIG RED SPECIAL EDITION of the DAILY WORKER, upon the first anani- versary of our party organ, on January 13th. (2) In this BIG RED SPECIAL we will feature the PAGE FOR MILITANT BRANCHES. Militant branches are those that ARE RED, those that REMIT FOR POLI- (3) The name of all branches that remit for INSUR- ANCE POLICIES before January &th, will be printed upon If you are a party member you will see to it that your branch is listed in the honor roll. — (in Minneapolis. ists are using the proper tactics in the 'unions who followed the lowly Nazarene yet raved like maniacs at the presence of Communists in the meeting, tho early christianity was the anthitesis of cap italism. He inferred that Jesus was lucky he got-.away with crucifixion Had he lived today in Chicago it is quite likely he would meet a worse fate. John Fitzpatrick then made some forceful if not logical contribu-? tion to the discussion. The force was entirely from the lungs and from the gavel, . a « E blamed Comrade Swabeck for injecting his views into the situa- tion and hazarded the guess that Swa. beck was taking his orders from the Workers Party and not from Local No. 194 ofthe painters. He admitted that the issues raised by Swabeck were fun- damental ones. He could hardly re- strain his anger against the darned Communists who semed to have a pen- chant for taking up issues fundamen. ' tal to the workers. Of course it was quite clear to Fitzpatrick that there was an “ulterior motive” behind all this, some Jesuitical trick to secure the leadership of the masses and no doubt free them from the shackles of capitalism and the fossilized labor misleaders. This was the way these wily reds acted. Had they, as radi cals formerly used—waste their time in senseless criticism, merely picking on the padded expenses accounts of the labor fakers when they travel from Chicago to Washington let us say— and ignore bigger questions they could be put down as “nuts” and “kickers,” and safely ignored. * «59 ITZPATRICK was, to use a favor- ite phrase of his, “in a most un. happy position” and he was getting worse and worse as he proceeded. His oratorical effort was partly a re buke to Delegate Diehl (the raven who got the raspberries) and partly a sug- gestion that the local unions who send Communists as delegates to the federation should see that only safe sane and silent ones be sent in the future. He thought it was a mean trick on Swabeck’s part to bring the Kennedy report up for discussion, and have Fitzpatrick’s anti-militarist ghost stalk in all its nakedness before the delegates. Therefore he turned his guns on Swabeck and after making a personal attack on him refused him the floor on a point of personal priv- ilege before putting the question to a vote. N the whole it was an instructive discussion in the sense that it revealed the entiré bankruptcy of th« reactionaries. They were afraid to face the issues raised by the Commun- ists, intellectually, because, as Fitz. patrick admitted, these issues are “fundamental.” Instead they resort to theats of expulsion and charges of “jlterior motive,” ad nauseam. It should not be assumed that because Fitzpatrick and Nockels decided last Sunday that no delegate would be re- fused a seat in the federation because of his political views, that no attempt will be made in the future to deprive them of the right to represent their local unions. There is no doubt but Fitzpatrick and Nockels will be just as willing to do the dirty work forthe head fakers of the A. F. of L., in Chi- cago, as the fake radical Cramer was That the Commun. needs no more convincing proof than the unwitting admission of John Fitzpatrick. Youn Ge. rust Be — Bung @ Vol ea by age ¥ “ , $ . i) : THE DAILY WORKER LL a5 10 Britain Tries Delay Fear- ing Red Navy SOFIA, Bulgaria, Jan. 5. — While allies’ commissions remain in Con- stantinople for the purpose of deter- mining the future status of the Dar- danelies, the Turkish and Roumanian naval staffs are becoming disturbed by the apparition of the Black Sea fleet. Since the close of the world war Russia has possessed no important naval force. But the recent decision of the French government to hand over to the Soviet government the fleet formerly possessed by Gen. Wrangel opens up an entirely ne vista, - Fleet at Bizerta. This fieet, which is lying at Bizerta, Iunisia, is out of date compared with modern American warships, but is in- comparably superior in size and speed to amy other eastern European navy. Its Battleships and destroyers would completely dominate the Black Sea, and Roumanian and Bulgarian ports, as well as Constantinople, would not be secure in the event that relations with Russia became strained. In Turkey it is believed that Great Britain pointed out to France the diffi- culties and dangers which the return of the fleet to the Moscow govern- ment would create. Therefore, the transfer may be delayed, but it seems doubtful whether the plan of delivery will be prevented ultimately. To Go to Odessa. After the fleet has been thoroly overhauled it probably will proceed to Odessa, where it will make its head- quarters. There is talk to the effect that the eastern European states will summon @ maval conference to discuss this matter. None of them feel inclined or is able to go to the expense of con- structing new war vessels, while none can view with equanimity the pres- ence of a naval force so greatly su- perior to its own On January 17, a conference of the Baltic white guard governments, in- cliding Latvia, Esthonia and } ‘inland, will meet at Helsingfors. It, too, is expected to protest to France against returning the vessels to Soviet Russia, only these Baltic states will complain that the fleet will make the Bolshe viks the strongest naval power in the Baltic. -When you Paty t an “Ad” for the DAILY WORKER. MUSSOLINI DOES NOT REPLY TO MURDER CHARGE Wants to Resign; Vio- lence Continues ROME, Italy, Jan. 5.—Mussolini, who does not deny the charges of Cesare Rossi that the fascist leader plotted the murder of his chief op- ponents, is anxious to resign, latest reports from Italy declare. Deputy Farinacci, the extreme fascist leader whose differences with Mussolini are growing more acute, has expressed the desire to organize a new govern- ment led by the extreme wing of the fascist party. Mussolini is demoralized. His fascist organ, Popolo D’Italia, in an article today, did not deny the charges of-Rossi that Mussolini instigated the murder of the socialist deputy Matte- oti, and murderous attacks on the opposition deputies, Amendola, Misuri and Forni, and the robbing of ex-Pre- mier Nitti’s house in Brianza. The fascisti provincial council of Milan has already resigned, in the face of charges of criminal acts of violence. Drunken fascisti attacked workers on the streets of Milan, who retaliated, killing the fascist Vittorio Agnudter and mortally wounding Gio- vanni Lalerno. Many other cities witnessed fights between the fascisti and workers, many being killed and wounded thruout Italy. Opposition newspapers demand that Mussolini resign, calling for a judicial inquiry into the charges of Rossi. The opposition leaders declare that Mussolini cannot hold an election until the Rossi charges have been sifted. Outgoing Iowa State Treasurer Will Need Len Small’s Good Luck DES MOINES, Ia., Jan. 5.—Follow- ing the closing of several Des Moines banks recently, the Iowa state execu- tive council today passed a resolution to institute suit against W. J. Bur- bank, outgoing. state treasurer, for the recovery of nearly a million dollars of state .funds. Burbank, it is alleged, failed to account for these funds to R. E. Johnson, the new state treasur- er It is charged that Burbank did not have adequate securities on his bonds executed by various personal friends a oad 6+ ee ee - and surety companies. ’ 4 ' Exploiter Soni More Camouflage Drops Off the Face of s Kept Press By J. LOUIS: ENGDAHL. writes from the tween the scribblers. « s They will seek to who will fatten o the demo-republican s capitalists is better revealed. * * as a starter. ma of the nation. ustify the continued rule of the the worker and farmer masses of lowa as long as the republicans and democrats have their say. Formerly the staffs of pen prostitutes on the Tama News and the Tama Herald eshte yoee under separate tents. Now | ow is consolidated. Under this latter condition these hired hacks, whose age are guaranteed as long as they turn out the right kin less influence than formerly. ODAY, two editorial writers are carrying on a sham battle in the columns of the Tama, lowa, News-Herald. One be a agen viewpoint; the other turns out democratic dope. This is the solution offered of the merger of the Herald, republican, and the News, democrat. logical solution. The next step should be to have the two editorial writers work on alternate weeks. that the readers wouldn't be able to tell the difference be- productions of the two “bought and paid for” It is a It is guaranteed Both the republican and democratic writers, in all their editorials, will support capitalism—the rule of the landlords, the bankers, the fest speculators and the food amblers. uzzards of dope, should carry The bi-partisanism of the In the, November elections last fall more than 4,000 workers and poor farmers in lowa cast their ballots for the Communist candidates of the Workers Party. This was good It shows that the capitalist down grade; that there are goodly numbers of exploited in this state who refuse to be fooled and misled | onger by the capitalists—either big or little. e real nature of the class enemy of city and land labor. game is on the They have learned the They know, for instance, that their proee champion is the Communist dally—the DAILY WOR reached that milestone on the road to their liberation, where they realize that the capitalist state must fall in order to a way for the Communist society. That realization on the part of a growing number of other workers and poor farmers will result in more consolidations of capitalist news- papers of differing shades in lowa, as in every other section ER. They have COURT PUSHES ATTACK ON THE COMMUNISTS (Continued from page 1) | What are the principles of the Work- ers (Communist) Party, for belief in which and advocacy of which the state of Michigan acting as the agent of the capitalist class desires to im. prison me? “The Workers (Communist) Party and I as a mmunist point to the class charac of the present social order and the existing government. | have pointed out the the few capitalists exploit and: take from the masses of workers and farmers the wealth which they produce. I have pointed out that the present government is the supporter and upholder of this system of exploitation. I have argued that the working masses must organ- ize their power under the leadership of the Communists to; establish a workers’ and farmers’ government which will rule in their interests in place of that of the exploiters. I have urged that such a government only could reorganize our social structure to abolish exploitation and oppression and to make industry serve the happi- fiess and well-being of those who pro- duce the wealth of this country. “In stating these principles of Com: munisy I have stated further that all history shows that no privileged class has surrendered its privileged position without a resort to force to maintain its right to exploit and oppress, and that the ultimate struggle between the workers and capitalists would be a struggle of force. I have not advo- ‘ated any present act of force by the working class. I have made this his- torical forecast that the situation which existing social forces will bring will create a situation in which the class struggle will inevitably develop into a struggle of force. “Tl have been imprisoned before be- cause I advocated and supported these principles. I shall not change them because the class laws of capitalism imprison me again. because it is my firm belief that the existing social order leads inevitably to such a catas- trophe as the world war, which all but destroyed European civilization. and that if what is good in our civili- zation is to be saved, if mankind is to go forward to a better and finer life, if exploitation, oppression, misery and suffering for the masses is to be ended, that can only be achieved thru a struggle of the workers against the existing capitalist system until thru their organized power they establish a Soviet government and begin the rebuilding of our social order and the creation of a Communist society. To lead that struggle, to carry it forward to victory, that is. the task of the Workers (Communist) Party with which I am charged with assembly and of which I am proud to be a mem- ber.” & | Next Sunday Night and Every Sun- day Night, the Open Forum, & WATCH DOGS OF PLUNDERBUND WAR ON FRANCE (Continued from page 1) difference between 4% per cent now being paid on liberty bonds, and the one-half of one per cent France sug: gests. This would amount to approxi- mately $150,000,000 a year for years to come. Our Imperial “Observers.” Officials reiterated today that the presence in Paris of Ambasadors Kel- logg, Herrick and Col. James A. Lo- gan does not mean they will debate the debts with the allied finance min- isters, who meet there tomorrow. Kellogg and Logan were sent to Paris “to observe” and safeguard “Ameri. can interests” in the reparations pro- ceedings rather than to discuss war debts. * © ae BRITAIN FIGHTS NOTE LONDON, Jan. 6.—The British ca- binet took under consideration yester- day America’s note which, it is under- stood, states frankly that the United States has a “legal right” for payment of its war claims through the Dawes reparation plan. Note Recelved—But Not Welcomed The note was received by the foreign office today and sent imme- diately to the cabinet. The American note was a reply to the British note of last wednesday. Out of the cabinet meeting wdés ex- pected to come a definite statement of policy, not only on America’s war claim, but also on the Franco-Amer- ican debt and war debts in general. The specific purpose of the cabinet meeting, it was announced, is to give Chancellor of the Exchequer Churchill final instructions covering his appear- ance at the allied financial conference in Paris this week. Britain will not, it was said, accept the terms which France has made in informal. memoranda to the United States for payment of the Franco- American debt. These terms specify a ten year moratorium and 90 years to discharge the debt. British Plan to Bolt Paris Meet It appears likely, diplomats com ceded, that the financial conference in Paris will break down. An effort then will be made by Great Britain to bring about an inter-allied debt conference. This conference would take up the question of the participation of the United States in the reparation pay- ments. trucks by means of scabs was frus- trated when the first truckload of coal to leave the yard, was tipped over in an on between pick- ets and the strikebreakers. The coal company immediately called on the police to try to terrorize the Chief Collins, who has had ill luck in ring that infests Chicago, responded with the statement that delfveries of coal by strikebreakers will be “pro- tected” by his force. As usual, the police have been called out to oppose the strikers. Will Use Scabs. The Coal Merchants’ association announced that today, if the strike is still on, strikebreakers will be used oh a large scale. Police rushed to the coal yards of the L. W. Fergu- son Coal Co., and tried to disperse 25 strikers who were protesting at the opening of the gates by the com- pany. The coal companies have been warned by union men that the gates must be kept closed as a‘ safeguard against violence incited by strike- breakers. : The union officers were deluged with telephone calls, personal visits and telegrams yesterday, asking to be placed on the exemption list. But the reply was, “No coal unless it is a hospital or an orphan asylum.” A member of the West Park board drove for the conservatory there. He was told to return later. A large laundry company asked for coal, but was re- fused. A dog hospital called up and asked for drivers, and the union offi- cials replied they would take the mat- ter under consideration. The sentiment of those union offi- cials at the headquarters yesterday was that the strike will be over to- day at the latest. Meanwhile, the coal drivers, who, in their sheepskin coats and with their faces stained with coal dust, presented a marked contrast to the coal dealers and their clerical staffs, continued with their unofficial picketing. One driver told the DAILY WORKER how he stopped a coal truck in Douglas Park. “I told the driver it is very unhealthy to be driv- ing a coal truck along the streets to- day,” the union driver said. “We are going to keep all coal trucks off the streets.” Helpers Get Low Wages. Another coal truck driver explained that the helpers employed to load and unload the coal receive only $4.00 to $4.50 per day. “These are practical- ly a)l non-union men,” the driver told the DAILY WORKER. “If they had a union card they. would get $6.00 a day, and maybe they would stick to their jobs a little longer., They do not be- long to our union.” These are the workers who must load and unload all the coal, according to the demands of the strikers. As it is now the coal truck driver sits. side by side with a non-union helper, who would orobally be glad to join the coal driv- ers’ union if eligible. While the drivers were out ener- getically picketing, they clung to their faith that the unions original demands will be won even if winning them means a stubborn strike. WE SELL POLICIES FEVERISHLY, SAYS NEW YORK AGENT By T. R. SULLIVAN, Organizer, District 4. BUFFALO, N. Y., Jan. 5.—All of the comrades in District No. 4 are in the insurance business on a large scale. The reason is not that we have all become small capitalists, but that we realize very keenly the great services done the party by the DAILY WORKER. It is to con- tinue that service as a greater and more effective means of bringing our Communist program to the masses —— that we are all selling insurance feverishly. The DAILY WORKER has ac- complished more than the most op- timistic hoped for, and with the support promised for 1925 will establish our Daily as a real power in the life of the workers in Amer- ica, District No. 4 is wholeheartedly on the job. to raise its full share for the insurance of our Daily for 1925. PITTSBURGH COMMUNISTS VOTE FOR MAJORITY THESIS AND BOOST DAILY WORKER FUND CAMPAIGN (Special to The Daily Worker) © PITTSBURGH, Jan. 5.—Besides adopting the majority theses by a vote of fifty-two against thirty-eight the general membership meeting held her« also contributed over yesterda WORKER. two hundred dollars for the DAILY A resolution introduced by District Organizer Blankenstein condemning factionalism was carried by. a vote of thirty-eight to 28, Comrade Merrick’s position on party policy received only four vetes, ’ ~~ Or ee were his attempts to clear up the crime © up in a limousine and asked for coal 1 ‘ 7 1 : / ) |
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it ener- to their emands - them ENT 7 = > ts se ——— é ae THE both factions were agreed that if a ‘party movement would be ruined for badly, In fact, they. want it so bad - they resent, rather viciously at times, ' them a little nearer to the workers. = ~ oda eae ——__——— + . rv eu : . MINORITY’S UNITED FRONT POLICY ? By J. W. Johnstone. The longer the party discussion con- tinues the clearer we find out just what the minority wants. Not so much from their writings but rather in the general discussions that have tak- en place. One cannot gather much farmer labor party arguments from the comedy column conducted by Lovestone and Bedacht. Nor can one see a Marxian argument for a farm- er labor party from the fact that Lore voted for a motion made by Foster. So we have to read between the lines of what the minority writes and listen earefuly to what they say in debate. A year ago our party wanted an all inclusive mass farmer-labor party, and farmer-labor party did not crystallize Into a national organization and run ite own candidates in the 1924 presi- dential election, that the farmer-labor many years t6 come. The minority says so in its thesis of last year. The minority admits the correctness of this theory, by the very fact that they ‘have given up the hope of an all in- clusive farmer-labor party and rather willingly resign themselves to a mere “elass farmer-labor party.” ‘What had been puzzling me for some time was just what the min- ority means by a clas farmer-labor party and the answer to this puzzle was supplied by. Comrade Minor. In the Pullman membership meet- ing Minor in his well known broken | dialect said in substance, “Me want big, revolutionary, bolsheviki farm- er labor party,” and again in the Chicago membership meeting Minor in as many words said that in order to: get a workers’ and farmers’ gov- ernment you have to have a “class farmer-labor party;” so there we have it. The dictatorship of the proletariat has to come thru a big, Bolshevik farmer-labor party. Just what was to become of the Workers (Communist) Party Minor failed to state, but we do not have to guess very hard what would happen to our party if the member- ship would be foolish enough to place the direction of our party policies in- to the hands of these farmer-_labor party Communists. Their Last Stand. One thing is certain and that is, the minority wants a farmer-labor party. They are not all as sure as Minor just what kind of a party they want, but they want a class farmer-labor party thatethey say definely that a united front upon the political field is impos- sible unless thru a farmer-labor party. It is very easy to understand why the leaders of the minority take this op- portunistic attitude, why they make this fundamnetal blunder. The arguments put up by the min- ority in favor of a farmer-labor part) take many peculiar turns, they appea) oftener to the emotions and sentiment rather than to the intelligence of our members. One of their arguments is to point out that somte members of the minority have served prison sen- tences for their Communist principles. Leaving two impressions, one, that it is only the minority comrades who were sent to the penitentiary, two, that serving prtson sentences is a qualification for Communist leader- ship. With all due respect to those comrades, minority and majority alike, who stood the test, we refuse to ac- cept the sentimental rot, that that alone, is a qualification for Communist leadership. It that is the case, then Gene Debs would be a Communist leader, he stood the test of the peni- tentiary—but failed miserably in every other test. In reality, our party has not yet shaken of completely its underground garments, and this stupid loyalty by the minority to the farmer-labor party movement is a hang-over from our il- legal underground days. Some 18 months ago when our party actively entered, as a factor, the movement for a farmer-labor party, comrades like Bob Minor were still viewing the masses thru a periscope from the ten thousand foot level. They emerged from the cellar into the farmer-labor party movement. That is the closest they have ever got to the masses, and the attempt of the majority to push it is not so very long ago that some of these same comrades were of the opinion, that comrades like Foster should be relegated to the in- dustrial field, as the party’s indus trial experts. The party’s Commu- nist purity was to be protected by our intellectual leaders, the self- styled “Marxian” group. The fear of losing their Communist virginity thru too close a contact with the masses, is still strong altho not talked about quite so loudly. This is still the background of the present struggle In the party. It is a strug- gie between pseudo intellectuals and ene proletarians in our party. The minority leaders talk a great deal about more action instead of the mere issuing of programs. This I sub- scribe to 100 per cent—-we want more action. But what have the minority contributed to whatever action our party has taken in the struggle of the masses in the past, the present, and what action do they propose for the of some of our comrades on just a few of our past activities. I will deal mainly with District 8 because I am more familiar with and took part in these activities. | The Record Speaks. Take the unemployed campaign of 1921 and 22. Who was it that per- fected the united front and formed the unemployed councils? “The com- rades who took the lead in that cam- paign in District were Krumbein, Swa- beck, Overgaard, Kjar, Greenwood and & host of others I could mention, but cudgel my memory as much as I may I cannot recall a single leading sup- porter of the minority who was to be found during that campaign. A cam- paign in which our party played a leading role. Where over 100 meet- ings were held in Chicago alone, where hundreds of local unions had open meetings, all of which heard, for the first time the Communist message. Unemployment. In every committee in this cam. paign we had representation. Over. gard, chairman of the speakers com- mittee. Krumbein, on the committee to look after the open union meetings Swabeck, publicity committee and so on down the line. It was a splendid campaign, despite the fact that we were more enthusiastic over the um employed, than the six million unem ployed were themselves. For the com- rades who took an active part, it was an invaluable experiencé, and it brot our party much closer to the workers. In the Open Shop Drive. In the open shop drive of 1921-22, who were our active actionists? Take the building trades strike of Chicago. Who were the members of our party who advocated and set up a united front of the union movement to fight the Landis award, which resulted in a protest parade of over 150,000 workers against the “open shop” Landi: award. One-half million leaflets were distributed and hundreds of union meetings addressed. Again we find the same group and we fail to locate the minority. The Railway Strike. In the big railroad shopmen’s strike we find the same situation, the minor- ity who are néw demanding more ac- tion did not answer the roll call. Here was the opportunity for real action. Comrade Overgaard who was also chairman of the speakers committee did much good work in that strike and two years later in the machinist con- vention held in Detroit, was defended by delegates whom he did not know and who pointed out in defense of the Communists and members of the T. U. EB. L. that these two organizations were the spirit of the shopmen’s strike, and that if the leaders of the ynion had done half the work done by Overgaard and his comrades the| strike would have been won. The Non-Political Majority. Comrade Foster, according to the minority is merely a program writer, took an active part in allof these united fronts. In the railroad shopmen’s strike Comrades Foster and Dunn¢g spoke to at least 100 meetings in a tour made by them from Chicago to the coast. The same story could be told about the miners and other strikes that took place during that great capitalist offensive. And what was advocated, comrades, as well as the fight against wage cuts? “Defy the injunction,” was one of the slo- gans. Of course, according to the minority, when this is done at a strike meeting or in a union hall, by some piece of magic it becomes an indus- trial and not a political act. Strange as it may seem to Minor, they also pointed out the necessity of establish- ing a workers’ and farmers’ govern- ment. ™ Where Were the Minority? In case it may seem to be taking an unfair advantagé, by getting too close to our underground days, and that I am not giving our minority com- rades a chance to get off their over- alls after our mining experience, let me cite a recent strike—the Interna tional Ladies’ Garment Workers strike of last year. Oh, where, Oh, where were these actionists? They will have to answer that themselves, we could not find them. Oh, yes, we found one who spoke at a strike meet- ing. Comrade Engdahl. Comrade Kruse, a loud clamorer for more action (if we ever got a flicker of action out of Kruse we would be more. than sat- isfied), stated in the Chicago member- ship meeting that I appealed to the political committee to stop Comrade Engdahl from launching a fight against Alderman Oscar Nelson. Nothing was further from the truth and Kruse knows it. Strike meetings are always the best meetings for Communist prapoganda but. there is also such a thing as a strike psychology, which our minority has not yet discovered. What | pro- tested to the political committee about what was the kind of a fight that Eng- dah! carried on in the DAILY WORK- ER and what he said in the strike meeting. What was it? “That Nelson and Victor Olander were two big bums, two big two hundred and fifty pound slobs who would look well on the picket line.” If that is the Kruse idea of a fight against the city hall, I will oppose it. The Picket Line First. and that he had been no closer to the’ picket line than either Nelson or Olander. Who manned the picket line, who urged the gefiance of the injunc- tion, who really held the strike line as long as it lasted?—-Comrades like Dora Lipshutz. The Young Workers League and party members every morning strengthened the picket line. The entire district executive commit- tee were on the picket line except Bob Minor, “the man of action.” Not a single leading member of the mi- nority spent two minutes on the pick- et line. The Minority United Fronts. Now let mie deal briefly with some of the united fronts set up by the minority. First, let me take the fam- ous unitell front with Fitzpatrick. In all of my experience in the Chicago Federation of Labor we never had a united front with Fitzpatrick on any question, until the united front set up by the Pepper-Lovestone-Ruthen- berg group just prior to the July 3rd and 4th farmer-labor party confer- ence. When this was set up, we who knew Fitzpatrick, thru the district committee wrote to the C. E. C, then in control, the present minority, to be very careful in dealing with and not to place much trust in the Fitzpatrick- Nockles-Brown group. We were told to mind our own business. Who made up this Fitzpatrick united front com- mittee? Pepper, Lovestone and Ru- thenberg. Our united front in Chi- cago was with the rank and file and the result of that united front was that we brought to the July 3rd con- vention 58 delegates from Chicago alone. The Hillman United Front. Another united front set up by the minority when they controlled the Cc. E. C. was the Pepper-Minor-Hill- man united front, a united front that almost ruined, and did completely demoralize for a long time, our left wing group in the Amalgamated Clothing Workers. We, as disciplined Communists very naturally carried out our instructions. We carried out the instruction so well, that our party members in the groups, up until the open discussion started, thot that it was our poliéy and not Pepper’s. To us who opposed this collabora- tion with Hillman, Pepper stated, “Between the left wing and Hill- man, | will take Hillman for the next ten years, and maybe for two years more” and this, comrades, all because he thought he could use Hillman to form a_ farmer-labor party. In the elections in the. Amal- gamated that year Hillman suggest- ed that we should elect as a left winger one of his henchmen and Comrade Minor, the actionist, ac- tually argued in favor of it. “Why,” he said, “we can at least claim him as our man.” In the last convention of the A. Cc. W. U., Hillman invited Minor to speak, while the C. E. C. selected Comrade Browder to organize the left wing. While Browder was or- ganizing the left wing in the con- vention to fight Hillman, Minor as every delegate knows, was one of the cheer leaders for Hillman. Even in Moscow, at the time when the Russian American Industrial Cor- poration was being formed, Hill- man objected to our party picking its quota of directors, he wanted them first submitted to him for ap- proval. He said, (and | was there) “| have no objections to .men like Bob Minor.” And in the election that has just taken place in the. A. C. W., where the policy of collaboration with Hill- man was discarded, and the elections based upon a clear and definite left wing program, some of the party members deserted the party princi- ples and signed a statement in Le- vin’s office just on the eve of elec- tion repudiating the left wing pro- gram. This naturally demoralized to quite an extent the left wing. On top of this our comrades had to bat- tle with Levin’s sluggers at the poll- ing places, some of them being slug- ged. What did Bob Minor do under these circumstances? He Introduced a motion in the district executive committee meeting asking the C. E. C. to restate the party policies in the A. Cc. W. Here, for the first time, since the forming of the Pepper-Minor-Hillman ‘united front, our party policy in the Amalgamated was very clearly under- stood. So clear in fact, that the weak members of our party were afraid to endorse it, and actually repudiated it rather than enter the fight against the Hillman-Levin ma- chine. The only interpretation that can be put on Minor’s motion, was that he prefered the old Hillman al- liance to a fighting program of ac- tion. The United Front in the Printers’ Union. Take another one of our minority leaders, the king pin Marxian of them all. If you don’t believe this, ask him, Comrade Wicks, another ope who demands more action. He says that the farmer-labor party is as in- evitable as the starS in the heaven. Wicks says that the majority’s op- position to the forming of a farmer- labor party at this time, ig just as futile as the bull issued by the pope against the appearance of Haley's comet. Well, the pope is not the only one, who has made a bull; .Wicks has made several of them. future? Let me refresh the memory weighed about 200 pounds himself I pointed out to Engdahl that he} Wicks wants a farmer-labor party a Communist Party cannot function except it has a farmer-labor party to play with, and he wants a united front so bad that he is willing to form it with anybody. His last united front was with James Lynch, the most reactionary labor faker in the Ameri- can labor movement. Wicks, the “Marxian” actually lined up with this faker and helped to elect him to the presidency of the Typographical Un- ion. The C. E. C. promptly condemn- ed Wicks publicly, but Wicks has nev- ér admitted that he was wrong in lining up with Lynch. In the Pater- son silk~ workers’ strike, where our party assumed leadership and did splendid work, Wicks, the Marxian, was the one who made the motion to stop a Communist from speaking at the strike meetings. Ballam’s “United Front.” Then there is Ballam who carries around the mijnority’s farmer-labor party pulmotor for the resurrection of dead farmer-labor parties. He also wants more action and less programs. Just a few days ago he submitted a program of action in the boot and shoe unions. This was a program of complete surrender: Amalgama- tion, according to Ballam has to be discarded in the boot and shoe in- dustry and we have now to force the independent unions to merge with the Boot and Shoe Union. But accord- ing to Ballam, this surrender must not be done too quickly, we must work cautiously and not too fast. I suppose for fear that the workers in the other unions might get hep to .what is being done and might refuse to surrender. Ballam does this with his eyes open, because he points out that the officials of this union are fakers, still he urges a program of surrender to these very fakers. No, Comrade Ballam, the surrender will not be made, not as long as the pres- ent majority is formulating the poli- cles of our party. aaa) I could go on for hours on these minority united fronts, but just let me cite one more. ‘This one should not be missed because this comrade’s argument at the Chicago membership meeting, for a farmer-labor party con- sisted of admitting that he built bar- ricades during the Russian revolution of 1905. He, however, forgot to tell what he wanted done in the carpen- waand election of 1924. Comrade Ander- son proposed a united front with the faker Brown of Peoria, and the with- drawal of our left wing candidate, Morris Rosen. He not only did this in the building trades group meeting, but presented his proposition to the T. U. E. L. national committee and it was promptly turned down. Like Wicks, he has not admitted his mis- take on this question. No Masses Except in F. L. P.? The trouble with many of our com- rades of the minority is that the swal- lowing of the farmer-labor movement, such as it was, by LaFollette left them completely isolated. They can- not see any other means of contact with the masses, as far as they are personally concerned, than thru a farmer-labor party. The only way that they can figure out is to use the farm- er-labor party slogan as an emetic to force LaFollette to disgorge this farmer-labor. party. This can lead only to a third party alliance, in fact, the minority openly advocates enter- ing the C. P. P. A. which is the very heart of the LaFollette movement. This “isolation,” felt very keenly by the minority, is not a party isolation. The great bulk of our members are industrial workers, their points of contact are too many to isolate them by the mere shattering of the farm- er-labor party movement. We of the majority want our comrades of the minority to get in real contact with the masses but we are opposed to the forming of a fake farmer-labor party which would be a fake contact. HAS THE FARMER-LABOR PARTY SWALLOWED JAY LOVESTONE? By ANDREW OVERGAARD. T is significant to note that Com- | rade Lovestone in his last article in the discussion on the party theses, has made a new discovery, that the LaFollette swallowing has come to a standstill, and the supporters of the farmer-labor movement are ‘again be- coming visible. According to Comrade Lovestone, the farmer-labor party is reviving because certain fights took place’ between the labor fakers,in the state of Minnesota. Let me call the attention of Comrade Lovestone to the news item that appetred in the DAILY WORKER on the same day that Comrade Lovestone’s discovery appeared. Our old friend, Robert Cramer, who was one of the farmer-laborites that we captured in our great campaign, made a motion to expell the Commun- ists from the farmer-labor federation of Minnesota, which was carried by a vote of 25 to 11. Those 11 being either party members or sympathiz- ers. According to all indications at this time, these elements have not on- ly been swallowed by LaFollette, but have since the A. F. of L. convention been swallowed by the Gompers pol- icy. This, | would call, a revival with a vengeance, and I would advise Com- rade Lovestone to turn around in his chair in the research department once more and see facts as they are in- stead of using pure abstractions. It doesn’t mean anything, as Goldberg would say. ° Comrade Lovestone seems to be very much afraid of the idea that we shall rally the workers around the Workers Party in the immediate struggles, and draws the peg (Te conclusions—that therefore, thé’ fifa jority is against the united front. Comrade Lovestone does not seem to conceive of the idea that the unit- ed front can be established from be- low. His conception of the united front seems to be that of maneuver- ing in conferences regardless of the mass sentiment below. I am afraid that if we adopt the policy of the mi- nority, that we shall have a greater number of disappointed Communists than we have already made thru that policy. Now let us ask you about the united front, and please let us know whether or not you have lost confi- dence in the ability of the Workers Party to rally the masses around it- self in the immediate struggles, or must all these problems be taken care of by the farmer-labor party? Look- ing over the DAILY WORKER again, we find another story of Communist activity in Boston, where our com- rades are leading the unemployed workers in demonstrations before the city council. Is that political action ‘or not, Comrade Lovestone? It is not necessary to mention oth- er united front campaigns the party carried on under its own name. Must we, without masses moving in that di- rection, set up fake labor parties, based upon gymnastic organizations, literary clubs, self-advancement clubs and parlor Bolshevik associations—or- ganizations that do not play any part in American politics—and that party, or abortion of a party, shall then take the lead in and take over the func- tions in the immediate struggles of the workers, while the Workers Par- ty shall rest on the shelf and only come out at times shouting for the at any costs, in fact he thinks that dictatorship of the proletariat and the Soviet form of government? I think not, and [ think Comrade Lovestone ean find very few phrases that he can use in the words of Marx or Len- in for such a policy. | Comrade Lovestone uses the words “menshevist skepticism.” Yes, Com- rade Lovestone. Your argument smelis badly of menshevism. Your skepticism of the Workers Party par- ticipating in the election campaign as Communists and not as farmer-la- borites, is a bad menshevist disease. You seem to be disappointed in the fact that our party did not show a tre- mendous growth at once. You seem to be of the impression that, for in- stance, it is of no importance that the DAILY WORKER during this | election campaign has increased its ‘circulation by 5,000 new subscribers. Is it not of the utmost importance 'that the morale of our party mem- bers has been strengthened in this ‘campaign? Is it not important that /some of our branches that were be- _ginning to die, have come to life again ‘and are beginning to educate them- selves in fundamental principles of Communism instead of farmer-labor- ism? Perhaps your misunderstanding of the situation is due to the fact that you have not realized the necessity of studying the conditions among our membership, but have only taken a superficial view of the situation. Comrade Lovestone, I would like to recommend to you that instead of basing your analysis on the basis of enthusiasm, you may be able to stir up in mass meetings composed of Workers Party members and sympa- thizers for the slogan “farmer-labor party,” that you go to a union meet- ing, for example, in one of the most progressive ones at this time, and select two subjects. For example, a united front with the Workers Party to organize a fight against injunctions, a united front to organize the unorganized, or suggest they. participate in another farmer- labor convention. I'd. like to see where you get the most enthusiasm. [ am afraid they'll tell you that they have passed about 100 labor party resolutions and they are sick and tired of it at this time, but they wouid like to unite with the Workers Party to fight injunctions or against the unemployment, etc. Shall we then tell them that we can’t fight injunc- tions because we have no farmer-la- bor party or shall we tell them that we have a Communist Party which is capable to fight their battles? And then please, Comrades Ruth- enberg and Lovestone, do not throw sectarianism against us. Commun- ists who participate in the everyday struggle of the Masses, who are lead- ers of strikes who are fighting against the bureaucracy in the trade unions will not so easily be let into sectarian- ism as those who shout from the na- tional office dictaphones and hurl proclamations at the workers like Comrades Lovestone and Ruthenberg like to do. The minority also tries the old stunt of theirs in accusing the ma- jority of not trying to. organize the FP. F. L. P. altho Comrade Ruthen- berg in the last convention explained the truth laid in between and this matter was refuted by the convention as beisg nothing short of an attempt of the then majority, now minority to blame the Chicago district com- mittee instead of blaming themselves. Comrades Ruthenberg and Love- stone know well that ‘the majority carried on a real fight for the policy that they were against from the be- ginning, it is darned poor tactics when a certain policy proves to be wrong that we attempt to turn around and hang somebody instead of criticiz- ing the policy itself. Comrades Lovestone and Ruthen- berg and the rest of the farmer-la- borites in our party would do well to again study the thesis of the Com- front and also come. down to earth and find out in actual contact with the workers what the real situation is and not because they like to- man- euver around conference tables and speak in conventions, will w be able to ru.ly the workers for strugg]*. Our duty as a “ommunist Party is to lead the masses in the everyday strug- gles against capitalism based upon the policy of the united front, if you please, Comrade Lovestone, and thru these struggles we shall become a real mass Communist Party. ACTION FOR PROGRAMS By GEORGE MAURER. OMRADE BEDACHT, in one of his recent articles on the party discussion, starts out by accusing the majority of our party of mud-shHnging, and then he turns’ around and throws stones, evidently forgetting that the minority is living in a glass house. Comrade Bedacht, instead of discuss- ing the point af issue, goes into a long tirade and accuses the majority of all kinds of crimes, and states that the minority is in favor of action ver- sus programs. Comrade Bedacht then pours out a story which Comrade Pep- per attempted to tell in the last con- vention of our party, which this con- vention repudiated. The same old story is repeated of accusing the com- rades in Chicago of failing the rank and file in the central labor council and the unions for the good old faker- ated. It is well to remember a few facts, since this question has been brought up again. The writer happened to be the industrial organizer of the party at the time that the struggle took place in the unions for affiliation to the federated. The district commit- tee and the industrial department in Chicago made all the efforts in its power to organize the party to carry this struggle to a successful conclu- sion. Some thirty-two meetings of our members in the various unions were held, and in a good many unions the question was taken up, and we succeeded in a few affiliations to the federated farmer-labor party. However, in a good many of them. we were badly defeated, altho a strenuous fight was put up by our comrades. We could not, however, no membership, and secondly, Com- rade Bedacht, Comrade Lovestone and all the rest of the minority profess themselves extremely ignorant when! they speak-about the Chicago labor council. What were the facts in that situa- tion? There were about twenty-five Communists who were delegates there, fighting among a crew of ap- proximately 300 business agents who were tails to the A. F. of L. official- dom. Another fact is that the so: | called minority failed to bring in very many affiliations themselves, for the reason that they happened not to be connected with any trade unions themselves. Comrade Bedacht, who is so ardently trying to accuse the ma- jority of gross neglect, has for a year neglected to join the Barbers’ Union, to which he is eligible. Of course. there are always technical excuses for a Marxist who swims in technical ab- stractions, This very question of the federated farmer-labor party was de- feated by only a few votes in the Barbers’ Union. It would undoubted- ly have been carried if it had been for the fighting qualities of Max Bedacht within it. Another fact— when the question was up in one of the Machinists’ Un- ions, a very prominent member and leader in one of our federations, who also shouts fight, failed to show up when the question came up. This same comrade, who still shouts fight, also failed to show up when the La- Follette question was fought out in his union. Comrade Ruthenberg, who likes to form a farmer-labor party by father- ly smiles, would do well to remember the discussion that took place in his own branch upon his own request after the call had been sent out for the St. Paul convention. He then re- quested that the branch members re- port as to what they had done in re- gard to the farmer-labor party. To | affiliate those unions where we had ‘ a my memory, it was four members of the majority who got up and reported at least that they had carried on a fight in their local unions but were unfortunately defeated. The mem- bers of the minority failed to report any activity as they did not have any connections with the labor move ment. Let’ us take the minority all the way thru during this whole campaign.’ Comrade Minor, Comrade Engdahl, Comrade Ruthenberg, and Comrade Lovestone, and followers, can shout fight until they are blue in their face. It is a very easy matter to fight be- hind the scenery of the battlefield in the party branches, but the first pre- requisite to the formation of any or- ganization based upon the trade un- ions necessarily must be that of the organic connection of the Commun- ists within these organizations. Com- rade Wicks accuses the majority of having responsibility for the death of the Buffalo. farmer-labor party, and then proceeds to tel] that he had charge of it at that time. In other werds, Comrade Wicks, the baby died in your arms. And please, do not throw that res ponsi- bility upon the majority. Why didn’t you do something in the American Federation of Labor, says the minority, and accuses the majority of only wanting resolutions there. Well, unfortunately that was all we could have inasmuch as we did not have any of our comrades as delegates. Comrade Semanoff has a hum-dinger, and he really rips open the bankruptcy of the minority thes- es by stating “The issue of the mi- nority is very clear. The minority is raising the slogan of a Leninist party, a party of action.” In other words, this is a new departure in! Leninism. when the slogan of a farmer-labor party is the only slogan that can de- ~ Anserica- velop a party in. Poor Comrade Lenin ‘would sure turn over in his grave ifthe could hear some of the wonderful interpretations the minority are using in order to — that they follow a Leninist pol- cy. Comrade Amter is again raising points of order, after he has been rais- ing them in Moscow until Zinoviev to call him to order for the many ill- services he had rendered to the young American Communist Party. “How dare you,” says Comrade Am- ter, “drop the policy of the farmer- labor party and come out as the Workers Party in the election? The Workers Party can only become a mass party by adopting the slogan of a farmer-labor party and by estab- lishing a bond with the farmers who are at the present time in a state of strong fermentation,” : Comrade Amter, however, fails to point out where this fermentation is going on among the farmers in this country, and shows how little he un- derstands the present. situation in America. He shows as little concep- tion of the American situation as he did when he was author of the fam- ous “Ford-Dubner” theses. I would propose to relegate Comrade Amter to a position where he is given the task of writing some long book, or go back to his profession as a music teacher, instead of attempting to lead the Communist movement of America into the abyss of opportunism. Yes, Comrade Bedacht, Comrade Lovestone, Comrade Ruthenberg, Comrade Semanoff, Comrade Wicks, and Comrade Amter, action we want as against programs. The majority theses points the road to action which leads to the dic- tatorship of the proletariat. NEW YORK WORKERS’ SCHOOL Class in “A B C of Communism” at Workers’ School. In response to the demand for more classes in the “A B C of Commun- ism,” the Workers’ School in New York City now offers such a course at its own headquarters, 208 E. 12th street. The classes will be conducted by Comrade J. C. Oblans, for many years an active party worker, and will meet every Thursday night, from 8 to 10 p. m. The first session will be held Thursday. Jan. 8. Comrades in lower Man- hattan particularly are urged to register and te get sympathizers also to enroll. 7 >= Educational, Directors Meet Monday, Jan. 19. A special meeting of branch educational directors will be held on Mon- day, Jan. 19, at the headquarters of the Workers’ School, 208 E. 12th street, New York City. at 8 p. m. Branches which have not yet elected their educational diréctor should do so at once, and send name and address to the’secretary of the Workers’ School. All educational directors should take careful note of the date, Jan. 19, and make no other arrangements for that evening. ~~ oe ——.,
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-~+a% it ¢ ~ doing wirat — an re i ae woth yiscussion of Our THE DA jury WORKER ee s ‘Immediate Tas td ~ UNANIMOUS FOR MINORITY THESIS |; The Lettish Branch, Chicago. By F. Zeims, Secretary, had the privilege to hear the part issues discussed by two outstanding personalities in our party, namely, Comrade W. Z. Foster, of the majority group, and Comrade C. BE. Ruthenberg, of the majority group of the central executive committee be- fore our branch, on Friday evening, Dec. 12. with 56 members present. Foster Draws Pessimistic Picture. Comrade Foster plunged right into the farmer-labor party issue and drew a very pessimistic and defeatist pie- ture of our activities in connection with the farmer-labor movement in the past, declaring: “The federated farmer-labor party was sucking the life blood of the Workers Party,” and threw in the deliberately falsified figures of Joseph Manley. to say that it cost the Workers Party a fortune to “organize the many fake farmer- labor parties,” as if the comrades who heard him say that did not know what the party really did and of the under- lying miotives of doing so during the farmer-labor party campaign. Foster maintained that our party must have “the guts to do as the so- socialist labor party and the socialist party did: to go before the labor unions and speak of their party,” as if the Lettish comrades, all of whom were at one time or another members of the socialist labor party and social- ist party, were to draw a moral lesson from the history of the socialist labor party and socialist party. On the con- trary, to many of them, their exper- ience with the’ socialist labor party and the socialist party—the morale of it—the sectarianism, the fear from the masses of workers, the virgin “purity” of Marxism, the dual union- ism, etc.. was sufficient proof that Foster was expounding sectarianism and not a Bolshevik conception of Communist tactics. The Other United Fronts. Other united front tactics of the party were enumerated by Foster, with exaggerated emphasis on the amalgamation movement, the cam- paign for the protection of the foreign born and similar activities of our party, while our campaigns in connec- tion with the farmer-labor movement came in for ridicule, as if Foster would have been enthused by the con- tribution of Comrade Martin Abern when he tried to make the world believe what a darned fool he was for e did. And what/was said-in this connec- tion, the Lettish comrades could not help think that Comrade Foster pre- sumed they had been in Latvia, fight- ing the bloodthirsty Latvian govern- ment all this time, away from this continent and therefore did not know anything about amalgamation and other “successes” of that kind which our party experienced while partici- pating in the everyday struggles of the workers of this country. Comrade Foster did not realize that by sneering at some of our attempts on the politi- cal field in connectjon with the farmer- labor policy of our party, and by exaggerating over and over again our activities on the industrial field, particularly the: amalgamation move- ment—he led the comrades to suspect him of syndicalist tendencies, of being a@ graduate of a syndicalist school of thought, but not as a leader of a growing Communist Party. The sum total of Comrade Foster’s argument in the discussion before the Lettish comrades that night was: “Thank God, the farmer-labor move- ment is dead and buried; let it rest in peace. We must look out for it—it will liquidate our party—the Workers Party ” But if it was not for the poorly lighted hall that night, Comrade Foster would have seen many of the Lettish comrades smiling. And why? Simply because Comrade Foster re- minded them of De Leon, once their idol, who convinced them for a time that: “The trade unions are no good —they are bankrupt, and, therefore. | « leave them alone. (Start your own industrial unions, etc.).” In short, Comrade Foster presented a narrow, pessimistic, syndicalist and defeatist conception of the united front tactics of our party in connection with the farmer-labor party movement. Ruthenberg Speaks for Minority. It did not take long for Comrade | Ruthenberg to convince the comrades that our participation in the farmer- labor united front campaigns, regard- less of the many defects and mistakes, was a tremendous, boost for our party, the Workers (Communist) Party; that nothing in the whole history of our party, not any other single factor, has contributed so much to popularize and consequently to increase the prestige, mfluence, and leadership of our party. before large masses of the workers and poor farmers in this country as our campaign for a mass, class farmer- labor party. “Our task, the road we have to travel,” pointed out Ruthenberg. “is well defined by the Communist Inter- national. It is up to us to carry it out. Here is what it declares: “The first task of the Workers Party is to become a mass Communist Party of workers. It can fulfill this task only by most actively participating in the establishment of a labor party which will embrace all elements of the work- ing i and by establishing a bond 3 with the farmers who are at present in a state of strong fermentation. The two independent tasks, the task .of building around the Communist Party a broad, class labor party, and of establishing a bond between a labor party and the poorest elements of farmers, have developed in the United States. thanks to the peculiarities of historical evolution, as one problem. namely, the building of a common party of workers and exploited farm- ers.’ ” In other words. Comrade Ruthen- berg hit the ball so hard and fast that he “walked home” to make a “home run.” He added that: “Comrade Foster and with him the majority group of the central executive com- mittee does not analyze the prevailing economic and political conditions from a Marxian standpoint, whether these conditions do or do not demand for class political actian on the part of the workers and exploited farmers —political action in the sense of or- ganizing an al-embracing political party of their own, as a power against the capitalist parties, etc., but Com- rade Foster bases his conclusions on what he cares to see on the surface. Marxians must base their policy,” pointed out Comrade Ruthenberg, “upon the scientific analysis of the question affecting society, and there- fore, if the conditions in the United States have been such as to develop a movement for independent political action on the part of the workers and exploited farmers a year or two ago. and if these conditions have not changed for the good of the working class, but to the contrary, have grown for the worse. then why argue that the farmer-labor movement is dead and buried? It is our Communist duty to take the leadership of the movement and make it serve to build the Workers (Communist) Party. We can do that by rallying the workers and exploited farmers around us thru a campaign with the slogan: FOR A CLASS FARMER-LABOR PARTY.” This nailed the head of Foster’s ar- guments down fast, and remained nailed down for the whole evening, and are still there, as far as we are concerted, There remained some of the “tails” of Foster’s arguments still wagging, and in the next few minutes Comrade Ruthenberg stopped the wagon (wagging) by burying them. dead. Foster Speaks Second Time. When Comrade Foster arose to speak for the second time. one could see that he felt defeated. H did not have an argument, a real argument to advance. He was picking “flowers,” a little one here and there. When pressed for an answer why he had ordered the militant trade unionists in Canonsburg. Pa., representing a dis- trict of 10,000 miners who had placed in their program a demand for a farmer-labor party, to take that de- mand out of their program and sub- stitute in its place a negative propo- sition of “Independent politiccal action,” Foster, at first, denied having done anything of the kind; that he did not know of anything of the kind, but then turned around and asked: “What if I did?” The fun of the matter is that Comrade Foster was asking for “proof” that the sentiment for a farmer-labor party expressed itself anywhere, now; right after, just a few days, after the presidential elec- tions. The decision of the A. F. of L: at El Paso. Texas, was interpreted to mean that the Gompers machine is getting ready to join forces with the LaFollette movement which was to be another reason why the Communists have no business to monkey with the slogan for a mass, class farmer-labor party. Ruthenberg in Rebuttal. When Comrade Ruthenberg took the floor again he pointed out the illogical way of reasoning by Comrade Foster, when speaking of liquidation that when there was a large mass farmer- labor movement then there was no danger of liquidation, but now, when, according to Foster, there is no farmer-labor movement, much less a sentiment for it, then there is a dan- ger to liquidate the Workers Party.” The point scored was, that Comrade Foster with his own arguments admits that there is a sentiment, a deep- rooted need for a class farmer-labor party. Otherwise, “why be afraid that something which is not there will liquidate our party?” Ruthenberg wound up the discussion by apealing to the Lettish comrades to help Bolshevize the party by advo- cating the participation of our mem- bers in the everyday struggles of the American working class, let it be strikes, lockouts, protection of foreign born. amalgamation of craft unions into powerful industrial unions, un- employment councils, recognition of the first workers’ government, Soviet Russia, and by all means around the slogan for a class farmer-labor party; always having in mind how to serve the best interests of our party—the Workers (Communist) Party; how to make it grow, how to make it to be the leader of the American working class, to prepare them and to lead them now and in the final struggle— the revolution against American capi- talism. i. incur contribution te the dis a - £- cussion on the farmer-labor party issue now before the membership, we just want to tell other comrades of the impressions we gained after listen- ing to the discussion at the above mentioned meeting by Comrades Foster and Ruthenberg. as given in the few foregoing paragraphs and sentences. We have read with concern the theses of the majority and the minor- ity of the central executive commit- tee; we have followed in every detail the dis@ussion carried on thru the DAILY WORKER, all of which really centers around only one issue, namely, the slogan for a mass, class farmer- labor party, and whatever else that may entail, and after allowing a cer- tain amount of deductions for things said and written which have nothing to do with the subject matter under discussion, we have come to the unani- mous conclusion that the minority, in their analysis of the economic and political conditions now prevailing in this country and in their analysis of our possibilities as a young and grow- ing Communist party, the minority of our central executive committee has a better, broader, more realistic and Marxian outlook than the majority. The minority represent:a living spirit. a Bolshevik spirit, something desiring to live, to work, to propagate, to or- ganize. to lead. and actively partici- pate in all struggles of the workers, including the struggle for a class, mass farmer-labor party as an abso- lute necessity for the politically back- ward American masses of workers. 2. In all the discussion, not a one has dared to minimize the fact that it was because of our campaigns in connection with the farmer-labor movement that we received not less than a million dollars worth of free publicity in the capitalist press. Every knock was to boost ts. No other of our united front campaigns, including the amalgamation campaign, has re- flected itself in the capitalist press to such an extent as the farmer-labor campaign. If anyone’s memory . is back, should at once consult the files in any American city to be convinced how the capitalist press was filled with lies, denunciations, slander and misrepresenstations of the Commun- ists. In our judgment the fact that the capitalist press, as a true repre- sentative of the capitalist interests, was alarmed, scared and frightened about our activities in connection with the farmer-labor party, is} the best and most convincing evidence that the minority of the central execu- tive committee is correct and that the farmer-labor movement is a living issue and therefore must be of con- cern to the Communists. 3. In the course of our campaigns to expose the true character of mis- leaders of American labor, particularly John F, Fitzpatrick. with whom our Comrade Foster was the last to break company, it was pointed out in the DAILY WORKER and the Labor Herald that John F. has once said: “I will immediately suspect myself of doing something wrong~-for the labor movement the moment the Chi- cago Tribune will praise me,” or words to that effect. And John F. was asked, how about it, when the Chicago Tribune was actually praising him for the stand he took against the farmer-labor party movement and went over to Sam Gompers’ family, mies.” But how about it now? How about our majority? Fitzpatrick, Sam Gompers and the Chicago Trib- une? The fact of the matter is that they all agree that there is no senti- ment or need for a farmer-labor party. Comrades, we must strive to make our party a living Bolshevik party, and wé shall not deny ourselves to advances one of the major slogans (Comrade Bittelman, please do not quote us as saying “the only slogan”) in our united front campaigns: “FOR A CLASS FARMER-LABOR PARTY.” THE MEMBERSHIP MEETING IN _ NEW YORK By ISRAEL AMTER. HE results of the New York mem. bership meeting were such that they need analysis. First of all the vote: 482 for the majority thesis, 330 for the minority. This would appear to be a great majority for the central on the face of it -would indicate a strong group in the city of New York supporting the position of Foster, Cannon and Bittelma?. The matter, however, is not so sim- ple, for it must be understood that the strength of the. Lore group in the party is concentrated in New York. In fact, outside of the minority group in the New York district, the Lore group and their followers are the strongest group, the Foster-Cannon group being a small minority. It is a sad fact—but still a fact. The Lore group must not be regarded as a group of Comrade Lore and his friends. There is a Lore psychology and ideol- ogy which have succeeded in consoli. dating a large number of comrades, despite the decision of the Communist International, despite the fact that Comradé Zinoviev declared Comrade Lore “not a Communist;” and like a “social democrat hidden behind barri- cades because he says heis an ortho- dox Marxian;” despite the fact that the resolution of the Communist In- ternational declared him a “remnant of the Two.and-a-Half Internationa) in the Workers Party.” This is due to nothing else that that reports are current in the party, “1 dently inspired by Comrades Fost and Olgin, that the Olgin-Lore point of view on LaFollette won in Moscow. This is totally untrue. As Comrade Radek said, it is merely a coincidence that a “social-democratic point of view (that of Olgin.Lore) agrees with that of the Communist International.” Olgin-Lore were against the LaFol- lette alliance at a matter of principle; the Communist International was against it as a matter of safety for the party, since the Comintern deem- ed that the party was too weak to carry out the maneuver without dan. ger to itself. The Comintern did not brand the tactics as such as oppor- tunistic,, but did see that in the Am- erican party there were strong evi- dences of opportunism—in the C. E. C. and in the ranks—which clearly indi. cated that the party would not be able to carry out the maneuvers with- out menacing its existénce. Associated with this group are com. rades who have been appointed by the C. E. C. to conduct the _ industrial work—comrades whom the C. E. C. thesis brands as opportunists. The whole right wing element in the party gathers about the banner of Comrade Lore—even comrades who now call themselves followers of’ the Foster group, yet ideologically are still in the Lore camp. This group gave the victory to the majority thesis and in stating this, We do not weep tears after a defeat. We of the minority consider the New York membership meeting a great vic. tory; firstly, because the vote shows a strong Bolshevik minority in the city of .New York; and secondly, be cause the lines are clearly drawn executive committee thesis—and taken | ven tho Comrade Lore had his, until the last moment—and at the German federation convention showed an irreconcilability between his view and that of the majority, it was per- fectly obvious that, as usual, Lore would line up with the majority—to whom he has a natural affinity. ‘the meeting itself. New York contains the largest and midst ad- vanced membership in the party. It was expected, thérefore, that the ma. jority would send its most capable comrade to present its position. Bit- telman had done a very poor job for the party both at the German and the Hungarian federation conventions, and besides could not be considered a “strong” man. Comrade Cannon was chosen for the presentation in New York. Those who had heard Com- rade Cannon’s presentation in the branches knew in advance what the contents of his argumentation at the membership meeting would be. A lit- tle understanding and command of theory is necessary in New York (This is said without any spirit of factionalism.) If our membership is to be Bolshevized, then it is to be ex. pected that the national educational director of the party should really command theory. There’ was not one moment of theory in the presenta tion of Comrade Cannon; only flam- Hpoyant demagogy, misreperestation jand appeals to the prejudices of the membership. Thus, the book by Comrade Love- ake gne, “The Government— Strike reaker,” was held up to the contempt of the comrades present, most of whom have not read the book. It was declared a non-Communist book, a farmer-labor screed, devoid of all evi- dence of Communism. It was unfor. tunate for Comrade Cannon as soon as he received the book, Comrade Losovsky, head of the Red Interna- tional of Labor ons, ordered its translation into Russian and publica. tion by the R. I. L. U. Before the meeting, New York was greeted by the publication of a pamphlet entitled “For A Communist Party of Action—Against Liq@hidat- ing the Workers (Communist) Party, Against Substituting the Workers (Communist) Party by a Sham Farm- er,Labor Party—an Appeal to the Members of District No. 2 Workers Party.” Then followed the names of thirty comrades of the English, Jew- ish, Russian, Lithuanian, Italian, Greek and Polish branches and of the Y. W. L. At the bottom it stated that the “publication was authorized by the central executive committee.” This document was an eleventh. hour attempt to separate the so-called Foster.Cannon group from the Lore group. dt was an eleventh-hour sldn- der upon the minority and a misrepre- sentation of its viewpoint and aims. At no place does the document say ; word about the Two-and-a-Half Inter nationalism of the Lore group; at no place is there even mention of the Lore group. This was quite natural. The point of view of the Lore and of the Foster group coincides. In other words, the Foster-Cannon group con- siders the minority, the “Marxian group in the Workers Party,” (as the executive committee of the Comintern lune ah about the C. E. C. thesis— ‘of the’ capitalist press in any library “to reward friends and punish ene-} said) the dangerous group in the short to remember 6, 12 or 18 months | party. There are two other — significant facts about S pamphlet. As far as we have been to learn, the cen- tral executive committee of the par- ty authorized the publication of a pamphlet by Comrades Olgin, Cannon and Manley, at the expense of the party, to expound the majority point of view. We do not know whether the political committee of the C. B. C. approved the pamphlet before publication. The name of Comrade Cannon does not appear on the. pam- phiet, but instead the names of thirty comrades of various language groups. We wish to ask the C. E. C. a ques- tion: DOES THE MAJORITY OF THB C. B. C. TAKE T RESPON- SIBILITY FOR LEGALIZING CAUC- USES WITHIN THE PARTY? If they do, they are acting in violation of the Communist International, and are openly carrying on disruptive work in the party. If the C. E. C. did not give its approval to the publication of the pamphlet In this form, how does Comrade Cannon abuse the authority of the C. E. C. to allow a pamphlet to be published by a legally consti- tuted group of various federations within the party? Comrade Cannon, who said to me that he gets his or- ders from Comrade Foster—and not from the central executive commit- tee, which sends out ‘instructions and decisions thru the executive sec- retary of the party, has openly con- stituted a caucus, a faction within the party. If the members of the central executive~ committee of.the party carry on such disruptive work, then what is the use of, all passionate ap- pears to build the Workers Party? A second point. All publications in any district of the party must pass thru the district executive committee, if the party is to retain its unity as an orgatization. The district execu- tive committee had no cognizance of the publication of this pamphlet os- tensibly authoried by the’ C. E. C. Is any group within the party, even if Comrade Cannon, a member of the C. E. C., belongs to it, to be allowed to usurp the authority of the recogniz- ed authority within the district? The meeting was one of the best meetings that have ever been held by the party membership in N. Y. Citw The splendid presentation of the minority viewpoint by Comrade Ruthenberg showed who are the Marxians in the party. The member-. ship recognized this fact and gave him an ovation. The minority is well satisfied with the membership meeting, but would like an answer from the C. HB. C. on the above questions. The member- ship is entitled to an answer. MAJORITY DISPLAYS GOMPERS TACTICS By WALTER T. FRANK. OMRADE BITTELMAN in the Dec. 2 issue of the DAILY WORKER severely criticizes the nature of the speech delivered by Comrade Amter to the Hungarian convention. He also attacks Amter for having delivered this speech, undoubtedly because it has seriously weakened the argument of the majority. Comrade Bittelman asks on what ground will Comrade Amter and the minority justify the raising of this issue in the party. Comrade Bittelman further says, “fac- tionalism as a rule, is most rampart in pre-convention periods but it would seem that there would be a limit to it somewhere.” Minnesota “Majority” Putsch. \ Comrade Bittelman undoubtedly hints that the minority in defending their position have overstepped the limit. Does Comrade Bittelman not know the Gompers tactics used by the majority as a means of forcing their views down the throat of the rank and file of the party. For an example the re-organization of the English branch in Minneapolis. The English branch meets every Thursday night. Previous-to the méet- ing on Thanksgiving day, a notice was sent to the members of the branch, that inasmuch as the meeting was on Thanksgiving day it would be held in the morning, instead of in the eve- ning. Nothing was said about the con- templated re-organization of the branch. The meeting was opened by the statement that the English branch had not functioned and _ therefore should be reorganized. A chairman and secretary “supporting the major- ity views” were elected. The writer asked the chairman if it was not un- Communistic to reorganize. a unit of the party, without having notified its members to that effect. One of the majority then answered that the con- stitution of the party had been care- fully examined and they had found no such provision. In replying to this it was pointed out that in a Communist organization there should be no need of inserting such provisions. That y sincere member: of the party should know that such tactics are non- Communistic and the insertian of such provisions in the consttiution would be admitting the existence of a lack of understanding of the elementary prin- ciple of Communism in the party. But it was unheeded, too much oil had been poured on the machinery Then, Chairman J. O. Johnson having made an unfathomable discovery, the constitution of the party did not pre vent one member of the branch from submitting a slate of candidates (of the majority) for the C. C. C. and various committees. Such a slate was then presented by Comrade Fineman. Since the machine was well oiled, members who generally do not attend regularly were present and in my opin- ion a special effort was made by the majority to control the meeting. As a result those supporting the majority rule were elected and those support- ing the minority views were elimin- ated. ~ Membership Repudiates “Majority.” I was retained as delegate to the C. Cc. C. for the following reasons: (1) I had not then definitely determined which of the two theses were, in my opinion, correct. (2) The majority figured that there was a possibility of me supporting the majority. ~ At the following meeting of the English branch, the dirty tactics em- ployed by the C. E. C. majority group was exposed, with the result that the branch became very indignant over what had been pulled on them at the previous meeting. The ‘discussion brot out that Com- rade Braden who had been eliminated from the C. C, C, at this infamous Gompers meeting on Thanksgiving day, not becausé he had not been ac- tive or not attended the meetings regu- larly, but because the majority group feared him. The writer insisted upor Jack Broden being relecigd delegate . we te RO, 12 o- 7 to the C. C. C. A motion to that ef- fect was unanimontsly carried (meet- ing was very well attended). motion was made to rescind the form- re action of the branch. This motion would have carried unanimously had it not been for Comrade Braden and others stating that we should not pur- sue the same dirty tactics as used by the other group that we should main- tain our Communist integrity and prove by our actions, that we, the minority were not Gomperites in tac- tics. Where ts “Majority Logic.” ” My contention is this, that if the ma- lority has such a splendid, logical argu- ment in favor of their position, they should not need to employ such dirty tactics. There is no excuse, Comrade Hathaway, first alternate of the C. E. C, and our district organizer was pres- ent at this meeting. He raised no ob- jection to the procedure of the meet- ing. On the contrary, he was actively oiling the machine. I challenge any one of these com- rades responsible for the application of such Gompers tactics to prove to the rank and file of our party that they were not overstepping the limit, that such tactics are not noh-Communistic. These comrades would insofar as tac- tics are concerned put the lieutenants of the deceased labor faker, Gompers, to shame. Previous to this infamous meeting of the English branch, at a C. C. C. meeting where Comrade Hathaway was present, the question of conduct- ing party discussion on the two theses came up. At this meeting Comrade Hathaway boasted of the fact that the majority group was organized and declared himself in favor of a com- mittee being elected, composed of rep- resentatives (not of both views): but of both groups. The writer and other comrades insisted that a discussion should be launched without creating factionalism and that we should strive for unity within the party and even though there always will be difference of opinions in the party as to policies, tactics, etc., we should under no con- ditions tolerate factionalism. Comrade Hathaway also said he was for unity in the party but that we should not be like an ostrich refusing to see the ex- istence of factigns. He has proved by Another, his action that this was mere phrase- ology, an argument justifying the ex: istence of his machine. How They “Bolshevize” the Party. Is this Bolshevizing the party of which the majority speaks? the members of our branch have fought the capitalist system during periods of most severe persecution. They are rebels, and are not going to allow such Gompers’ tactics to be used if they can help it. It can be said to the\credit of the members of our branch, with the exception of those who blindly follow, the machine, that they are utterly opposed to it. An illustration of this element who blindly follow the machine, can be given by one comrade, a delegate to the C. C. C. who declared himself for the majority group, admitting he had hot even read the thesis. Majority “Communist” Work tn Unions. As to whether the majority or the minority are the most active, let the following information guide you: At the last meeting of the farmer-labor federation, a motion was made by the right wingers in the federation to in- vite Dr. Schaper to address them. Schaper was a recent candidate for nomination for the office of -governor of Minnesota. He was given the én- dorsement by the D. E. C. Schaper later ‘in the primary campaign Tepudt ated this endorsement. R. S. Wiggins, assuming thé role of Many of , leader of the left wing in the farmer- labor federation, said in support of the motion “that Dr. Schaper had consist- ently fought for power for the work- ing class and we will be fortunate in having such a man address the farm- er-labor federation.” Communist delegates to the farm- er-labor federation who at present happen to be of the majority, due to the machine work of the majority group in the labor unions, did not have the courage (or else did not understand what their duty was) to defend the Communist principles and strive to assume the leadership of the letf wing elements, by point- ing out that Dick Wiggins Is not rep- resenting the interests of the left wing, but is at the very best-a cen- trist or in other words and oppor- tunist. When members’ supporting the minority thesis were delegates to the F.-L. federation, they never failed to vigorously defend the principles, poli- cies and tactics of the party and point out to the rank and file the oppor- tunist leaders within the farmer-labor federation and in the trade unions. For the Marxian Group. ° As to the thesis, I am convinced the minority thesis not only correctly analyzes the economic and political situation in this country, but draws a logical. Marxian deduction from this analysis as to the tactics and policies of the party that will build a mags Communist movement at the least ex- penditure of’ time and energy. The slogan for a class farmer-labor pafty is based upon the existing ma- terial base for a farmer-labir party and not deduced from the feelings of the masses but from existing econom- ic conditions, therefore it is purely Marxian and not opportunistic. Whereas the majority thesis’s tactics and policies are the result of that op- portunistic reasoning (against . which Karl Marx vigorously fought), that aims 4o destroy the fundamental eco- nomic principles as exponded by Karl Marx. —_—_ country— You can ha board suitable $2.00 a Year 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Enclosed $ ~***%*%* ** * * * &% &% HSS SSS SSSTSESSESSsESsEsTsEsTEs ss VTsVsVesV_VsVeseVeseses*FyT - “Revolution Comes!” A Painting by N. Kravchenko In the Revolutionary Museum in Moscow and one of the most famous paintings produced in Red Russia— Reproduced in three colors on the cover of the January. issue of the WORKERS MONTHLY— Copyrighted and not to be issued anywhere else in this on fine’calendar stock, mounted on art for framing and without cost WITH A YEAR’S SUBSCRIPTION TO THE WORKERS MONTHLY 25 CENTS EACH WITHOUT SUBSCRIPTION THE WORKERS MONTHLY $1.25 Six Months Chicago, Ill. 7 For NAME - (Mark with cross) For WORKERS MONTHLY (1 year) and picture copies of picture.. STREET ~~~» **% *%**% * * * *® © © OOOO SSS BSS SSS SSSSSVSSF SISA SSIATTSSSASIASA ASAT ~_*>***?*ere eS >. > © i i ~~ *.****%* 4 & oe oo OO eo ee eet 1 SOT HST SSH SS SS i i i i i i i i i i i i i i 7 ENED EEE TE et a ee eee ee ee.
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if of e & a. 0 1d 10 ir 2) at 10 De to or ad | S will fight. if BUT 13 CONVICTED ON THE» E CHARGE ARE STILL IN JAIL By PAT H, TOOHEY. (Special to the DAILY WORKER) PITTSBURGH, Pa., Jan. 5—Just at the time when the recently formed Miners’ Defense Committee was preparing to swing into action thru an in- tensive campaign to liberate the victims of the Cliftonville mine riot, con- victed after a battle with coal company gunmen during the 1922 strike, the same orn as those already lib- ' the governor unexpectedly pardons 25 of the men, jeaving a total in prison, - excluding those pardoned December 18, thirteen more men, convicted on Liberation of All, Demand Miners. .. The governor’s actions will not de ter the radical miners of the Pitts- _ burgh district from waging a fight for -the complete liberation of all those now serving time in the Moundsville penitentiary. Originally 43 were in. _arcerated but thru the political machinations of the corrupt district miners’ officials five were gotten out who, probably as it was thus arranged beforehand, immediately began to sing the praises of the officials. This act was nothing more than a cleverly ar- _Yanged piece of work done purely for ' political purposes when, at that time, the elections were drawing near. ‘Those liberated are mostly the three to five year prisoners, while those re- -Mmaining are eight and ten year men. . eir pardons were assured if only the Officials, who are handling the “cases, would have filed the papers be- fore the pardon board. The wife of ‘one of the prisoners recently exhib. ited to the writer a letter from one of the officials stating that he husband had a wonderful chance of being par- doned, and that he would immediately file the papers. That was in Novem. bér of 1923, and to date this worthy has yet to do that. While incarcerated in Moundsville these men have been model prisoners. and therefore should rank first in line for pardon. In connection with this 1! quote a letter received from the warden in answer to an inquiry rela- tive to this. Hive Excellent Records. “Enclosed find list and addresses of the Cliftonville miners as requested in your letter of Dec. 24. The rest of the boys were pardoned this morn- ing. Regarding the conduct and rec. ord made by these men while in the institution, it givés me great pleasure to report that they all have made ex- cellent records and are model prison- ers with the exception of Chas. Cial- Iélla. Very truly yours, S. P. Smith, warden.” . The left wing are of the opinion that if some are pardoned, arrested and convicted for the very same al- leged offense as the rest, then they all should be pardoned and fish made of none. To this end the radicals Petitions will soon be Teady, twenty thousand being printed, and a systematic canvassing of Ahe Pittsburgh district will be made ‘y be- half of these imprisoned fighters of the working class. All those reading this immediately write and petitions will be forwarded. The Lewis tools, those parasites who supposedly were doing their ut. most for the prisoners are shown to the membership for what they are. Frank Mercantini, while gathering signatures to petitions, reported that board member, Gullick, refused to sign it. This is but a sample of what they are capable of. During the time when the progres- sive miners first started agitation for the releasé of the prisoners, and when Wm. A. Guiler, candidate for district president in the recent election sup- ported by the left wing, made several visits to the penitentiary conferring with the men, our friend, Mr. Fagan, Post Cards in Colors Something New and Different. Use them for your regular cor- respondence. Have a set for your album. No. 1—Lenin directing the revolution No. 2—Lenin, when 16 years old No. 3—The Red Fiag of the Union of * $ociafft Soviet Republics No. 4—The Russian state seal emblem No. 5—Trotsky, Soviet Red Army and ONE CARD 5 CENTS \ In lots of 10 or more, 2c per card. 1% in lots of 100 or more. Send money order, check or post- age to Literature Department WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA 1113'W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. SSS You Can’t be Well Informed! Not on Communist History without having read that revolu- tianary classic “THE HISTORY OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY” By Gregory Zinoviev. A second generous installment } appears in the January issue of The Workers Monthly 7 i, 4 - commander of the/! district president, got. uneasy and es corted by his detective, W. D. Reese, visited the prison a number of times in. an effort to find out what Guiler and the others were doing — there. Prior to that his visits could be counted om one hand. It is not the assertion of the progressive miners that the Lewis tools are responsible for these men being in prison, but the assertion of the men themselves. I incorporate a letter from one of the prisoners, One of many of like char- acter which we have received. “I am writing you these few lines to let you know that I am still alive, and am fairly “~well so far as health goes, but am very sorry to have had to spend my third Xmas in prison. But I, and all the others of our crowd here know and appréciate the fact that you boys are doing your best to get us out, and we feel sure that you are going to succeed for the way that you boys are going about it shows that you mean business. Attorney Was Bought Out. “We feel sure that you are aware of the fact that our attorney, Chas. Schuck, was bought off to lay down on us at our trial and to get us to plead guilty under the promise that we would all be out in from six months to a year’s time. That man knew when he told us that story that it was a barefaced lie. He knew that he was being paid by Fagan and oth. ers to secure our conviction and when once we were in prison to see that only the ones whom the district offici- als wanted freed, secured their re- lease. Now Brother Toohey, we were all indicted upon the same charge and imprisoned, therefore then why is it that some of the mén are released and others are made to pull their time? “Now, all the three year men feel very certain that they are going to have to do their time in full, unless you boys are successful in a very short time, and we hope that you will be, but how about we men who have sentences ranging from ten to five years, and still all had the same charge as the others? I tell you that this whole scheme was planned by our district officials, and executed by Chas. Schuck who was supposed to have de fended.us. Jell you that .we_ are in- nocent men who have been made the goats for that bunch of crooks at Pittsburgh, and it is our hope that we may be given the opportunity to bring to light the truth that will expose the guilty parties and bring them to speedy justice.” That the officials are exposed to the membership is evident by the vote cast by the local unions in the Avella section, the former homes of the majority of the prisoners and a machine stronghold. At one local the progressives. received 208 and the gang a sickly 3.. The count of ballots by the progressives shows that their ticket swept the district, with hardly a local casting a majority against them. A scandal is brewing about the officials, which is: but another one of many, they being implicated this time with crooked work in distribut- ing strike relief, and being caught up by the strikers and internal revenue agents. This I will deal with in an- Yous Rez, must Ra — (uy a JULIN’S SHOE STORE AND REPAIR SHOP 3224 W. North Avenue Phone Belmont 2713 Chicago Where Food Is Good And the service is fine. Meet your friends at the Zlotins & Plotkins Restaurant 100 Per Cent Union 29 South Halsted St. The best of food at a moderate price MOM PITTSBURGH, PA. DR. RASNICK DENTIST Rendering ees Dental Service r 20 Years. 645 ditiendemai ST., Near 7th Ave. 1627 CENTER AVE., Gor.< Arthur St. j PIANO, VOCAL and HARMONY LESSONS MARGARITE LEWIS Experienced Teacher and Concert Pianist Phone for Appointment Drexel 1849 T. U, E. L, BRANCH, Aan) ua A. F, OF L. REPORT Militents of All Unions Are Invited (Special to the Daily Worker) .MILWAUKEE, Jan. 5.—Charles Kuzdas, secretary of the Milwaukee section of the Trade Union Education- al League has arranged a meeting for Jan. 10, to be held at 7:30 p. m., Bris- bane Hall, at which William F. Dunne will speak on the El Paso convention of the American Federation ¥ Labor. The secretary of the Milwaukee league section has sent out the fol. lowing letter which is expected to re- sult in a large attendance of trade unionists: To All Trade Unions and Labor Fra- ternal Organizations. Dear Sirs and Brothers: You are cordially invited to attend our lecture on the subject of “THE EL PASO CONVENTION OF the AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LA- BOR AND THE LAST STAND OF GOMPERS.” The lecture will be given by Wm. F. Dunne of the Electrical Workers’ Union, who is recognized as an au- thority on the American labor move. ment, as well as a masterful speak- er and writer and a militant trade unionist. The American labor movement is confronted today with many prob- lems of vital importance. You will be interested to learn what answer was given to these problems by the convention; what decisions were taken on the question of independ- ent political action; the question of unemployment and the organization of unorganized and the problems of amlgamation and consolidation of existing ¢rade unions» to resist at- tack of an open shop drive. You will also be interested to know what decision was taken on the question of international rela. tions and what significance may be attached to the presence at the Am- erican Federation of Labor convén- tion of fraternal delegates represent- ing organized labor of other coun- tries, such as Germany and Mexico. Wm. F, Dunne, in addition to giv. ing a full report on the convention, will also throw light on all these questions. ' The lecture will take place Satur- | day, Jan. 10, 1924 at .7:30 p. m. sharp, in Brisbane Hall, 528 Chest- nut street, third floor, and should be attended by every trade unionoist who has the interest of organized la- bor at heart. There will charge. be no admission Fraternally yours, Charlies Kuzdas, secretary. Farmer Runs Workers’ Movie. Out near Frederick, South Dakota, a lone comrade had been reading in the English and Finnish Communist press of the delight shown by workers of big and little cities over working class pictures, especially those that showed the winning and building of the first workers’ and farmers’ re- public, Soviet Russia. He wanted to see those movies, but for a long time left that his town was too far off the beaten track to make this possible. Finally the urge became too strong to be denied. A little local inquiry showed that local. picture houses could be rented at a reasonable price, and a letter to the International Work- ers’ Aid, 19 8. Lincoln St., soon brought information that other costs were also low enough. So he lined up three comrades to pledge them- selves to share a possible deficit and arranged a showing of “The Fifth Year.” He faithfully put up the posters and distributed the heralds sent by the national office, and was surprised at how easily movie news finds its way into the local capitalist paper. Then came the day of the show, two days before Christmas. and with it came a biting sub zero wave. Most of the farmers upon whom he had counted for his crowd were frozen in, but he drew enough of an audience from town and nearby to cover all expenses and show a profit of over $30 for working class relief besides. This farmer comrade is going to run more movies. and he is urging his friends in other similar sections to do like- wise. ‘decided to keep the existing system Party Activities Of Local Chicago City Cefitral Committee Meets Jan. 7. The next meeting of the City Cen- tral Committee, Workers Party, Local Chicago, will be held Wednesday, Jan. 7, 1925, 8 p. m. at Workers Hall, 722 Blue Island Ave. There are many im. portant matters: February aldermanic elections, industrial matters, which must be handied. All delegates be on hand at 8 p. m. sharp. The delegates are requested to settie at this meeting for “Polli- kushka” tickets that were mailed to ' the branches from the city office. Youngstown Sub- District Meeting Saturday, Jan. 10 (Special to The Dally Worker) YOUNGSTOWN, Pa., Jan. 5.—The sub-district committee will hold its next meeting on Saturday, Jan. 10, at 8 p. m., at the Athletic Hall, 33844 W. Federal street. All branches will render a report on insurance policies sold for the DAILY WORKER. The quota for the sub-district is $1,000 and by the way the branches are work- ing the membership will go over the top awhooping. All branches will make returns on the vote cast on the majority and minority theses. Many branches have completed their vote on the theses, but have made no returns to the sub- district. Beginning Friday, Jan. 9, at 8 p. m., Comrade John Brahtin, district educa- tional director, will start his series of eleven lectures. The lectures will continue thruout the winter months and all branch members should attend and bring along sympathizers and visiting party members. Readers of the DAILY WORKER are urged to at- tend these educational lectures which will be held at the Athletic Hall, 338% W. Federal St. No admission will be charged. The DAILY WORKER is for sale at a newsstand located just around the corner of Market St. on B. Boardman street. SOVIET ENVOYS AND CHINESE IN C.E, RAIL PACT Cut Ou t Subside to rs 3 Clergymen (Special to the Daily Worker) HARBIN, (By mail)——The board of directors and the board of auditors of the Chinese Eastern Railway sat in joint session for three days during the week-end, the main item discussed being the’ various expenditure budget estimates for 1924. As. is known, the former boards of directors had passed less than a third part or so of these estimates, so that the new board has from the very outset been faced by a number of accomplished facts in the matter of expenditure. Parsons Must Work Among the decisions adopted at the last meetings the resolution should be noted to discontinue the granting of any credits out of the railway funds for the maintenance of churches and clergy of the line. Henceforth, all these persons shall be considered as dismissed and the parishioners will have to supply the funds for their maintenance. | way police was also thoroughly dis- cussed, the decision finally arrived at being to curtail this item by 300,000. roubles. The latter curtailment is to | take effect from December Ist on. | Cut Down Officials Further, it was decided to curtail | by four assistant comptrollera the | staff of the chief control department of the railway. As for the system of erégiting Chin- | } ese governmental! institutions, it was till the end of this year and to take up this matter in detail when the estim- | ates for 1925 will be discussed. | The budget commission was mmaneed | to start the drafting of the 1925 es- timates without delay. Lrsure Toe ast, Uertes/tr M028 DAILY WORKER SWINGS IN BEHIND LOCAL CAMPAIGN The DAILY WORKER will be a feature of the campaign in Chicago to elect ten aldermanic candidates endorsed by the Workers Party. | All party branches have been supplied with special folders containing | five two-month, one dollar, sub-cards to the DAILY WORKER. The ward campaign managers have an additional supply of folders and are instructed | to see that everyone going out with petitions to get candidates on the baliot are well supplied with DAILY WORKER sub-cards. Arrangements are being made for free distribution of current issues of The ward captains will be provided with sample copies to cover the “daily.” their respective wards. The DAILY WORKER will play an important role during the whole of the campaign. it is planned to bring out several special campaign editions eens WEN the election battle reaches its helght. The question of credits for the“ Yat} ‘ ||PHILA, BRANCHES GIVE BIG BOOST TO DAILY’ DRIVE Take Out Many Insur- ance Policies By ALFRED WAGENKNECHT. (Special to The Daily Worker) PHILADELPHIA, Pa., Jan. 5.—A roll call of the eigtheen Philadelphia branches taken at last night’s mass meeting showed that all are earnestly engaged in securing their full quotas in the drive to insure the DAILY WORKER for 1925. The Philadelphia branches realize that the official organ of the Workers Party—The DAILY WORKER—is the builder of the Workers Party, and that party membership increases as the readers of the DAILY WORKER in- crease. The branches realize the serious nature of their duty to safeguard the spokesman of our party,andare mak. ing a.concerted attempt to prove them- selves militant by making remittances from every Philadelphia branch. The} aim of the branches here is to make these remittances before Jan. 8, in order to appear upon the militant page of the Birthday Edition of the DAILY WORKER, to celebrate the first anniversary of the printing of the DAILY WORKER. A big drive for subscriptions is on. The membership meeting resulted in over $150.00 in donations for policies. Y. W. L. of Worcester To Have Liebknecht Day Celebration Jan. 11 WORCESTER, ge Jan. 5.—The Y. W. L. here will lebrate Karl Leibknecht day at the Belmont Hall, 50 Belmont St., Sunday afternoon, Jan. 11 at 2:30. A very fine entertainment has been arranged consisting of a mu- sical program and speeches. Comrade Bloomfield will be the principal speaker. Bronx Concert and Ball. Saturday, Feb. 28; g00d music, good concert; proceeds to raise funds for section, and for library at Workers Hall. Comrades: keep this day in mind. ries say “ ~$ GET THE By M. A. sian press thinks of it. This cable “quoted” an éditorial from the Odessa Izvestia of October 12 as follows: “Our Red Army last spring filled the mouths of 18,000 peasants and workers in the Charkoff district with earth because they killed the local commisariats and robbed the grain houses...” The local Russian white guard sheet picked up this yarn and ran an edi- torial bewailing the victims of the Bolshevik attrocities. There aren't very many people even among the Tribune readers who be lieve these stories any more. There are hardly any at all among the few readers of the Russian sheet. The DAILY WORKER gave a proper answer to these counter-revolu- tionary liars at that time, but in order to put them to the pillory we have asked the @dessa Izvestia to send us a copy of that newspaper for October 12. We received a reply. .In the issue of November 23, the Odessa Izvestia, under the headline, “The Democratic Liars,” writes: “This timé we are getting popular in the United States. On October 12 we were talking in our editorials about the most peaceful things—the preparations for the All-Union Teach- ers’ Congress, but out of this the Chicago newspapers made such a mess .... “Not long a go the ‘Vossische Zei- tung’ of Berlin, with the solemn face of a friendly crook, made an insur- rection in Charkov, proving it with ‘quotations’ from our paper. Now the Chicago Russky Viestnik and other , American papers, quoting ‘an editorial ‘trom the Odessa Izvestia of October 12,” made an insurrection right here in Odessa. ‘18,000 workers and peas- ants shot’—exactly 18,000! “These lies are no more in vogue even in America, and the DAILY WORKER of Chicago has asked us to send them a copy of our paper of October 12 ‘in order to put to the pillory the yellow American press as well as the white- guard Russian sheet.” We are sending them the paper, but will that stop the lies of the professional liars? paper. It sounds serious and it is 1925 “Today they are ‘quoting’ an Odessa safe; for who reads the Odessa Iz- is OUR YEAR: Get on the Job! Make the DAILY WORKER this year a better weapon for our party—a greater, better fighter for the working class. By shouldering the work of getting subscription bricks to “BUILD THE DAILY WORKER” into a greater newspaper. BEGIN NOW! by sending this brick to The Daily 1113 W. Washington Bivd., BOLSHEVIK MASSACRES INVENTED BY THE CAPITALIST NEWSPAPERS HA! HA! IN RUSSIA SKROMNY. While the yellow press is continuing to make revolutions and insurrec- tions in Soviet Russia, our readera will be interested to learn what the Rus- In the end of October the Chicago Tribune printed a cable from one of the lie-manufacturing centers in Europe to the effect that there was another famine riot in the Odessa district. vsetia in, Chicago? Tomorrow ‘they will ‘quete’ Savetskaya Belarus—we have many newspapers, and the Amer- ican Hugheses have many dollars... “That is the way they wottk up pub- lic .opinion in America. That is the way the ‘free democratic press’ writes.” Now, what has the Chicago Tribune to say for itself? What has the coun- ter-revolutionary Russian sheet to say? We know that they will continue to print their lies, And we will continue to prove them liars. THREE MOVIES IN ONE EVENING FOR ONE PRICE The workers of Chicago will have the opportunity to see three live work- ing class pictures in one evening.for the price of one. All the pictures were made in Russia during the revolution. The first is “Polikushka,” the fa- mous story of serfdom by L. N. Tol- stoy. Made into a movie by the world famous Moscow Art Theatre. The second, “Soldier tvan’s Miracle,” a comedy, tells a serious story about religion, but in a funny, peculiar Rus- sian way. The third, “In Memorilam—Léhin,” is showing Nicolai Lenin in action. the last picture is shown in connec- tion with the first anniversary of Lenin’s death. The pictures will be shown in Chi- cago only ONE EVENING, THURS- DAY, JANUARY 15, from 6:30 to 11 Pp. m. at Gartner's Independent Theater, 3726 Roosevelt Road, near Indepedence Bivd. Admission will be 50c. Tickets are for sale now at Russian Technical School, 1902 W. Division St., Russian Co-operative Restaurants, 1734 W. Division St. and 760 Milwaukee Ave., at 166 W. Washington St., Room 307, at the DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bilvd., and by all mem- bers of the Technical Aid Society, U. 8. 8S. R. And We Will Reach Heights--. never attained by any working class newspaper in the history of Amer- ican Labor. Worker Chicago, Ill. xe SCoo 2 year § 350-6 mouths $200 3 montts TH CHICAGO ~§ B00 a year F450 6 montts § 250, 3 months THE NEW SUBSCRIPTION TO BUILD THE DAILY WORKER NAME — SPITE S ——~ eet teee ee TV. ** STREET DWE, 2... ce: neces see , Se=ewerev NN er ~~ ome we SS ee ; | —-
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; oa 7 > Dany WORKER PUBLISHING CO. OM an . Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ml. See et {Phone: Munroe 4712) er +e — ~” See PSS yl ‘SUBSCRIPTION RATES 5 fg ue By mall: 96.00 per year $3.50....6 months $2.00...8 months By mail (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50....6 months $2.60...3 months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 3113 \ w. Washington Bivd. 3. LOUIS ENGDAHL. | i | WILLIAM F. DUNNE{ Editors MORITZ J. LOEB.......ns-sencsene-- Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. pn ei The Coal Teamsters’ Strike The Chicago coal teamsters have picked a good time to strike. The recent prolonged cold spell has exhausted many coal stocks and deliveries have been slow because of the bad condition of the streets. Chicago, Ilinele. * Advertising rates on application Thedemand of the teamsters for a dollar per day. increase and the provision that the teamsters themselves shall not handle coal has brought loud protest from the coal dealers, but both demands can be conceded by the coal profiteers simply by reduc- ing their juicy profits. This is as it should be and we do not believe that the teamsters are going to be influenced by the hard luck tales of the middle class parasites that exploit them. * Driving a team or a truck and at the same time being forced to wallow in coal dust, is an un- necessary hardship for the men who handle -coal. They become heated while unloading the coal and then may ride for miles in a below zero atmosphere. We have never seen a coal heaver that did not have a racking cough during the winter months brought on by this condition under which they work. The dealers and the property owners who are complaining at the strike and the demands of the teamsters could not and would not endure the misery that a coal teamster suffers in an eight- hour winter day. We hope they have to pay what the teamsters ask and from all indications the teamsters seem to be determined to make a good fight for their demands. They have our best wishes and the DAILY WORKER, as always, will be one paper that will tell of their struggle as it should be told—as part of the class struggle which the workers are forced to wage for even minor concessions in the form of wages and hours. The Workers (Communist) Party will gladly furnish pickets if the teamsters need help, but that is not likely as in this strike they have already shown their ability to take care of themselves— and the — An Optimistic Ambassador Sir Esme Howard, British ambassador, ex- pressed before the American Political Science As- sociation recently the opinion that the Communist danger was over so far as Europe was concerned. The remarks of the spokesman of British imper- jialism are contradicted by the strenuous efforts now being made by the British foreign Office all over Europe to arouse some semblance of united action against the Communist International and Soviet Russia. The danger is not over for capital- ism but is more menacing than in 1918-19 for the very good reason that the Communist parties of Europe are now well organized and disciplined leaders of the revolutionary workingclass in their respective countries. The revolutions of 1918-19 failed because the Communist parties were young and inexperienced and without sufficient contact with the masses. At that time the social-democratic parties were strong and had not lost their mass following as is the case today. It has taken almost séven. years for the workingclass of Europe to find out the true charac- ter of the social-democracy—its treason to every phase of the workingclass movement. This process is almost completed—there is a widespread disillusionment among the workers and European capitalism has lost its last smoke screen. The struggle is clean-cut—the workingclass led by the Communist International on one side and cap- italism on the other. It is an optimistic capitalist spokesman that can call such a situation “devoid of danger” for cap- italism. Another Indigent Debtor The friendship of the House of Morgan for fas- cism is shown by the fact that it is not adding to) the other troubles of Mussolini by prodding him | up about the Italian debt to the American plunder- bund. Italy has made no effort to pay its war debt but no pressure is being exerted from Washington that can be seen with the naked eye. The slightest sign that that collection agency for the house of Morgan—the Coolidge administra- tion—was about to ask for a few shekels as an earnest of intention to pay would probably send | the lire tobogganing to oblivion. For that reason | the Italian dictator is allowed to make paranoic speeches in lieu of advancing some cash. Italy, like France, cannot and will not pay. The whole nation teeters precariously on the edge of | bankruptcy and the black shirts of the fascisti are’ about the poorest security in the world just now. The House of Morgan might foreclose on the vatican and its treasures but the Italian working: class with the Communists in the lead are also keeping an eye on this well-stocked which contains something for more tangible than the spiritual pabulum dispersed by its owners. a / storehouse . . ’ . Capitalism’s Tame Madman Mussolini is a madman. His speech to:the cham- ber was the speech of a homocial maniac and in- deed this is the only type of individual that could see any wisdom in or hope of saving Italian oe ‘| italism. The American capitalist press was greatly cheered by the bombastic but wandering oratory of its idol and all the litle prostitute correspondents “seen their duty and done it.” They gave Mussolini headquarters of a couple of masonic lodges by the enthusiastic fascisti will probably cool the admira- tion of the ku kluxers who have been following the antics of their Italian prototypes with undis- guised approval. With the suppression of the opposition press as the first step in his election campaign Mussolini the smoke clears away it will.be seen that another idol of capitalism which the masses were supposed to fall down and worship had feet of clay. Perhaps they are even of a more clinging and odorous material. cist idol there is plenty. of proof that they are cold. His speech in the chamber resembled nothing so much as a boy whistling to keep up his courage while passing a graveyard. Textile Workers Must Organize The textile manufacturers are organized nation- ally and their association meets to decide, not on the matter of wage cuts in principle—on this they are all agreed—but on the method of reduction and the amount of decrease which they think the textile workers will bear without revolt. The textile workers are poorly organized and almost at the mercy of the bosses. There are a number of unions in tift industry, but very little unity. Unless the textile workers soon see the menace to themselves and their families in their present situation, facing a powerful organization of capitalists backed by local, state and national government, they will be worse off than the chattel slaves of the pre-civil war period. The Trade Union Educational League, in its statement to the textile workers, points out -the remedy for this pitiful weakness. The Communists in the textile districts must see that this message and meaning gets to the workers and that it is translated into concrete forms of organization. A Telephone Operators’ Strike The news of a strike of telephone operators in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, which has tied up all telephone lines in that vicinity, brings to mind the fact that these women workers, once fairly well organized under the jurisdiction of the Interna- tional Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, are now about 90 per cent unorganized and therefore at the mercy of the telephone trust—the Bell Tele- phone company, which has a virtual monopoly of this all-important public. utility. The history of the disorganization of the tele- phone operators*is too long to be told in a short editorial, but it is one of the best instances of the damnable effects of division into craft and calling that curses the American labor movement. The process of disorganization has been going on s0 long and the telephone trust has been able to take so much advantage of this condition that organiza- tion is much more difficult than it was ten years ago. Stock selling schemes, welfare ‘systems, so- cia] activities—all under the auspices of the trust —have sapped the morale 6f the telephone oper- ators. We hope that the Harrisburg strike is a sign of a revival of the militancy that was once character- istic of the operators and that enabled them to wage many hard fought strikes. Coal Diggers Support Communists Yesterday we published a set of resolutions adopted by the Christopher local of the United Mine Workers of America protesting the perseet- tion of Communists and calling for the repeal of all criminal syndicalism laws. This is the kind of news we like to print, especially at this time when the sentencing of Comrade Ruthenberg by the Michigan capitalist courts probably means that the prosecution of active members of the Workers Party will be re-opened. The feeling among the workers that the Com- munists must be defended because they are the most consistent and courageous fighters for the working class is the best guarantee that the jailing of Communist workers has the opposite effect to | that desired by American capitalist government. Resolutions like those from the Christopher coal diggers make it possible for Communists to face the prospect of prison sentences with a light heart. | President Coolidge hopes to call a military armament limitation conference this year, accord- ing to press reports. The best preparation for peace is to be for war, mused Cal, as he signed the $110,000,000 naval appropriation bill. He is now fee a position to say: “Bring on your goddamn | peace meet!” King Boris of Bulgaria is looking for a wife. He will. start his quest.n Belgrade and wind up in London. If he fails in Europe and decides to try the American field, we venture to guess he will never pass the battery unless he surrenders to some sausage manufacturer’s daughter. The sixty-eighth ‘congress had fifty-three days of work left on January,1. Judging by its activity on a great boost but the story of the wrecking of the f has turned all of Italy into a battlefield. When), Whatever the composition of the feet of this fas-|" Ford Sidetra 8 OF elaine (Special to: The -Dally Worker) W. . Cc, Jan. 5.—The General Electric corffpany, in a last minute “attempt to nullity the effect of unfavorable in the sen- 1 om a pro rata » Blectric com- owned by the Mor- gan power trust, a@ lease on Muscle }sideration and a second set of figures Power com Shoals, has been temporarily defeat- ed because of the disclosures. The Electric Bond and Share Co., was forméd by the General Electric | as a means of controlling the numer- ous small electric light and power companies, thruout the country. In this way many independent com- panies were brot under the wing of Morgan’s trust. A third powerful cor- poration in this trust, which extends to the Bell telephone system and the Western Union Telegraph company, is the American Gas and Electric company. These three large corpora- tions are connected with interlocking directorates and stock ownership of Morgan interests in all three com- panies. Anson W. Burchard is a di- rector in all of these companies. Di- rectors of the three companies in- clude George F. Bakre, of the United States Steel corporation and numer- ous railroads; Dwight F. Morrow, Morgan's partner, Edwin Stettinius, anothér Morgan partner, and other in- dividuals under Morgan’s control. When you bu t an age? for the DAILY WORKER ‘| building trades, metgl EXISTENCE IN FORCES WAGES By LELAND OLDS (Federated Press The menace to American wage LOWERING OF STANDARD OF OTHER | Industrial Editor) standards in the lower standards of living forced on foreign labor is shown in a survey of real wages thruout the world issued by the International Labor office at Geneva. American wages measured by the quantity of food they will buy, according to the labor office figures. are more than 100 per cent higher than those in Great Britain, the nearest competitor. This means that where the average Philadelphia eieitiia ‘can purchase each week $27 worth of goods and services.the average worker in London is limited to.what $12.40 would buy. On the same basis the average wage earner in Paris gets only $9.05 worth, the average Berlin worker $6.82 and ‘the average worker in Milan ‘$5.71 ‘worth of necessaries. The issued by the labor of- fice are index numbers based on the purchasing power of wages in London as 100 per cent. The wages used in the averages for each country include trades, furni- ture trades, printing and bookbinding and common labor. The purchasing power is measured in terms of the cost of a given quantity of food in the various cities. Where available the cost of housing is also taken into con- developed to include this. The figures given for wages prevailing July 1, 1924, are: Average Basedon Based on food Wages food and rent London 100 Pct. 100 Pct Amsterdam ....... 89 88 Berlin ° 55 an Brussels ...cccsecseses 59 64 Christiana ........... 72 72 ee ae 32 Saal Madrid ..... 57 oe Milan 46 49 ORIG... ceccocssccioscess 173 155 Paris .... a. 78 65 Philadelphia _.....214 213 PrAQUE ...c0-reere0e---. 56 61 Rome 46 50 Stockholm ‘w....... 81 79 VIORRR ccectescccccosese 47 51 Warsaw ...... wadenines 83 The fact that workers in ‘London must give more than twice as many hours of work as those in Philadel- phia and those in Berlin nearly four times as many to earn the same quan- tity of food raises the question how long standards can be maintained in this country. Sec’y. Hoover's state- ment on the economic prospects of UNITED MINE WORKERS” WILL PICK SUCCESSOR TO SECRETARY GREEN mmninaPocia te Jan. 5—The exe- cutive board of the United Mine Workers of America, expected to recommend a successor for former secretary treasurer, William Green, now president of the American Fed- eration of Labor, went into session here today. John L. Lewis, International presi- dent of the union, refused to reveal who he will favor for the position and said the matter might be the last to be considered by the board, which Is faced with a heavy. amount of routine business. the new year calls attention to. the fact that with wages about 100 per cent over 1914.and the cost of liv- ing up 72 per cent real wages in this country. are at the highest level Tn history., He says this _is possible be- cause of increasing efficiency in pro- duction. More Goods; Less Jobs. But increasing efficiency means that more goods must be sold if labor is to have full employment. This is/ far from the case at present. The at tempt to sell more goods means hot- ter competition with foreign labor. What the effect is likely to be is in- dicated by the textile industry which has cut wages from 10 per cent to 15 per cent to secure markets for its products in the face of sharp competi- tion from foreign imports. Next Sunday Night and Every Sun- By JOHN ROBUR. (Federated Press Staff OTTAWA, Can, Jan. oan Mackenzie ' administration wi Forge Stow not cease mission’s order which abolished ‘| Crow’s Nest Pass railway rates tween eastern and. western These rates are materially lower * #8 Juniors: Are You Ready? This is a very good letter, It is the kind of a letter we want to receive for our column. Let us have more of them! Surely you have not forgotten your promise to write to our Russian comrades? Send letters telling of your ex- periences in school, of your pro- paganda activities, of anything that happens to you that you think will make an_ interesting hit by unemployment, In Arkansas[ will explain. Anyone who gets story.—Editor Junior Column. t hi —_ group parliament. The latest is the reversal of the railway tion of the apple harvest has added to - OTL ey Bo ee ee ee Te ee ee eT ee ee ee ee ee eT eee » ~