The New Republic: A Journal of Opinion (July 28, 1920)
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Contents The Week. cv. .cccceeeeeseeeeeceeeeeereneeeeeens 236 Editorials | a The New Party..........0000- Laka antl a Sky eal SSeS") TRE MOR REN ee eee” 5 | ; SN SW I eis oh. sna "orirg dale vo oe ba /la'a, 654 ete oa _ What Was Gained at Spa? UF ciaia salt Sica Rebieoon ss 243 : NR le aiaik bins omelet bua ania ieee 06-00 244 General Articles Third Party Happenings........William Hard 246 ron Blunt: Self-Determinist.............. Eitieieds Re wdiawied aaeaa bee k o'8 Samuel C. Chew 248 Who’ s “Who swinbiaie wlallcle aces: siauee swe J. H. McKee 250 Dream Fragment (Verse)....... Hervey Allen 251 The Russians in Germany..............00e0e: . ET i yw 4-\neratn niew'w on'eene Elizabeth Reytiolds Hapgood 252 me. - Why ‘Will They Vote for Harding?.......... Uhh wederaees éawwclcian'esicn's Swine nee ps Alvin Johnson 254 The Front Porch in : Marion (Verse). -A. MacL. 256 EE OES Rata ie CSAS, bert ale aa ae VA MWY waa 256 Reviews of Books STONE: INOTOIO sacs ks aves cd basse Weed oceans Silas 258 ROIOC Gis Vigik'siace sie aa sane Herbert S. Gorman 259 meeetal Tare es ics i ak Robert H. Lowie 260 mesearch:in Tndnatr ysis ceass be eck cawienss O. T. 260 The Week . T . was both farseeing and wise of the British al nd Japanese governments, to place their alliance fore the League. For in the next year or so airs on the rim of the Pacific may very well be- ne acute. California will vote in November on drastic measure aimed at Japanese control of d. The approaching peace conference with sic will raise the question of Eastern Siberia. e conflict between China and Japan persists, and English-speaking commonwealths of the Pacific - Australia and New Zealand—are in- . The interests affected are world-wide, and n egotiations would be seriously embarrassed if jon and Tokio had a special agreement which ented a free and full discussion. The two gov- or have recognized that fact. It must be ted as a distinct victory for those adherents ¢ League who in spite of all the faults of the y and Covenant have insisted from the be- ng that it could be made to serve the cause : ac ‘ e i A a ir New York, WepneEspay, JuLy 28, A Journal of Opinion 1920 NUMBER 295 AS this issue goes to press the reply made by Russia to the Allied proposal of an armistice has not been published. The Allied terms included the abandonment by Poland of all ambitions east of the Peace Conference boundary, the halting of the Russian armies thirty miles from this boundary, a peace conference in London of the border states, and a neutral zone to protect General Wrangel. In the meantime the Lithuanian representative in Washington announces a peace treaty with Russia. The frontiers agreed to are evidently ample, and include the province of Grodno. Lithuania receives an indemnity of 2,000,000 gold rubles, timber rights on the Russian side of the boundary, relief from the Lithuanian part of the Russian debt and the return of all archives and movable property.- A report from a Danish correspondent states that Lithuania permits the passage of Russian troops, but this report is not discussed in the available re- port of the Lithuanian representative. THAT the result of the Russo-Polish war ends the dream of a Great Poland is universally ad- mitted. Poland will consist of the territory in- habited by Poles, not of territory sparsely sprinkled | by Polish landlords. This is in the interest of Po- land as well as of Europe. Ambassador Davis once said that Belgium had declared herself a country not a road. Poland can now become a country, not a barrier, a bulwark, a cordon or any other fiction ~ of diplomacy. The real Polish problem is not the empire of 1772, not the ‘‘protection” of the West against Russia, or of the East against Germany, for all of these things are the theorizing of healthy, well-fed diplomatists. The real problem of Poland is typhus, unemployment, social justice, her school children, her peasants, her factory workers, and the resumption of friendly relations with all her neighbors. Poland’s time to settle down has ar- rived. Under bad leaders she has been the spoiled darling of the Peace Conference. She has gone _ through her fortune, strayed away from home, and
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3; > indulged in all the conceivable follies, If the diplomatic roués will let Poland alone, she can still take her place in the European family. , TO Poland above all the success of the Krassin- George negotiations are vital. They may possibly be interrupted, because the opposition is strong, but in the end they will succeed. The sixteen ques- - tions addressed to Russia by the Supreme Economic Council are practical and effective and legitimate. They are real questions arising naturally out of the differences between capitalistic and semi-communist states. Who has the right to trade? What is the status of counter-revolutionary Russia? What are the laws of contract? Does the Central Soviet con- trol the commercial dealings of the local soviets? What protection is offered to the person and prop- erty of individual traders? What guarantees? What concessions ? What navigation laws? Patents? What is the status of Russian corporations? Are there embargoes or other restrictions on trade? Taxes? Tariffs? Railroad Rates? etc., etc. Con- trast these specific and business-like queries with _the nonsense that we won’t trade because we do not like Russian électoral laws, or because we want “democracy” in Russia, and then say whether Eu- rope is not moving towards reality. ONE of the hardest things to determine in Amer- ican politics is just how many votes are intoxicated by wetness and dryness. But in any case Governor Cox seems to be having it both ways. Wetter than Mr. Harding he certainly is, but he is dry enough for Senator Sheppard. That is pretty dry. A can- didate who can suit Governor Edwards and the _ boys and yet receive the approval of the sponsor of prohibition in the Senate is amphibious beyond the dreams of ambivalent and ambidextrous states- men. He is to be congratulated. Any man who can remove liquor from politics and conversation is a first rate public servant, because worse than dry- ness and worse than drink is the perpetual thought and talk about them. For our part if we can have light wines and beer without devoting the rest f the century to discussing them, fine. But if they mean an era of oratory and liquor anecdotes, we shall be content to surrender that part of our per- sonal liberty. a EVERY one will echo Mr. Roosevelt’s wish that ‘every American could have been a silent witness to the meeting between these two great men.”’ For then every American would have known more than he knew after reading the three statements issued from the White House, He knows now, what he - must have known before, namely that Governor Cox will stand on his platform and with his party. THE NEW REPUBLIC. names are on his letter-head shake him loose, the ee: (Oe Be 61 Oe ‘ > «July 26 What he does not know, but will need to kno is the substantive meaning which Governor Cox party leader will give to the “pledges.” Will t accept the President’s record as their whole sig ficance, or will he re-examine the record ‘in the li of the pledges? The contrast between the two the real point at issue. It may not be the iss between the Republicans and the Democrats, b ou it most certainly is the issue between the Democra and the liberal conscience of the world. SOONER or oe Mr. Ralph Easley was bot n to come a cropper. He has come, as a résult 0 investigations by the New York World and ¢ action by members of the Interchurch World Mov. ment. Mr. Easley is the chairman of the execut iv council of the National Civic Federation, but f claims to have been acting as an individual. certainly has been acting. His acting has consiste among other things of a private system of neni age, and an intrigue to discredit and obstruct the industrial inquiries of the Interchurch Worl Movement. We are glad that someone has hat the patience to run him to ground, for in all thi country there is no antagonist of modern ideas § discreditable to the good sense and good manner of conservatism. He was a moving spirit in th poisonous Lusk agitation and the expulsions a Albany. He is to the cause of decent conservatist n what a terrorist is to decent liberalism. Until hi is disconnected, until the prominent people whose Civic Federation will continue to be one of thi major obstacles to generous dealing between capil and labor. 4 TO say that Americans would like to see Si Thomas Lipton win would be rather artificial. I might almost be called “internationalism.” Ant yet if the Shamrock does not win the number 0 Americans already so cocky they can hardly stra will be somewhat increased. Sir Thomas owes ii to America to lift the cup. It will immensely im prove our manners if he does, and judging by th speeches of politicians our manners need consider | able moderating. At any rate, in case the Shamroe does not win, we can assure Sir Thomas that if h will immigrate to this country, he can take his pic between the Presidency of Yale University, Post master-General and Mayor of New York. A three jobs are vacant and require a man of fh dimensions. 4 “THE Government has accepted in principle th definite proposals of the representatives of the p troleum interests.” So reads a dispatch frot
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THE NEW y 28, 1920 y | explicit is si be found in the dispatch. ‘No mal agreement,” it seems, is to be reached “‘until we conference on Saturday between Provisional r sident de la Huerta and the oil men.” But de- ils are unimportant, if the Mexican government E in fact agreed to accept in principle what the il men ask. It is hard to believe that this can be case. The price was set too high. Mexico as ready to agree to apply no retroactive interpre- ation of the Constitution regarding sub-soil rights 1 b petroleum. But the oil men wanted nullification f all petroleum legislation based on Article 22 of he Constitution, abolition of a tonnage tax, and ar cellation of seventy-five permits already issued or drilling operations on national lands. A gov- mmment which went this far for the goodwill of reign capitalists would be gambling dangerously | ith the goodwill of its own n people. ] HAVING guaranteed to find one or the ae of he major parties acceptable, and having then flatly SD idiated the Republicans, it is not surprising to nd the leaders of the American Federation of Labor now declaring a preference for the Demo- rats. Mr. Gompers and his committee are not n husiastic in the choice they make. Still, they re definitely for the Democrats. ‘“‘It is but fair to ay,” asserts their recent manifesto, “that the Yemocratic platform marks a measure of progress ot found in the platform of the Republican party. n relation to labor’s proposals the planks written nto the Democratic platform more nearly approxi- ate the desired declarations of human rants than lo pine planks of the Republican platform.” N Becpport of this statement the Federation can rove its case. The Democratic plank on collective Bgaining, with its declaration that workmen have pene of dealing ‘‘through representatives of eir own choosing,” comes nearer what the Fed- ration asked than anything written at Chicago. On ost planks, in fact, the Democrats take the lead. ut the margin isn’t wide. In many places, where bor’s hopes were high, the Democrats failed to measure up to expectations. Their platform fail- , for instance, to pledge the party against the use f the injunction to settle strikes. To be sure, Mr. ompers and his colleagues interpret this silence timistically: ‘‘failure to indorse the injunctions cured through the efforts of Attorney-General a er in the miners’ case may fairly RE assumed to astitute a repudiation of that action.”’ But here, elsewhere i in the platform, labor must rely on an umption. The present type of “nonpartisan” mpaign has scored no clear-cut victory. exico City, quoting the journal Universal. Noth- eae eit REPUBLIC — 238 JUST when congratulations were being passed around that the country was settling down to work, — the American Woolen Company closes its four mills at Lawrence and the Pennsylvania Railroad lays off ten per cent of its men. “If business slumps — badly,” says the publicity man of the railroad, ‘of course crews will be dropped by the wholesale so” that the remaining train service men can make liv- - ing wages.” What does a man do when he is drop- ped wholesale. He finds another job? If there is one, yes. But suppose he has followed the advice to own a home,-suppose he has established himself in some community, suppose his children are at school. Then what does he do? Why he goes west of Pittsburg to find another job. But as he goes what thoughts are in his mind, what thoughts are in the minds of his more fortunate fellow workers who were not dismissed? It is clear what they think. THEY think that loyalty to the company is their supreme duty, that the convenience of the public is" paramount. Their hearts are filled with admira- tion for the majestic certainty of economic law, for the greatness of private enterprise, for its efficiency, its foresight and its stability. They are resolved in future to profit by its example, They know their duty. It is to remain at work when they are want- ed, to let no private interest of their own ever in- terrupt production, never to press their advantage at a time when labor is needed. For they have learned, have they not, that their employers are ready to make any sacrifice in order to keep busi- ness going? IF they do not draw these conclusions then they must have drawn other conclusions. They may for example have inferred that their equity in the job, their chief property in the world, is a most pre- carious equity. They may have learned that this equity depends on the judgment of a very few men, that it can be confiscated without due process of law for reasons about which they have not even the right to be consulted. If they have learned this — they may be seized with a desire to introduce law and order and property into the management of in- dustry by setting up constitutional government with representation of themselves in the management. © They may feel that law and order and property for private industry mean that sickness, accident, un- employment are as legitimate charges upon that in- dustry as the repair and depreciation accounts. They may wish to be represented by their own ac- countants and their own directors. In that case ~ they will be conscious members of the modern labor movement.
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239 The New Party OME people have a curious sense of humor. If a thousand delegates journey to Chicago, perspire enormously for a week, and then go home having rubber-stamped what eight or nine men in a hotel room decided, it is a solemn occasion. It marks a return to American ideals. It is the sal- vation of the Constitution. It is the protection of ‘American sovereignty. But if a group of men and women journey to Chicago determined to find some alternative, over-dnxious, if you like, to inject a creative idea into the phrase-mongering of politics, it is excruciatingly funny. They are a collection of nuts. They are ridiculous. They are absurd, You can bore everybody to tears talking about the im- portance of making Mr. Palmer or Mr. Nicholas _Marray Butler President. That is important. But if you bore people to tears talking about the public ownership of railroads, it is not worth listening to. If ten men in a row stand up and say that the virtues of Washington, Lincoln and Roosevelt are all distilled respectively in Wood, Lowden, John- son, Harding, Coolidge, Sproul, Du Pont, Suther- land, Pritchard and Butler, the institutions of this republic are working well. But if ten men in a row stand up and differ sharply about the remedy for evils that no one denies, that is a joke. It would have been more impressive, to be sure, if the gathering at Chicago had produced at once a mature, unified, scientific and inspiring platform, without bickering, without bolts, and without con- fusion. Such a thing would have happened only _were there a simple issue before the people, and great leaders to express it. There are neither. The _ jssues are complicated, touching at once America’s relation to the world, the control of the means of communication and natural resources, the modern- izing of the political structure, and the strengthen- ing of the rights of the individual against the en- croachment of governmental power. Complex is- sues do not easily produce solidarity and simple emotion, and it was complex issues that the men and women at Chicago came to discuss. They came, moreover, at a time of great apathy and dis- illusionment, at a time when idealism is at a dis- count, and the mind of the nation fatigued by the war and by the exhaustion of its public spirit. The very same ennui that produced flat mediocrity at Chicago,'the very same intellectual difficulty that has floored every American leader of opinion for a year, the very same bewilderment that has kept the country from deciding definitely one blessed thing from the League to the railroads, operated also at Chicago. | The platform and the name are a project and a : THE NEW REPUBLIC ‘to claim. The main body of organized farmers os So many levels and phases of social development the people; that, then, if it is wisely led, the coali« other parties, or it will evaporate. Those who con ey uly 28, 1920 ~ hope, not a purpose ead a fact. The declarations ‘ are not the agreement of the representatives 0: American labor and the American farmers. The yo are a trial balloon sent up by a minority of each i the expectation that the platform will provide poin a of agreement. More than that no one can or oug nt stained. Even the advanced section in the Farmers Nonpartisan League is waiting and watching. Only a part of the A. F. of. L. participated, and by e means the strongest sections of organized labor yt outside the A. F. of L. The solidarity of labor does not exist today, the solidarity of the farmers cers tainly does not exist,.and of course the fusion of these two non-existent solidarities does not exist. The name Farmer-Labor, like the name Democratie: or Republican, is a promise and a proposal, not the statement of something that has been ace complished. i It could not be otherwise. The solidarity. sug: gested by the name is certainly not easy to create, | and may very well never be created in America. are to be found side by side that it is doubtful whether complete fusion is possible. It seems more , likely that, if the old parties continue to shirk and) evade as they do now, a coalition of progressive factions among wage earners and farmers will take - place, but that this coalition will be a minority of tion will recognize the fact, will acknowledge the limitations of a class appeal, and will broaden its scope so that the progressive middle class, shoal keepers, administrators, business men and the pro- fessions can join as equal partners. Ether the party will move towards fusion with the socialists 5, or it will become the nucleus of insurgents from he trol it today will have to make up their minds quickly which way they are headed. a They have not yet made up their minds, a and their platform clearly reveals that fact. Take tht two most important sections of the platform, headed respectively: Democratic Control of Industry an Public Ownership and Operation. The first these reads as follows: the right of labor to an increasing share in the respon- _ sibilities and management of industry, application of this principle to be developed in accordance with the experience of actual operation. This is a fair expression of the liberal tempe ‘s because it proposes a profound change 1 in indus Ti relations but insists that experience, not dogn nor force, shall dictate the ised the speed, a Be. though it reveals a serious is of exact plannit Per
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ies). | k - Ogg Bars. ro 4 uly 28, 1920 ps t does introduce into the blind clashes of economic Mterest the stabilizing and educating force of a ; mood of those who would ultimately form a beral party. | Now take the section which follows: | Immediate repeal of the Esch-Cummins law, public ownership. and operation, with democratic control, of all public utilities and natural resources, including - stock yards, large abattoirs, grain elevators, water _ powers and cold storage and terminal warehouses. _ Government ownership and democratic operation of : railroads, mines and such natural resources as are in whole or in part bases of control, by special inter- _ a E ests, of staple industries and monopolies, such as lands "containing coal, iron, copper, oil, large water powers 3 and commercial lines... . " Between these two sections there appears to be a marked contrast in temper, if not a serious con- tradiction in doctrine. In the first the workers’ party asks power for the workers only as experience justifies it. Ihe doctrine is in harmony with that of the British Labor party. The second demands n effect a colossal grant of economic power to the St te, only vaguely qualified by the phrase “demo- cratic control.” The doctrine is that of the older movement against privilege, with its rather naive ass mption of a bureaucratic state, fit to exert con- trolling powers and certain to apply them impar- tially to the general use. | | When we turn to those planks which deal with he reforms of that government which is to wield é is enormous power, we find amazingly little. To e sure, the party has an admirable declaration a bout civil liberty, and that is fundamental. But civil liberty cannot be maintained by declaring for . It can be maintained only by keeping power dis- t ributed, especially economic power. Yet the main Bphasis of this platform i is the concentration of onomic power in the government. Has the farmer-Labor party forgotten that the abuses of iberty against which it protests were the work of an administration apoplectic with political and conomic power? |The party has certain proposals for democratiz- the government. The first is that the courts hall not declare unconstitutional an act of Con- ess .. . . the second political plank is the election f judges for a four year term subject to recall. : is rests on the notion that you can run a goyern- ent best, especially a very much extended govern- nt, by distrusting its officials. Experience shows, Dclieve, that the only way to accomplish the end be is by a better selection and training of public hcials, and their supervision by a more vigilant iblic opinion . . . . the third plank is universal * a Bit > ah me . = THE NEW yen ine appeal to reason. It expresses admirably — imed at, namely a democratic and flexible official- REPUBLIC suffrage and recall. Of se) it may i said that vy are useful if not used too often, and if they are not regarded as a substitute for the more difficult and -more important task of revivifying representative government. The recall especially needs to be safe- guarded or it easily becomes an instrument for the mischievous destruction of morale in public office . as to the special provision for a referendum on war, except in case of military invasion, we are — less certain than the authors of the platform that it will make for peace. At what. stage in the negotiations shall the referendum be held, and if the vote is for war, how much war does it mean, and when may the administration accept mediation from the proposed league of free peoples? These are the political proposals. They are in the economic sections. There is not a word about making the executive responsible to the legislature, not a word about the training, the selection, or the tenure of the public officials needed, an utterly per- functory reference to the role of voluntary cooper- ation, no coherent plan for integrating organized labor with the management of public industries, no plan and no suggestion as to how these great public functions are to be divorced from politics, no sug- gestion as to the means by which they are to be taken over, how their present owners are to be — compensated, or how the vast financial operations involved are to be conducted. Every one of these points is crucial, for in the method of socialization lies the whole gamut of differences between a bureaucratic tyranny, revolutionary nee and a constructive social democracy, | When these things have been said, all the es- sential weakness is faced. The party is not in fact a fusion of farmer and laborer, but the plan of a fusion. Its present leadership, assuming even an eventual fusion of sections, will have to broaden its appeal in order to become a majority party. In its first stages the party leadership has not succeeded in choosing clearly whether it will move towards the socialist left or the progressive center. The plat-. points, and open to the fundamental criticism that ‘it seems to have taken no cognizance of the pro- gress of thought and experience since the time when government ownership seemed a simple remedy. In many respects the radicalism of the pene pre- dates the present generation. And yet, in spite of all this, it is a Kegnaiak worth the effort. However much it may be ridiculed or ignored, there is not the slightest question that in the course of the campaign it will begin to irrigate 240 -our opinion wholly inadequate safeguards against | the vast increase of governmental power implied in” form is badly written, rather confusing at important » »
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241 our political Sahara with genuine debate. Build up this party, and two years hence, four years hence, neither of the other parties will dare to mumble and sputter as they did this year, The contrast be- tween an earnest desire to face issues, and sheer evasion of practically everything, will be too sharp as the consequences of evasion unfold themselves. The difficulties of this venture, its crudities, its con- fusion, its weakness, are not a bit greater than the difficulties of fact which will confront either of the other parties in the next four years. Schisms and revolts within that party there may be, it may perish entirely, but the causes which produced it will not disappear unless the Democrats.or Repub- licans are transfigured. Those causes will continue » to operate, in spite of the wittiest things that can be said about them. Not Enough Salt ROM Marion comes the news that Harding, the first man up in the first, waits until the count is three and two and then hits the ball.. The next thing you expect to hear is that Cox’s throw is or is not quick enough to retire the runner. But that is not what you do hear. Dayton or Columbus tells you that Cox is on the green in three. Marion says that Harding has four of a kind. Dayton replies that Cox shows unprecedented speed while beating to windward. For a moment you are a little surprised, you rub — your eyes, you wonder whether you have lost your ability to read print, you seem to remember that somebody told you Cox and Harding were on rival teams, and that a prize was to be given to the winner, Then you remember past history, any his- tory will do, ancient or recent, and the Ohio news becomes clear. What you are reading about is merely a normal Presidential campaign in its. normal early stages. With this key in your hands you can unlock the mystery. Now you know why, although telegrams cost money and paper costs more, announcements such as this, from Mr. Will H. Hays, get into print: “I have been delighted to spend Sunday with Senator and Mrs. Harding, and hear the splendid sermon by the Rev. Dr. McAfee, their pastor. It has given me the very greatest pleasure and deepest satisfaction to see the cor- diality of greeting and deepest home appreciation of them by the congregation with whom they have worshipped for so many years.. It means very much, indeed.”” And the publication of it means some- thing. So does the publication of this bit of news from Dayton: ‘“‘‘Do you darn the Governor's socks?? Mrs. Cox laughed merrily.’ ‘Sometimes I THE NEW REPUBLIC - do,’ she said. _ Nine- out of ten people that passed were greetec d not need to adopt. July 2B 19: “When there is no one else soul do it. I can do it very well, for you see I wa brought up in a family of boys. I was the oly girl, and I suppose I am terribly spoiled.’ ” The two telegrams mean the same thing—the campal is a slow starter and copy is scarce. 4 And yet, even in this first stage of the campaign, there are every now and then signs that the candi- dates have begun to realize that they are playing in the same back yard and as competitors. Each is still l a little shy of talking about the other, but each does keep an eye on the other fellow’s doings. ‘At the conclusion of the services,” says a dispatch to : New York Tribune, “there was a reception before the pulpit platform. The congregation greeted th Hardings and were introduced to Chairman Haya by the Hardings by their first names, and not a fey of these replied with a ‘Hello, Warren!’ or ‘Hom dy, W. G.,’ or ‘How are you, Florence ?’ There e were scores of children, and the Senator had a a genial word and a chuck under the chin for all o them.”’ The Senator did not long keep the lead given him by this cordial scene. The very next day the New York Times printed a Columbus di s- patch which brought Governor Cox level with his rival: “After the speech Governor Cox descended the Capitol steps and held a reception. Men and women were lined up and kept moving past him for an hour as he shook them by the hand and com versed with some. It was noticed that he add a ed most of them familiarly by their first names as persons whom he had known for years. It w ‘Tom’ and ‘Jim’ and ‘Larry’ and ‘Bill’ and so on Some women brought up babies for the Govern to kiss, as is the custom with candidates, but 4 did not kiss them .. . He chucked them fondly ur der the chins and nai ‘Goo goo’ to some, thinking | perhaps of the little baby girl in its tiny crib 2 Trail’s End, but not one did he kiss.’ Well, the two candidates are said to be alike in their unlike: ness to supermen, and it would take a real supety man to violate precedent, and to supply real new by calling each baby by its first name and giving every grown-up a chin-chuck. | a Already, too, certain differences between the twe candidates are beginning to appear, and to appe at somewhat characteristic. Governor Cox promisé if elected to choose “a real dirt farmer” for 2 retary of Agriculture. Senator Harding replies: “That is a reform that the Republican party doe For sixteen years, under three Republican administrations, we had a real fa ee from a real farm as Secretary of Agriculture. Governor Cox evinces a disposition to work foi that missing ratification of the nineteenth amenc iy me q = ae |
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ie ay Yad ae a y 26, 1920 int, so that all women of voting age may ‘vote r President i in November. Again Senator Har- ng sits up and takes notice. He is roused. He ‘ 1es what a dispatch to the Sun and New York ald calls ‘‘a new role—that of vigorous, au- joritative leader of his party.” His ' ‘patience is Py tested.” He is “wearied with efforts to ke partisan advantage out of this situation.” le boldly says that twenty-nine Republican and six emocratic states have ratified the amendment. He ids, still more boldly: “I hope there will be rati- cation, and I don’t care a fig whether it is secured rough a Republican or a Democratic state.” Per- aps this utterance has struck Senator Harding .as ace to a group of anti-suffragists ae he will give a ; hearing. ‘I do not mean,” he says in his tter, ‘to be a candidate who is the partisan of any al cular Bfoup in our American activities.’ ft there is already a difference that separates he two candidates. Mr. Cox is willing to talk out what ought to be done next. Mr. Harding most at ease when he can talk about what has en done in the past by the Republican party. He refers the past tense to the future. Contrast his fide in what the Republican party has done for foman suffrage with his readiness to have either arty finish the job, Yes, it has been possible to arn a little, a very little about the two candidates ven from this early part of the campaign, and to ake a mild interest in one’s discoveries. But how mpepermen ! State’s Wrongs \ENATOR HARDING'S patience has been J ‘sorely tested sometimes over the Sagan f ie ontations of the Republican party, ate Governors and Legislatures, in this matter “woman suffrage.” He could not help resenting “whether it emanated from mere mischief makers, Brom partisan desires.” Presumably he resents When it emanates from Republican Governors. it it is precisely the weakness of Senator Hard- ’s position that he must resent misrepresentation : such sources in private. He has adopted the s of “listening candidate.” He will hear, he the Governor of Vermont wishes advice on the frage issue he may interview Senator Harding Washington. But the Republican nominee will ‘act to bring the Governor of Vermont to terms. ‘will not make a public issue of the Governor’s ransigency. He will not dominate his faction. THE NEW REPUBLIC werbold. It is not quite in the key of his assur-— ‘h better copy the papers got out of those poor 1 ll watch, he will ruminate, but he will not lead. 242 He is the leader of a party which exists to main- tain its existence, and his function in politics is conciliation. He must find himself in “fundamental agreement” with every important group. Matters of difference are simply ignored. But differences which are also ‘‘misrepresenta- tions of the Republican party” are ignored with pain and vexation. They try the patience of the coolest front porch observer. And Governor Clement’s proclamation of refusal to call a special session of the Vermont legislature is undoubtedly a misrepresentation of Republicanism, Did not the State Party Convention ask for a special session? Did not the State Committee urge it? Did not the Chairman of the National Republican Committee advise it? And what did the nominee of the party suggest in that interview at Washington? Ratifi-. cation surely. The Republic wants suffrage. The Republican Governor of Vermont obstructs suffrage. This is assuredly a false representation of the party's policy. And yet—one wonders. There is no doubt of Senator Harding’s sincerity in advising ratification. He would be more inept than he is if he opposed it. There is no doubt of the sincerity of the National Committee. But the policy of the party is not ratification. The policy of the party is harmony and peace. And victories within the party cannot be won if warfare among the factions is for- bidden. Governor Clement may have misrepre- sented the sincere sentiment of his party, but his position truthfully expresses its major policy and creed. Sentiment must not be indulged at the ex- pense of solidarity. A bird in Vermont is worth dozens of problematicaleggs in thecountry at large. That Governor Clement understood the dizzi- ness of his position is evident in the intellectual vertigo of his proclamation. He must justify him- self to the National Committee and to the women in one and the same document. He must boom and he must tinkle. It is no small tribute to feminism that he failed. To meet the objections of his party he retires to the rock of principle. He wraps him- self in the flag of Vermont, grinds his heels against the throat of the Supreme Court and quotes from the Constitution of his state. He enunciates such magic phrases as Organic law, Our Liberties, the Foundations of Free Popular Government. He has been “‘asked to overlook these considerations as a matter of party apes but this is a matter of principle not expediency.” | For the benefit of the suffragists themselves he descends to argument. The whole matter is reduc- ible to syllogism. First: Amendments to the Con- stitution of Vermont must be submitted to the free- men of the state. Second: Amendments to the Con- stitution of the United States may not be submitted,
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243 amendment to the Vermont Constitution. by the state legislature, on referendum. | United States Supreme Court). Third and there- (So the fore: there is a conflict between the Constitution of Vermont and the Constitution of the United States —and the Governor’s hands are tied. The argu- ‘ment is perfect in all but logic, Undoubtedly there are divergencies between the federal and Vermont Constitutions in method of amendment. But there is no conflict. An amendment to one is not an amendment to the other. The nineteenth article will change the suffrage in Vermont—but not by And the provision for ratification by the freemen of the _ State applies only in alterations of that instrument. Fven if the Governor’s propositions did express an antagonism between the state and federal Con- stitutions his conclusions would still be unconvincing. There would not be a conflict between the two documents because there cannot be a conflict be- tween the federal Constitution and any state Con- stitution or law. Witness the sixth article of the original Constitution ‘This Constitution . . , shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding.”’ "ad Governor Clement missed this paragraph? Or did he hope the suffragists would be ignorant of its provisions? The tone of the whole proclamation expresses only too clearly the true basis of the Governor’s opposition to suffrage. He has not, it appears, a favorable opinion of the intelligence of women. He could not otherwise have presented a so preposter- ous argument for their conviction. And he could not have garnished it with such astounding obiter dicta. The decision in Hawke vs. Smith, he says, —leaves the people at the mercy of any group of men who may lobby a proposal for a change in the Federal _ Constitution through Congress and then through the Legislature of the States. Before such a group the nations of earth would lie defenceless. As it stands and is interpreted by the Supreme Court today, the Federal Constitution threatens the founda- tion of free popular government. Has Governor Clement followed the reports of the Department of Justice? And yet he goes farther. The institution of representative government. is even less to him than the Constitution. If the people of Vermont in accepting a place ir, the Union of States, inadvertently lost in whole or in part the right of self-government and conferred it on a Legislature, there is all the more reason,—etc. Does the listening candidate hear these utterances? And do they test his patience there in the rocking chair at Marion? THE NEW REPUBLIC © marks gold per ton to be applied to the ‘cecal coal and the German domestic price, thus placim \indispensable, if any real progress was to be mai ) Yay 2 : What Was Gained at Spall PINIONS differ: a great deal was accor nf lished, or little or nothing, according to the observer’s expectations. Those who had expecte the settlement of the really big problems, =a tions and an economic modus vivendi between # ; late enemies, are naturally disappointed. The ce ference set a new time limit for German disarm ment and revised the coal requirements fixed in th Treaty. The new requirements are about as n below those of the ‘Treaty as they are above | actual deliveries in recent months. They are no inherently impossible—two millions of tons mo y ly out of a total output which could be kept at tei millions, if the mines are managed and worket eficiently. For this coal Germany is to receive j allowance on the reparations account determined bj the German domestic price, and a premium of fi the German miners. In addition, the Allies hol themselves ready to advance to Germany credit equal to the difference between the world price 0 Germany in a position to procure considera quantities of foodstuffs and materials from abroai if she lives up to her agreement. Further, a om mission, on which the Germans shall be represente 1 will oversee the distribution of the coal of Upp Silesia, thus insuring to Germany a share a whether the plebiscite goes against her or not. — These are material concessions, offset, it is trut by the explicit threat that if Germany falls sho; in her deliveries the Allies will occupy addition 7 territory, either in the Ruhr mining basin or els J where. The concessions aré important, but in th ’ substance they represent only a-short step in | direction of European reconciliation. Their chi importance lies in the kind of negotiations out | which they resulted. d The Allied statesmen found themselves force abandon the position that it was their preroga to give orders and the Germans to hear and of or make show of obeying. The Allies had tot cognize that German consent and cooperation ¥ It is true that they did avail themselves of | threat of military intervention to goad the Ge mans to a more generous consent than could bea from them by argument. But they listened atter ly to what the German representatives had to on the difficulties of extracting more work from miners by governmental agreements based y force alone. They took seriously the argumen the German representatives that the prec man government could not survive an agre ,
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uly 28, 1920 THE NEW 00 drastic in its terms, too humiliating to the Ger- nz n people. For the first time since the days of war prc paganda the Allied statesmen have taken cogniz- ance of the distinction between the German govern- ment and the German people, and have admitted th necessity of taking the sentiment of the people mto account, in applying the terms of the Treaty. 1 Phat i is a signihicant gain. Through this breach in the conquerors’ will, narrow as it is, one can get a glimpse of a vista of further modifications of the Treaty, leading toward peace. But let us not fall into the delusion that this progress toward peace is the consequence of na- tu al good will welling up in the breasts of the con- querors who dictated the terms of the Treaty of Versailles. They are moving toward reconciliation with Germany, just as they are moving toward ace with Russia, only because they grow less and less certain that they hold in their hands tue means for executing a policy of force. They were able, to be sure, to indulge themselves in the gesture of 1 mmoning the French and British generalissimos ‘ when the German representatives exhibitedtoogreat ftubbornness. But they knew, and the Germans new; that the Allied working masses would not be ) over-enthusiastic about a new war to compel the nore abundant tribute of coal, Servile coal for Allied capitalism does not look like the summum onum to Allied labor. : _ And it is not difficult to see that similar forces operate to reduce the indemnity to bearable arc portions, in the conferences that are to come. Phe indemnity can be paid only through the pro- lucts of German labor; and Allied labor will see he analogy to the products of prison labor, if the illied statesmen press their claims under the ‘reaty too far. The indemnity will have to be re- tment could underwrite, if the Allied govern- lents are to escape the risk of summoning to war 0 ples that do not feel the validity of the reasons yr fighting. eakness of war-made governments that gives im- ilse to the movement toward reconciliation now aining head in Europe. The governments move luctantly, but the evolution of events compels 4 1to move. If they could have reinforced their sition through the support of America, they yuld probably be standing stock still. For the n erican masses are too remote to exert a moder- ng influence upon the government in its European ations, Our government would be freer than any ropean government to hold to the letter of the e eaty. That is, perhaps, the real reason why both “ Z Tee he, nderfed and anaemic German miners to deliver a- uced to terms which a representative German gov- In the last analysis, it is the growing political REPUBLIC. 244 Lloyd George and Millerand are waldo whe desir- ‘ability of the prompt accession of the United States . to the Allied counsels. There will no doubt come a time when the good offices of the United States might make for peace. That time has not come yet. ‘The process of reconciliation is under way, and America cannot afford to run the risk of arresting it. Tipping oe CERTAIN natural squeamishness on the - subject of bribery in politics and government is much to our credit.. A few thousand dollars paid under ambiguous circumstances by an unauthorized subordinate put an end to one of the most pro- mising Presidential booms. The few isolated cases - of corruption among minor government officials during the war were visited with the promptest punishment at the hands of indignant juries. What- ever may be our other shortcomings, in govern- mental matters we are committed in theory against the payment of money to influence a man in the performance of his duty. A new publication has recently appeared, boldly hazarding the uncertainties of the print paper market, to remind us that outside the field of po- litics and government, common honesty is not today so prevalent a virtue. The Commercial Bribery and Tipping Review announces itself as A Monthly Periodical Opposed to All Forms of Gratuities, and is already waging a valiant if solitary battle against the forces of corruption in the commercial - and personal relations of men. It is trying to do in this country, so we gather from its pages, what the Bribery and Secret Commissions Prevention League, Incorporated, has for over a decade been trying to do in England, to build up in private re- lations the same ethical standards of honesty that prevail where governmental duties are concerned. — To the uninitiated, all this may seem unreal and extraordinary. Graft, we like to believe, is a peculiarity of politics. We have always been taught to contrast the honesty of private business with the corruption and favoritism of government activity. We have our periodical exposures of graft in gov- ernment, but graft in commerce and industry never gets into the news. No screaming headlines pro- claim that John Smith, vice-president of the X corporation, received a commission for awarding a contract, or that Thomas Jones, a director of the Y corporation, used his influence to get a soft job for his incompetent nephew. No thundering editorials demand that the president of the Z cor- poration discharge his grafting bookkeeper or forthwith resign. |
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245 Yet if we face the matter frankly, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the very reason there is more noise about graft in politics than in business, is that our political standards are so much higher than our business standards. Nepotism, for instance, is today regarded as a cardinal sin in politics, yet it is well-nigh universal in business. Secret commissions are not as respectable, yet they are widely prevalent in certain lines of business, while entertainments, cigars, banquetting, and other subtle forms of bribery flourish luxuriantly wher- ever buyers congregate. It is hard to disagree with the editor of the Commercial Tipping and Bribery Review. Public officials are public servants, and bribery is a crime because it exposes them to influences inconsistent with their service to the public. But surely private _ business also is to be justified only on the ground of its service to the public. Society dangles profits before a business man’s eyes because it hopes to stimulate him to produce something that the public needs. The man who offers him or his employee a bribe to affect his judgment is substituting an in- centive which may as well as not be inconsistent with this object. The distinction between political and commercial bribery is rather traditional than substantial. A shoe manufacturer who bribes an inspector to pass defective shoes can snap his fingers at the law if the inspector is employed by a private customer, but if the customer happens to be the War Department, he goes to jail. On March Ist, 1920, it was entirely lawful to bribe a baggage porter to disregard his official duty; but on Febru- ary 29th, 1920, when the railroads were still under federal control, it was a criminal offence. So, at least, the Circuit Court of Appeals has held, and the question is now before the Supreme Court. Commercial bribery by a competitor is a form of unfair competition severely dealt with in the European commercial codes. The United States alone of the great commercial nations has no law on the subject. The courts have held that com- mercial bribery is not an “unfair method of com- petition” within the meaning of the Trade Com- mission law, and even if the decision is reversed in the Supreme Court, the Trade Commission law is hardly an adequate weapon, since it carries no criminal penalties. Congress, therefore, can do ts bit by passing a law against bribery and secret com- missions in interstate commerce. The tipping problem, however, lies deeper. The tip, or gratuity, whether paid to induce the per- formance of duty or the breach of duty, is incon- sistent with every notion of the dignity of labor and the personal independence of the laborer. The whole genius of the modern labor movement lies in THE NEW REPUBLIC. for the abolition of tipping, coupled with an Iuly 2 28, its insistence on an ceusuese independent statu labor, established through collective bargai confirmed by the power of organization, treet : the changing and arbitrary whims of a partic employer. The tipping system on the other makes the daily income of the worker depen upon his subservience to the passing humor of customer. It promotes fawning and sycophai and kills dignity and independence. 4 We venture to ‘suggest, therefore, to the ed a the Commercial Bribery and Tipping Rey that he enroll under the banner of his crust ; power of organized labor. If the waiters’ uni and barbers’ unions and Pullman porters’ ani will incorporate in their demands a plank call crease in wages to make up for the immediate | in income, they will have taken a step of infinit greater importance than all the anti-tipping Ie lation on the statute books. The average citi can do little. To refuse to pay a tip at your f taurant is merely to- penalize the waiter who is unlucky as to be assigned to your table. The dividual worker also can hardly be expected to cline the tips from which he is expected to eke ( his insufficient wage. But the labor union has 1 power to enforce a no-tipping rule, and to enfo it in such a way that the burden of the transiti will not fall on the laborer. Anti-tipping legislati is perhaps useful, as a supplement, but without | backing and power of organized labor it is fut In the meantime more power to William Ru Scott and his Commercial Bribery and Tipp Review. He may not succeed 1 in organizing a g eral strike to abolish tipping, but he can at e serve to remind us once a month of the truth William Graham Sumner’s dictum: “Sovereli do not take tips.” Ghe New REPUBLIC A Journal of Opinion PUBLISHED WEEKLY AND COPYRIGHT, 1920, \N THE UNI 7 STATES OF AMERICA BY THE REPUBLIC PUBLISHING COMP INC,, 421 WEST TWENTY-FIRST STREET, NEW YORK, ™ 1 HERBERT CROLY, PRESIDENT; ROBERT HALLOWELL, TREASURE EDITORS HERBERT CROLY CHARLES MERZ FRANCIS HACKETT WALTER LIPPMANN ALVIN JOHNSON PHILIP LITTELL SIGNE TOKSVIG, Assistant Editor YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION FIFTY-TWO ISSUES, FIVE DOLLA IN ADVANCE, SINGLE COPIES FIFTEEN CENTS, CANADIAN 8U SCRIPTION FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER YEAR ADVANCE, FOREIGN SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR COUNTRIES IN T ENTERED AS SECOND CLASS MATTER, NOVEMBER 6, 19145 J THE POST OFFICE AT NEW YORK, N. Y., UNDER THE ACT | MARCH 3, 1879. ;
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THE NEW Third Party > WILL try to sum up the results of the third _ party happenings at Chicago. ™ The grand general result may be said to il- st ate the stern truth that nothing can really rrve the labor movement from its appointed a h, no matter how perverse that path may ee n to some outsiders. At Chicago a few par- icularly conspicuous members of the Committee of 8 tried to inject an “individualistic” philosophy to a political gathering in which an American bor party was prominently present. The rep- esentatives of the Labor party defeated those i. emen and defeated them with Committee of 8 votes. The joint party of wage earners, of armers and of Forty-Eighters started off into exist- n ce on the true collectivist line of the labor move- ent of the world. One must say first that the farmers of the joint arty were for the most part thoroughly collectivist rT ready. They came principally from the northwest ut of Nonpartisan League surroundings. Some f ‘them were delegates to the Committee of 48 con- ention. They came as individuals. Jakota, however, there came a delegation acting sa delegation and led by the South Dakota Non- arti isan League State Chairman. These farmers f South Dakota were the scream of the whole Jhicago third party show. ‘They took one good look at the Committee of 8, and then they took one good look at the Labor arty, and then they sat right down with the Labor arty in Carmen’s Hall, while the Committee of 48 as still holding separate sessions in the Morrison otel, and they proceeded to enter into conferences nh the Labor party on the platform. At the first ference they brought in the following plank: soportional occupational representation in all gilatve bodies. Now the Labor party’s writers of platform liter- ure were not timid men. But when they saw a unk on occupational legislatures handed to them pa delegation of property owners, they begged r mercy. They asked to be allowed to defer de- ari ring for soviets. p Of course the other folios will call it soviets,”’ id a farmer, “but what difference does it make? hey are going to call you Bolshevists anyhow. We n't care what it’s called. We want it.” ut when the platform of the joint party was ion by occupations. The Labor party had exercised a ik ceive in- From South id, it contained no plank for legislative represen- REPUBLIC 246 Happenings fluence on the landed proprietors from South Da- kota. “Just the same,” said one of them, “‘this is where we feel at home. We’ve looked at their plat- form. Weak in spots. But it’s good. We’re for it.” At that time the Labor party platform contained © a tidy little plank for the public ownership and oper- ation—or the nationalization—or the nationaliza- tion under the principles of the Plumb plan—or the nationalization with Democratic control—or the mere nationalization—as the case might be—of the following human enterprises and possessions: All public utilities, natural resources and credit facilities, including banks, insurance, stock yards, grain elevators, water power, cold storage and terminal warehouses; railroads; mines, oil lands, pipe lines and tanks; telegraph and telephone lines; large forests and large unused tracts of land. It seemed good to the delegation from South Dakota. It seemed less good to certain representa- tives.of the Committee of 48. The primary diplo- matic fact during the third party happenings at Chicago was that there was an essential solidarity of economic purpose between the wage earners and the farmers while among the delegates of the Com- mittee of 48 there was a split between those who voted with the wage earners and farmers and those who followed Mr. George Record, Mr. Amos — Pinchot and Mr. Allen McCurdy in Mr. McCurdy’s emphatic declaration, delivered during his thrilling- ly eloquent keynote speech: ‘“‘We are individualists.”’ Under pounding from Mr. Record, Mr. Pinchot and Mr. McCurdy, the collectivist features of the Labor party’s platform were indeed a bit bruised. For instance, the statement in favor of public owner- ship and operation of all credit facilities was changed to a statement in favor of the ‘‘Establish- ment of National and State owned banks”’ in com- petition with private banks. Many concessions in — platform were made to the Committee of 48 by the Labor party. Finally, in fact, the platform report read to the convention of the joint party by Mr. Record and the platform report read to it by Mr. Buck of the Labor party were approximately at one in matters of specific proposed legislation. Yet the fight over the two reports in the Convention Hall was vehement and vital; and the victory by Me Buck over Mr. Record was crushing to the ‘“‘i dividualistic” faction in the new party—and it was so taken. This was the moment, and this was the cause, of Mr. La Follette’s refusal to lead the third party. He could not properly lead it. Mr. Record is said
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247 ‘to have remarked: ‘The trouble with Mr. Buck’s platform is in its psychology.”” He was acutely right. Out +f Mr. Buck’s platform one gets somehow a feeling as of a working class whether in city or on farm, advancing into collectivism gladly. But of Mr. Record’s platform report one gets a feeling as of citizens—strongly resenting great economic evils and, to cure them, making concessions to col- lectivism. In other words, Mr. Record’s platform report is not, and Mr. Buck’s platform instinctively is, a document in the development of the labor move- But it is not the function, since it is not the. ment. impulse, of Mr. La Follette to be a labor movement leader. Without the impulse it would have been false, it would have been artificial, for him to try to lead. He was true to himself and white to the whole situation in refusing to try. _ The vote on the platform at Chicago was taken after Mr. Record had informed the convention that Mr. La Follette was ready to run on the platform reported by Mr. Record but not on the platform re- commended by Mr. Buck. The convention was rapt- urously devoted to Mr. La Follette. Mr. Buck was devoted to him as to no other man in public office. And Mr. Buck knew, and the delegates knew, that without La Follette they were let down from the prospect of a glittering rushing campaign to the - prospect of an obscure grubbing one. The platform that Mr. Record said that Mr. La Follette could not accept was thereupon adopted by a vote in which the “Ayes” were more than twice as numerous as the ‘‘Noes.” A political party never gave a braver proof of its sincerity. That convention was determined to show that its conscience and its purpose looked in the direction of the economics of Mr. Buck and not in the direc- tion of the economics of Mr.. Record. The economic differences between the two men personally were as important to the result as the differences between their reports. They were even more important, By that time in the history of third party affairs at Chicago the issue demanding instant and emphatic settlement was: Shall ideas like those of Mr. Pinchot and Mr. McCurdy prevail? Shall we con- stantly recur to the theory of “individualism” and constantly denounce the idea of ‘a class party’? Or do we accept the theory that the class of all who work by hand or brain is good enough and big enough for us; that the class of workers is the eman- cipating class; that emancipation will be collective ? _ That was the issue. It was answered with a roar. And thereupon the leaders of the Committee of 48, having failed in the extraordinary task of trying to make the labor movement change its nature for them, refused quite naturally and rightly to change THE NEW REPUBLIC their own nature and Lone “individualist” a ‘Mr. France, Senator France’s brother. ‘tthe Farmer-Labor party,’’ as one newspaper ex Record and Mr. to suspect that parties formed to fight the Repul hs 28, began to prepare to depart from a place where th never belonged. a But let that bolt from the Farmer-Labor p be understood. The Forty-Eighters went to C: men’s Hall and sat with the Labor party of the own free will. The Labor party gave them : more voting power than they numerically deserve It gave them just about twice as much. This p ov er was then very effectively used. The Lab party, after Mr. La Follette had withdrawn h name, wanted to nominate Mr. Dudley Fie Malone for the Presidency. Mr. Christensen wa nominated with Forty-Eighter and farmer vote And the platform itself was adopted overwhelr ingly only because a very large fraction of t Forty-Eighters fell away from Mr. Record 3 Mr. Pinchot and Mr. McCurdy and joined self Mr. Buck and Mr. Lefkowitz. It was thought that fully half of the Fort t Fighters voted for the Buck platform. A : them one may mention Mr. Swinburne Hale an The lea ing Forty-Eighters, if they were “driven out ¢ pressed it, were driven out by Forty-Eighters a truly as by Laborites. There were many For ty Eighters who by their temperament and by thei philosophy belong to the new joint party as earne; ly as any trade unionist. 7 They will remain there. The third party a tains its two main economic groups—the : trad unionists and the farmers, and it retains more that a few Forty-Eighters. It is a small party. Bu it is based on principles which everywhere else if the civilized arrived world have produced large re sults. Can it be thought that when this frontie of civilization has turned out to be quite open t t capitalistic social developments which characteriz | Europe, it will be immune to the answering. develog ments which in every European country have led o toward parties of collectivist producers? I 4 try to describe the resources of the new party, a its prospects, and the character of its Presidentia nominee, and its platform, in a following article I add here the guess that the Forty-Eighters vhh have withdrawn from the Farmer-Labor party ai : almost all of them among the persons who lon have seen and said that the Republican party a the Democratic party are severally and toge a class party. Now they have had reason to 7 i lican and Democratic parties will turn out to | class parties too. How can peuple vote classless when they do nothing else classlessly? { ae Hani ¥ ie at
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ad THE NEW. HREE admirable yet wholly deewiilac English poets have reached their eightieth ‘#@& year in 1920: Mr. Austin Dobson from jose delicate old-world instrument have come sounds and sweet airs that give delight and hurt ot’; Mr. Thomas Hardy who has most clearly diced the implications possibly inherent in the heme of things as viewed by the modern mind ; nd d now, on August the seventeenth, Mr. Wilfrid eawen Blunt with whom poetry has been the avoca- or A ot leisure hours in the midst of a life of action In d protest and adventure. Of the three Mr, Blunt | probably the least widely known, yet his work uches perhaps most closely upon the ideas and spirations of liberal-minded men today. It is yper, upon the anniversary of his birth, to call rind the champion of nationalism in Egypt, the efender of Irish Home Rule, and the author of roteus. As a political agitator he will be remem- red not for what he accomplished but as the ! thor of a series of plain-spoken documents: to tve for the history of his time. The nationalistic suses which he served seem today utterly to have il d; and this Mr. Blunt himself realizes. There n be no question of indiscretion in quoting the illowing passage from one of the latest of various : sasant letters received by the present writer from renerable poet: Your letter which has just reached me gives me, I eed not say, much pleasure, and all the more as coming from America where, I imagine, the causes I have spent 80 much of my life in trying to serve are still.more out of date than with ourselves. I still; however, have hope in the far future of a reversion to the more generous | i ciples which prevailed in my youth, and your letter onfirms me in the thought that it may be nearer than in my despair I have lately come to regard it. It de- ends entirely now upon the better thought of America whether what remains of liberty i in the ancient world of Asia i is allowed to survive and with it the tradition a wiser happiness than ours in Christendom—all Beipathy with which seems dead in Europe. | as a writer of verses whose thought moved Y bely and very frankly in the sphere of intensely rsonal emotion harmed his influence as a politi- _ Can it be that these very verses may prove the st lasting part of his achievement? It is unlike- hat the poems of country life, such as The Idler’s er iences of the social world and of travel) and Sussex Pastorals will survive. The same may “ o } Pe ite . eh Sei d ries Bx, A aN oe al cand Ot ie o ; ; Beyond doubt Mr. Blunt’s contemporary reputa- » endar {in which one finds also some of Blunt’s | aid fairly confidently of the poems of travel, Mio Pee Bs TUR en ee eee ee” ~ i All PEM Or RPh CERNE Tey MR PE 8 ah i yee ‘ . ae et i REPUBLIC 248 — Wilfrid Blunt: Self- Determinist including many of the sonnets in the last part of Proteus. ‘There has been too much of that sort of thing since Childe Harold set the fashion. Nor are the metaphysical poems of Blunt’s later years of great consequence, though The Wisdom of Merlyn may attract an occasional reader for its sermon | upon the text: “Quit ye like men; be strong.” One at least of the so-called translations From the Arabic has in it something of a more lasting qual- ity; this is The Desolate City which has obtained _wide currency through its inclusion in The Oxford Book of English Verse. The various “love-lyrics” have in them too little of the genuine and inevitable lyric mood to give them assurance of long life. There remain the political poems. and the Love- Sonnets. The political poems, of which two are of more. significance than the rest, may be considered first. The Wind and the Whirlwind (1883) is a product of the difficult and complex years preceding and following the rebellion of Arabi when Blunt was a thorn in the side of Gladstone’s government, re- sisting by public protest and private advice the march of events that were leading to permanent British occupation of Egypt and ardently advocating the liberation of that country alike from Turkish tyranny and English overlordship. Blunt has him- self acknowledged the influence of Byron’s example in thus espousing the cause which has come to be _ called “self-determination” for the peoples of the Eastern Mediterranean. In this poem there is a By- ronic force and passion along with an equally By- ronic indifference to the niceties of prosody. It was regarded as unpatriotic and even treasonable when it first appeared, and efforts were made, it is said, to ’ suppress it. he inspiration was derived from the rising of Arabi Pasha who is regarded as the pa- triotic reformer calling upon the Egyptians to shake _ off the foreign yoke. The poem unfolds as an in- _dignant protest against British imperialistic ex- pansion. Oh I would rather fly with the first craven Who flung his arms away in your good cause, Than head the hottest charge by England vaunted In all the record of her unjust wars. Such sentiments are in stimulating contrast to those | of the host of celebrators ‘of “the strength and splendor of England’s war.” With the poet’s gift of vision Blunt makes an extraordinary prophecy of the rising of the Mahdi and the death of Gordon. He repudiates the modern patriotic idea that the i Cae er
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_ man must be submerged in the countryman, that loyalty to the flag is above loyalty to the truth. Satan Absolved (1899) is the other memorable political poem. Students of Herbert Spencer may recall the incentive which the great philosopher furnished to Blunt before the composition of this Victorian Mystery. Spencer, with a knowledge of Swinburne’s early poems of revolt and freedom and uninformed of his later lapse into the position of a “lost leader,” wrote urging him to employ his great gifts in protest against the imperialistic jingo- ism so rife in the later nineties. Swinburne, who was then shouting shrilly that England should scourge the South African “dogs,” of course. re- fused; and Spencer, looking for an ally who could give his thoughts popular poetic form, turned to Blunt. The result was this dramatic poem, sug- gestive of the Prologue to Faust. It lacks the authentic utterance of great poetry but it is still of interest as a sturdy protest against the current cant of “the White Man’s Burden.” Satan, report- ing to the Almighty that the Anglo-Saxons have gone further than he can lead them, recites the long account of hypocrisy and corruption, reaching this climax: The ignoble shouting crowds, the prophets of their Press, Pouring their daily floods of bald self-righteousness, Their poets who write big of the “White Man’s "aah Burden.” ‘Trash! The White Man’s Burden, Lord, is the burden of his cash. The Mystery has neither the lofty dignity of Wat- _ son’s protests against the Boer War nor the concen- trated scathing scorn of Labouchere’s Where is the Flag of England? But it is memorable and its author deserves a place in history by the side of Morley and Lloyd George—the Lloyd George of a quarter of a century ago—and the other true - patriots who faced howling mobs to plead for “‘self- determination” for the Boers. But political poems, if remembered at all, remain alive only in the minds of students, and within a few years Blunt’s work in this kind will require commentary like that bestowed upon Hudibras and Absalom and Achitophel, Wilfrid Blunt the “love- poet” has most chance of immortality. I cannot believe that words such as his which came with such fiery force from a human heart will ever cease to appeal to some hearts. The Songs and Sonnets of 1875 were succeeded by The Love Sonnets of Pro- teus which appeared anonymously in 1881 and to which the author, with characteristic regard for perfect sincerity, attached his name in the follow- ing year. In successive years, it should be observed, many more meditations in sonnet-form were added, THE NEW REPUBLIC but it is the earlier pieces that are of most | sequence. A decade after their first appeara these poems were “crowned” by being prin d William Morris at the Kelmscott Press. In ‘ the narrative sonnet-sequence Esther, which is clo. ly connected in theme with the first part of Prote appeared. This later rt ee tells with perha disconcerting frankness of ‘‘a young man’s traged (as the sub-title has it) of fascination, love, ai separation. The scene of the episode was Ly ot Esther an actress playing the part of Manon. Blut a modern Des Grieux, has the bitter experience loving and losing a woman whom he is cone of being unworthy all the while that he adores hi Addressing her as Manon in the first part of P ; teus he had said: If I had chosen thee, thou shouldst have been — A virgin proud, untamed, immaculate, _ Chaste as the morning star, a saint, a queen, Scarred by no wars, no violence, of hate. Thou shouldst have been of soul commensurate With thy fair body, brave and virtuous And kind and just; and, if of poor estate, At least an honest woman for my house. I would’ have had thee come of honoured blood And honourable nurture. ‘Thou shouldst bear Sons to my pride and daughters to my heart, And men should hold thee happy, wise, and good. Lo, thou art none of these, but only fair. . Yet must I love thee, dear, and as thou art. a The end is disillusionment. They separate. Ye the height of Esther is reached in the superb denia of the truth the poet sings: a Bas Nessun maggior dolore Che ricordasi del tempo felice Nella miseria. For after the parting from his Manon come th words: a A i ie He who has once been happy is for aye Out of destruction’s reach ; | ag and when he sees the empty-headed crowd applauc the words of a demagogue, when he watches “cities deck their streets for barren wars which have lai waste their youth,” when he learns how small a dol of vanity will keep the soul alive—then he remem bers that he | a” once was young And lived with Esther the world’s ee among. Of the four parts of Proteus, the first, Manon a is, then, evidently a meditative accompaniment, a parently contemporaneous with the actual experi ence, of the love-afiair told less allusively in Esther ¢ ye fo a] De) a.
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ly y 28, 1920 The ‘second part, Juliet, has likewise a symbolic me. The theme that winds through it is that ‘‘the 2 is more than joy.” The third part, Gods and Ise Gods, lacks definite sequence and has in it most 0: of the dark fatalism into which Blunt has at times plunged and that tinges so much of late nineteenth sentury poetry. ‘The last. portion is in the main 2 known and quite magnificent sonnet on Gibraltar. “Iti is characteristic of a poet who is often too dif- fuse and who is generally indifferent to the require- ments of technique that, though he usually subdues his is material to the lawful limits of the sonnet’s nar- w plot of ground, he not only breaks the strict , dace of the sonnet’s laws by illegitimate rhyme- schemes and by using assonance in place of rhyme, b often escapes altogether, when his thought re- uses to be compressed, and produces poems of ; eighteen or twenty lines instead. More serious de- fects are the presence of many imperfect rhymes, f forced and unpleasant metaphors, and of far- Biched “conceits.” But this very unregardfulness of form for form’s sake was a healthy sign, coming s it did at a period when the quest of form for | form’ s sake was driving sincerity from the field of poetry, For above all things the verse of Blunt is sin- cere. The Byronic tradition, a scanty stream in ater English verse, flows at its clearest in his poetry. f there is introspection, there is in it nothing anti- ip ative of the eighteen-nineties. There is not mere i ted self-analysis. And, in the words of Mr. Jntermeyer (applied by him to younger poets), is poetry reveals “the loved one as fully as it ex- F sses the lover”’; e is ‘“a love-poetry that searches en while it sings.” Here is a man honest with imself and with the Beloved and with the world, ringing loyalty even to the service of those rela- C onships wherein disloyalty most often plays a part. lomparison with other sonnet-sequences is inevit- le. With all the divine inspiration and matchless eauty of some (by no means all) of Shakespeare’s 4 anets there is in them of course something quite ¢n from the experience of the modern man. Many se by the taint of theatricality in Modern Love. a dto heights too lofty, to an atmosphere too rari- d for most of us to breathe in. From’ the heavy tlumes of The House of Life most of us escape soon as possible. — Blunt, on the other hand, ; of such*experiences as in one form or another e to most men; only he has the rare and peril- gift, the gift of self-expression, that we lack. ce his appeal. It i is unlikely that as a _ THE NEW | series of impressions of travel and includes the well- norbid self-deceitful brooding but pitiless clear-— us are repelled by the psychological subtleties or ¢ greater Sonnets from the Portuguese lead up- | REPUBLIC 250 even the love-poems will ever be widely read. But no anthology can be considered representative that does not contain such pieces as On His Fortune in Loving Her and On a Lost Opportunity and the in- comparable Sibylline Books with which this brief tribute of admiration may fittingly close: When first, a boy, at your fair knees I kneeled, "Twas with a worthy offering, In my hand My young life’s book I held, a volume: sealed, Which none but you, I deanat might understand. And you I did entreat to loose the band And read therein your own soul’s destiny. But, Tarquin-like, you turned from my demand, Too proudly fair to find your fate in me. When now I come, alas, what hands have turned Those virgin Shae! Sane are torn away, And some defaced, and some with passion burned, And some Eeienescad with life’s least holy clay. Say, shall I offer you these pages wet 3 With blood and tears? And will your sorrow read What your joy heeded not?—Unopened yet One page remains. It still may hold a fate; A counsel for the day of utter need. Nay, speak, sad heart, speak quick. The hour is late. Age threatens us. The Gaul is at the gate. SAMUEL C. CHEW. Who’s Who S I am a member of the very humble race of college instructors it goes without saying that I have never summoned the money necessary to take me on a visit to England... And as I had accumulated a wife and a baby I was not even drafted for a visit to what Miss Amy Lowell calls ‘“Hedge Issnd,” en route to France. However, in intervals of theme-correcting I have accumulated a small literary acquaintance with Britain and her cathedrals and greens from Trol- lope, a little of Britain and her villages and hedges — from Mrs, Gaskell, something of parks and lodges from Miss Austin, something of nurseries and gardens and attics from Kenneth Grahame, and something more of gardens and of walks (probably stone-flagged) in them, from Coventry Patmore. I had heard of circles and terraces and lanes in London and Brighton and Bath from Thackeray and even from Harrison Ainsworth, and I knew from my distant Henty that there was always an English hero present at Cawnpore and Singapore and in Togoland if it should prove necessary for him to be there. Further it seemed that some Eng- lishmen and some English ladies had a habit of de- serting their own charming green country for greener Italy on occasion. All these facts in regard to English life were fragmentary, I knew, but they were attractive in a gentlemanly way, and I always
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i _ anything like that in America? I trow not. oo STR T s troy hy Bl egee trs A agt THE NEW kept a desire to see the places, the places even more than the people. As the years pass and England grows more dis- tant for me and the romance of English domestic and other life grows no less, I go for a visualiza- zation of how those Englishmen live and where they live to a perusal of the British Who's Who. And that publication continues to assure me that they do have _ the most charming places in which to live, or, at any rate, have the most pleasant names for those places. Here, says the Who’s Who, is an Englishman (with, I trust, a large and healthy family) who lives at Meads, Pinkney’s Green, Berks. Is there And here is a lucky man who lives,—simply, no doubt and highmindedly,—at The Beeches Cottage, Car- shalton.. Simply Carshalton. Did I read he has “one s. one d.”? I hope so and also that they were born since 1909 so that I can imagine the pinafored youngsters playing just beyond the hedge off the narrow (but smooth) gray road. Roads? Of course. Plenty of roads. A distinguished gentle- man lives at Overroads, Beaconsfield, Berks. And there is Mershire Lodge, Marlborough Road, Bournemouth. Even if one has to live in Birming- ham, which, I seem to have heard, is not the most _ romantic place in England, he can find a home on Yew Tree Road, Edgbaston, while,in New York, even the carefully nursed yews of Prince Edward on the Columbia University campus, slowly but sure- ly wither and die! And even if one has to live in the metropolis, he need not live let us say, at 324 W. 218 St. nor at. -. 123890 Fifth Avenue, but, if you please, and for- sooth, at Branksea, St, Mary’s Grove, Barnes Com- ‘mon, S. W. At least I suppose that is London. It sounds delightfully like it. If one, however, is so unfortunate as to find no place with a bright green name to it, one surely can find a place with a name like Paper Buildings, Temple, S. E. There must be something attractive about Paper Buildings, even though it be not an arboreal attractiveness. And should not anyone be pleased to live at Wheal Betsy, Newlyn, Penzance; or at Iping House, Midhurst; or at The Cearne, Kent Hatch, Edinburgh; oratThe Inch, Liberton, nr. Edinburgh? Nr., merely nr, (How does the postman find such ices?) Many Englishmen seem unwilling to con- fide to Who’s Who where they live. No doubt they. have homes with names too precious to share. How can an Englishman bear to leave such places even to repair to the Villa Viviani, Settignano, Flor- ence; to Villino Chiaso, Repallo, Italy; to Port Moresby, Papua; to Zungeru, Nigeria; or even to ‘Gelliwig, Pwllheli? Think not that these are shining examples culled REPUBLIC Had fled and left me in sweet impotence ae ee eon ee eee man Ee Te en ee with care from among sconeli dado add ess These and their like I meet every time I open t romantic volume, the British Who’s Who. He are ten addresses taken in order and starting wi the first name my eye fell on. The Nore, Godal ing. (One feels like asking as was once asked « the Akond of Swat, Who? which? when? what? in regard both to The Nore and to Godaln ing.) Grove House, Regents Park, N. W. Hal Park, Salisbury. New Court, Temple, E. C. Wie Studio, Holland Road, Hove,Sussex. (In pleasat alternation the fortunate inhabitant repairs to t Villa dell’ Ombrellino, Via della Piazzola, Flor ence.) 46 Pont Street, S. W. Carrowroe P% rh Roscommon, Ireland. Yunnan-fu, China. C 196 Birdhill, Limerick, Ireland. 4 Seaford Court, W. whence, when it pleases him, the owner passes ti Croft House, Stansted, Essex. & Do we dare turn to the American Who’s WE and confess that we, over here, live in most t romantic places? Bravely let us open the volum and start at random. Our first man lives in Waukesha, Wis. Let i thank the aborigenes. The list begins not badly ) ’Tis pity, though, we have to use a period aft oS Wis while the Englishman needs none after Hant: Our second man affords two homes, “Kanyonkrag, Yonkers-on-Hudson, N. Y., and Ranch Sohdoh-ail Mariposa, California. Fortunately, Mariposa | pretty. Our next man lives in Athens, Ga., upo . which fact and place we shall not comment, and t ti more addresses are 350 W. 7oth St., N. Y., Washington, D. C. Next comes a home on Poth mouth Terrace, Rochester, N. Y. Bravo Terrace even though you seem not quite at home on thes shores. And now, painful to me who live at 1768 Something “Av.” and to you who may live at 867 Other St. come 2112 Mass. Av., Washington, ai 1905 Cambridge Rd. (not Road, alas!) Ann Arbo Mich. Finally, quietly, and with no romantic thrill record the last two addresses as Montclair, N. J. and Richmond Hill, L. I., N. Y. by | ales J. H. McKee. Dream Fragment Last ‘night I walked in southern Brittany, ; In deep, warm meadows where the rouge-gorge sang, A land cliff-bordered, by an azure sea, Far off, far*down, the muffled buoy bells rang In bays that stretched into a land of indolence, — It seemed the peasants in a fit of folly, — To range blue uplands, tinged with melancholy, And amethystine pastures, smooth and lone, Charmed by a oa ocean’s magic moan. HERVEY, Au an
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er ) nerA, fs =} y 28, fag THE NEW “The Russians 1 in Germany NAHE latest of the periodicals to be started in “4 Germany in the Russian language has just reached me. It says: ‘The world is living through a moment full of history-making and responsibility. At the basis of all its difficulties and all its hopes is is the Russian question.” — » Of the papers published in Russian in Europe the best are in Germany, with one exception, Otkliki, or Echoes, which is in German Switzerland. There a be changes in detail that have not yet come 0 my attention, for such publications are born and d lie fast, but ‘the principles do not change. 4 The paper from which I quoted in opening, is a ew fortnightly, Zhizn or Life, sent me by a Rus- an friend, whose ardent efforts had been given to ris opie at home up to last year, when he escaped fr om a Bolshevist prison, and have since been de- voted to the best kind of constructive effort abroad. E lis enclosed letter said: q You will notice that the title is printed in green. ; This indicates an intellectual equivalent of the green _ army. : _ Much meaning is condensed into that reference to the colored title. The green army was the loose militia organization of the farmers in Central Rus- sia who meant to see that whatever the swing of jolitical and military fortune there should be no nterference with the division of land as it has been nade by the revolution. This army was not Bol- hevist and it was not interventionist or restoration- st. It was the Russian peasant looking after the ssential fruits of the revolution as he understood hem. He took as little interest in constitueni as- emblies as he did in Karl Marx. His affair was 10 with the topics of the politically minded. _ He want to be let alone with his own land, to support own life. When a group of intellectuals take green as sir color the analogy is clear. They are men who not hope to achieve the salvation of Russia in arty contest or in immediate political change. They ¢lieve that a communistic dictatorship is interfer- ag with some of the most fruitful and characteristic ae of Russian.strength, but they prefer even is evil to an opposition that is nothing except op- sition, and that undertakes to undo some of those i conary changes that cannot be undone. Above l they object to expatriates who call on foreigners om obtaining those machines which are es- ntial to the distribution of food, fuel, and thing. ; in expounding the intellectually green point of w the best work among the daily newspapers - church and state. ) invade their country or by blockade to keep it REPUBLIC 252 outside of Russia is done by the Golos Rossii, or The Voice of Russia, of Berlin. The Golos Rossii has constantly published discussions of the duty of Russian intellectuals, as well as of the desirable re- lations of Russia to Germany. Its moral tone is elevated. : solid information, is opposed to sensational news and gives chapters and extracts from the most in- _ formatory books on Russia, especially if they are published in the Russian language. The Vremya, or Times, was also started in Berlin to represent the point of view of what we call big business,—more or less the kind of proamas liberal- ism represented by Milyukoy. A third daily paper, The Prizyv, or Call, has been a readable and coherent organ of restored Tsarism. During Denikin’s time it represented his cause with some literary ability, identifying it with a larger Russia, that should include even Finland, and frankly using the word Tsar, which many re- storationists avoid. It also ardently celebrated the expected return of the former relations between — Last autumn there appeared, also in Berlin, a Tsarist organ so extreme that liberal- minded Russians were divided into those who were horrified by it and those who were amused. It was called Looch, or the Light. An idea of its thoroughness may be obtained from its treating Lvov, Kerensky, and Lenin as all alike, all equally guilty of departure from the true Russian faith. | The most intelligent articles in these Russian newspapers are likely to go back in the end to the nature of the Russian peasant. The failure to under- stand the peasant, in other words the popular major- ity, is put down by Zhizn as the great failure of » the Russian intellectuals. It says: “It was not the ~ progressive bloc (in the Duma) that created the revolution, nor have the Bolsheviki understood or . realized it. The soul and thought of the, people have not yet been fully expressed or shaped by any- | body. The difference between the intelligentsia and the people explains the wild, disorganized direction which the Russian revolution took after the demobil- ization of the people, who went out of the war by | their own will.”’ A new period of creation, it hopes, is just ahead, whatever may be the label; and “ the encouragement of the gathering together of the forces that are to do this creative, constructive work, we dedicate our magazine.” In another article, entitled The Intelligentsia and the’ People, Zhizn says that the intelligentsia cannot escape its share of the blame for the mis- takes that have brought Russia to complete poverty and disorder, It describes this condition by the word pogrom, the mistranslation of which causes It has an active interest in news of
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253 THE NEW so much confusion in the news. on: “It was not only a mistake, it was inexcusable ignorance, like that of a weaver who does not under- stand his loom. It was wrong to see the Russian peasant communalist as if he were living in a Four- ier community or as if he were prepared to attempt parliamentary procedure of the latest fashion, but it is even worse, now that we have - been deceived in our Utopian hopes, to blame the people.” The paper declares that when the Constituent Assembly was dissolved by force by the Bolshevik it had been morally dissolved by the quarrelling™ of all the parliamentary groups, and that when the Ufa government, headed by Avxentiev, was formed it was attacked from the right by the Kadets and from the left by the Chernov group, and it suc- cumbed to ‘‘the so-called brave and honest,—so- called, but alas they were nothing but military people. On all sides this idea of a military dictatorship was put forward; as if there were no better answer to ae dictatorship of the prole- tariat.”’ A little further on: “It was only last year that the foreign press offered to the Russians peaceable negotiations in the Prinkipo Islands, but the Russian intelligentsia still repeated that all that was needed was for the Allies to send a few soldiers and all Russia would hurry to support them. The Allies Delieved it..... They say‘the people would not follow the intelligentsia. Which ones should they have followed? When the intelligentsia appeared on the political scene it was impossible for the peo- ple to make head or tail out of their quarrels, and their noise died down only when they selected a good-looking general to follow.’ Even now the intelligentsia cannot “‘make up its mind to go back to its people without the protection of a Russian or a foreign general.” The, Russian liberal papers in Berlin have been full of testimony for considerably over a year of the narrow cruelty of the anti-Bolshevist armies and of the effect of this narrowness and cruelty ou the peasant’s attitude toward the Bolsheviki. What do these liberal papers ask of us, the out- side world? The Golos Rossii thus sums up its idea of what Russia needs from the Entente: (1). To be kept free from such economic com- mitments as will limit her freedom hereafter. (2) The removal of the blockade, to restore her vigor. The blockade, in this opinion, and in general the lack of intercourse with the world, has fallen most heavily on those intellectual elements which, under more favorable treatment, might _have more successfully contested the Bolshevist rule. REPUBLIC Zhizn goes On the needs of its country Zhizn says: now represents tremendous, inexhaustible foret spite of its material devastation. By going : Russia with peace Europe would make it fe for that spiritual force to be directed toward w f toward building up what has been destroyed, te the creation of a new life; but it would be greatest of disasters if this spiritual force of Ru: and the remnants of the material resources of R R sia were wasted on an armed conflict... , For sob ing, for quieting, for real scuciaibaod of the b with the east, the intelligentsia must go back tot people. Indeed that is not only a Russian questio but in its essentials a. world-question.” ‘a The best Russian democrats realize that t answer is in peace and work. Zhizn has fi its sub-title, Peace and Labor. That idea is deep imbedded in Germany. With her large populatic on an insuflicient territory she has learned to wot hard to live. Her view of the future is a view. which progress is laborious. When I was in Fran in 1917 a Russian professor pointed out to n figures in the Journal de Lausanne to t effect that some 15,000 Russian prisone were being used in Germany as_ instruc ors in the Russian language, with part eee V cular stress on the language of commerce. Ru sian is not an easy language, but the Germans a willing to learn it. Compared with them the Bri ish and French have relatively few who do tl foundation work, although both the British ¢ French are far more serious over the langull than we Americans are. There are only abot one hundred studying Russian in all our univers ties, great as are the commercial possibilities — b tween the two countries, and beautiful as are th cultural attributes of the language of Pusht <t Krylov, and ‘Turgenev. . During the great war the Germans encouragt many girls to study the Russian language— was estimated at over 40,000, probably a tc r guess—so that if the outcome of the war shoul leave the Russians hostile to the German men, ¢ girls could go in as commercial travellers. r University of Berlin has a Russian department th h stands very high, though it probably is not ducted with the special genius that characte 2 Professor Boyer’s work in the University of P: r Indeed it would be hard to find anywhere any I guage made as interesting as Professor Ba makes Russian. | Washington, D. C.; is the ever of the me prosperous country in the world, What facilit it does it contain for any young man in the Depa ment of State or the Department of Comme who is anxious to equip himself for really sc e475
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Se to oe le? oe ek ee oe hee & Cli iw) sh are ee eA « » ME i a Sia Bl he aii ee =} ee Ninn Bs | ah Ae Ret oD aterk ry Na \y eee ¢ vy ; ma et “y (Seman ot in eR heb ts ie may ' s oth a ‘ MS |) i ea L 7 eee an\ t ly 28, 1920 ork in connection with that country which is estined soon to be the most prosperous in larope ? Of the hundreds of thousands of Russians now Benny some 80,000 are said to be living in erlin.. They have a theatre of their own, a hurch, a library, ‘a social center. Many of them as as freely as conditions permit back and forth tween Germany and Russia. The restorationists nd interventionists have their special agents, and cenin has long maintained an authorized agent. EVERTHELESS, millions of Americans will vote for Harding. One half, more or ) less, of the electors will cast their ballots or this standing libel upon the normal man. It is ncredible, but as certain as anything can be. There $ no profit in crying out against a brute fact like nation. ; That, I hear it suggested, is easy. There will e several thousand votes cast for the Democratic Bididates i in the belief that Franklin Roosevelt is jone other than the T. R. who so lately filled the | vorld with his name and fame. There may be some ns of thousands of votes cast the same way on he assumption that Franklin Roosevelt is the son # T. R. and sole heir to his manly virtues, On the ther hand, some thousands of ballots will be cast yainst Cox on the assumption that he was once ‘notorious boss in Cincinnati. To put it as mildly s possible, a considerable proportion of the Amer- electorate is not politically minded. This is, Owever, no sufficient explanation of theprospective Jarding vote. Those who are not politically mind- d will distribute themselves pretty impartially be- yen the traditional parties, with occasionalclusters rawn one way by misapprehension, perhaps, or by msiderations utterly irrelevant, but with offsetting usters drawn the other way. Harding’s vote will linded, by those whose political choices are made itt greater or less deliberation, who enjoy, a reater or less freedom of decision. There will be nm who vote for Harding for no reason at all ad men who vote for him for reasons of private ferest. If there were no others, money staked on arding, at whatever odds, would be money rown away. What we have to explain is the fact at millions of men who are as disinterested as ght be expected in a world of practical affairs, THE NEW political thinkers. * but it is worth trying to find the ex- e rolled up into the millions by the politically. : \ REPUBLIC 254 Expert commissioners visit Moscow while we ar- gue about the possibly terrible result of getting in- formation at first hand. Krassin was in Germany nearly a year before he was permitted to nego- tiate with other countries. | Lack of knowledge. is the greatest of all dan- gers. If the most intelligent Russian thought finds: more of a welcome in Germany than it does else- where, then in that respect Germany is pointing out'to us a better path than we have trod. ELIZABETH REYNOLDS Hapcoop. hy Wil They Vote For Harding? men who are as enlightened politically as might be expected in a busy world, will vote for Harding. And among them will be many of our first class Look at the list of prominent men who have announced their intention of sup- porting Harding. Can you not pick out from among them men you personally know to be the salt of the political earth? But are those men really free, politically? Is not their behavior quite definitely determined by party loyalty? Party loyalty is indeed a force of incalcul- able potency and mysterious workings. It is a force quite analogous to that of patriotism. ‘‘My country right or wrong” is a real sentiment, and a respect- able One, is it not? It is a sentiment sufficiently deep in the blood to make even those who believe themselves possessed of a higher .reason and a higher ethics find all manner of recondite reasons for excusing, or even supporting their country’s action, although all the world conceives it to be wrong. Or perhaps I should have said, especially when all the world conceives it to be wrong. Do you remember how we resented European comment — on our subjugation of the Filipinos, and the higher ethical grounds on which we defended our country’s policy? Well, the Grand Old Party is, with many of us, an object of loyalty closely akin to the Stars and Stripes. As a boy, did you not experience a feeling of sick despair when the last returns showed that Grover Cleveland had been irrevocably elected President? And did you not cling for comfort to the thought that after four years Grover would be retired to private life and all those Southern office holders exiled to their ancestral plantations? Did you not quiver with anxiety over the baleful flaring ‘up of the Bryan hysteria and join, hoarse with joy, in the final hurrah for McKinley? You are older now and wiser. You admit the necessity of two parties, recognize good and evil in both, wish that
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HE oe eae RY 255. the better man may win. You are an American first, a Republican second. Yes, on the surface. But all those forgotten hopes and fears lie some- where under the surface, working tirelessly to gen- erate for you reasons for ae true to the old party. Examine some of the reasons now offered by _ advanced thinkers for supporting Harding. He is a “normal man.’ He is a neutral substance with which you can mix anything else without taking the edge off its quality. Is he to be reactionary or pro- ‘gressive? He is without fast political color, as yet. He is receptive, as raw ambergris is receptive of the odor of musk, or of mildew, or as powdered talcum is receptive of attar of roses or asafoetida. _ A vote for Harding is, therefore, a vote for second thoughts. It is a postponement of issues, not an evasion. Isn’t that a pretty theory, competent to free the sophisticated from the taint of unmorality that inheres in the position, My party, right or wrong? The trouble with it is that it violently assumes mediocrity to be identical with responsive- ness to circumstance. Lloyd George is the kind of man this theory presupposes, a man with all his senses open to the currents of public opinion. When public opinion demanded the enslavement of Ger- many, Lloyd George demanded it more vocirerous- ly; when public opinion ebbed toward reconciliation with Germany, it found Lloyd George extending a cordial hand to the Germans. He was for coercing . Ireland, then for merely keeping order in Ireland, then—but public opinion has not moved so far, yet. That is real political neutrality. It is the rarest | quality in the world, the most specialized. Of course, say the sophisticated supporters of Hard- ing, he must have that quality for what other qual- _.ity has he? Now what is at the bottom of this reasoning but the echo of a juvenile hurrah. for McKinley? Harding is modest, say others. He will not try to do everything himself, He will not make rubber stamps of his cabinet officers. He will surround himself with abler men than himself, who, as a body, will run the government as no single man, no matter how much of a superman, could run it. Think of Harding’s appointees as a_ brilliant circle of stars, with Harding the blue void within. Is that not a sufficient reason for voting for him? It is a cherished Meek tradition that there is a kind of man who has the ability to surround himself with abler men than himself, to execute his purposes. Roosevelt sometimes claimed title to such a gift; Andrew Carnegie would have had this virtue alone credited to him in his epitaph. There must, however, have been a twinkle in the eyes of THE NEW. REPUBLIC. detect it, not in those whose reputations have b e the blue void is guaranteed; but the brilliant cir : ee CaM ah Pity CELT ay be yt h Mi \ J uly 28, 16 these men when they indulged themselves in su modest paradoxes. To detect ability unerringly, zi achieved and whose energies are exhausted, but ; those who are still unknown, and still full ¢ creative force: that of itself implies ability of th highest order, not specialized, perhaps, nor capab of giving a definite measurement of itself to th outside public, but the more vital for that. round yourself with men abler than yourself. cellent advice, but try to apply it, and see how o tel you will be disillusioned, even if, like Harding, yo have so little to start with that the chance nex comer ought to be capable of magnifying you. Th men who succeed through this plan have to be met of sure judgment and independent will, at the ver least. But Harding? His modesty ought to further. He ought to announce not that he : select the men of superior ability to surround him m but that he will let them surround him of their own initiative, or, perhaps, at the initiative of tho: ; political leaders who selected Harding for us as th kind of President we deserve. Elect Harding, an ; remains to be materialized. | q But after all, is not: pure and persistent part ; loyalty something of an exception in our presen era of political confusion? Is it not more to the point to inquire into the attitude of those on whon partisanship has always sat lightly, the men occu pied primarily with ramaudi! ‘or Praena affair $ too modest to count as “‘interests,”’ the ‘‘average’ American good citizens? Whole schools of them are going to vote for Harding, though they may have voted for Wilson four years age 0 Why? q Somehow, the impression has fastened i a upon multitudes of Americans that three years ag we went into the braying, big end of the horn < are now squeezing out of the little end. We though | we were settling the world, but straightway it be came more unsettled than ever. We thought wi were winning undying gratitude from mankinc but returned travellers keep telling us that Americ is unpopular everywhere except in the! Forbidde City of Lhassa, where we have never been heat 1 of. ! 4 We thought we were attaining a new nationa unity, but sectionalism and class feeling are mor rampant than ever before, We have our inflates cost of living, our crushing taxation, our discour { on government bonds to remind us of our pa ticipation in great events. But we'd like to forge it all. “Forget it’: that is America’s one grea contribution to the rules of practical living Things have gone amiss: let us apply th
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) 28, 1920 THE NEW e. The political — is, Vote for Hard- 33 For finden Harding we shall Sieh no inter- ttional enterprise that will recall to mind the great f 3 when we set out to make the world safe and >. We shall debate the railroad problem languid- 5 and rock along. We shall not be forced to link deeply on the problems of labor and capital; a y will solve themselves or adjourn themselves, ith the least conceivable reference to Washington. f we are employers, we will fight our own battles 1 our own way, and whether we win or lose, will ty to salt down a little money. ‘If we are em- loyees, we'll look to our cards and go in or stay ut according to our hands, certain, that if the at T110n gy Vv + lare to swing over us a scourge of scorpions like almer. In our souls we know that the problem of ir international position will have to be met some . The time will come when we shall be com- : lled to face the industrial problem seriously. But nd the future. And so we say, Forget them and, u rtively, with shame in our hearts, decide to. vote or parang, ALvIn JOHNSON. The Front Porch in Marion All day the seer and sage, Gamaliel, Destroyer of the sons of Belial, Rocks in the shadow of his roof Withdrawn, and thoughtful and aloof. No longer does he lead the host Up from the wilderness, nor roast A goat against the Philistine, Nor lash the people for’ their sin, He will not flame, he will not glisten, His only pleasure is to listen. All day he hearkens to the sound Of little feet along the ground, - And faint hum of angel wings — And whispers from the fairy rings, (He loves the fairies, pretty things!) © And happy songs of farmer boys Who celebrate their simple joys, And jovial contented squeals | Of workmen at their humble meals, And hymns of soldiers who set free An empire (for democracy) _ Exalting God their brothers fell In such a battle: they sleep well. All day he listens, and at last When all the feet have homeward passed He turns to Israel his eyes And lifts his voice, and prophesies, ‘O, government of laws, not men!’ ‘O, good, square deal!’ or yet again ‘O, government of, by and for’— Gets up, goes in—and locks the door. - A. Mac L. resident will do nothing to help, neither will he - 1 ly the Lord knows how weary we are of the past. _- such means to take away Men’s Lives. _ profess that by turning his Hat thrice, and crying Buz, REPUBLIC 256 CORRESPONDENCE ' The Suffrage Planks IR: In your issue of July 14th occurs the following sentence, apropos of the Democratic and the Repub- lican platforms: The Democrats, like the Republicans, gave the League of Women Voters practically what it asked for, prac- tically in the words in which it asked. May I call your attention to a statement by Mrs. Maud > Park, chairman of the National League of Women Voters, made on July oth in San Francisco? We close our trip to the two conventions in behalf of our planks with a feeling of great satisfaction over the result—we secured about half [italics mine] of what — we asked for at the Republican convention in Chicago, and here in San Francisco the Democratic convention has endorsed all of our planks but one. The plank which they did not accept,—also failed of incorporation in the Republican platform. The difference between “about one-half” and “all but one” seems to the Democratic women of the country more than the difference between Tweedledum and Tweedle- dee, which your reference to the action of the conventions in regard to the League of Women Voters’ planks would seem to make it. I incline to think that the difference seems more serious also to the Republican women of the country. ‘The outstanding fact for women, as women, about the two conventions was that the one at San Fran- cisco showed an absolutely liberal spirit toward them, con- trasting painfully with the grudging attitude toward | women and their political aspirations displayed at Chicago. ANNE O’Hacan SHINN. New York City. The Thing’ S Bewitched?! IR: The following excerpts from John Selden’s. Table ‘Talk have a certain timeliness which may amuse you. — “When a country-wench cannot get her Butter to come she says, the Witch is in her Churn. churning for Peace a great while, and ’twill not come, sure the Witch is in it.” “The Law against Witches does not prove there be any; but it punishes the Malice of those People, that use If one should he could take away a Man’s Life (though in truth he could do no such thing) yet this were a just Law made by the State, that whosoever should turn his Hat thrice, and cry Buz, with an intention to take away a Man’s Life, shall be put to death.” “Casting out Devils is mere Juggling; they never cast out any but what they first cast in. ‘They do it where for Reverence no man shall dare to examine it, they do it in a Corner, in a Mortise-Hole, not in the Market- place.” “(The great Lord) eats not in private, except in time of sickness; when once he became a thing cooped up, all his greatness was spoiled. Nay, the King himself used to eat in the Hall, and his Lords sat with him, and then he understood Men. A. M. P. We have been .
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357° re National Edie and the League SG: A very moving appeal is ade by you through the article headed National Egotism versus International Relief, to the end that American indifference toward European suffering be dispelled. Your explanation of American apathy, however, only partly explains. It is becoming more and more apparent every day that American public opinion was not ready for an interna-. tionalism of the brand proposed to them by the President through his League ‘of Nations idea. ‘The “national egotism” of the American people was too potent to tol- erate admittance of such an entangling scheme into Ameri- can policy. But this egotism seemed in a fair way to be temporarily evaded to the everlasting benefit of mankind without the interpolation of the egotistic “reservations” idea, which is entirely subversive of effective international cooperation. ‘This was due to the tremendous confidence reposed in Wilson and the willingness to follow his lead wherever the path. Thus when the League was first pro- posed to the American people, they could easily have been made to bridge the yawning gap from nationalistic isola- tion over to international cooperation without the time and travail with which that process would ordinarily have to _ be accompanied, because of their willingness to follow the President. Here was the golden opportunity to put the egotism you speak of to good use in the cause of interna- tional cooperation. —The American people could have been committed to a policy which their “national egotism” would later successfully help to carry through. But this step, which could have been almost impercepti- bly taken then, was never taken. If it ever will be taken, in the only way it can effectively be taken, i. e., without reservations, it will have to be preceded by the whole lengthy troublesome process of education, and the piercing of prejudice, bigotry and ignorance which must inevitably come before a nation feels itself ready to concern itself in the affairs of other nations. 7 The blame for the failure of the American people to bridge the gap rests on the shoulders of many—not the least of it rests on the shoulders of liberal magazines.of the type of the New Republic. By applauding the “ir- reconcilables” and others of their like, the ‘New Republic did not help the cause of internationalism, but rather al- lied itself with the jingoes and the chauvinists. The latter groups succeeded in creating sentiment against the League only by appealing to the “national egotism.” ‘The “holier than thou” idea was employed with telling effect. ‘The successful evasion of national egotism by Wilson was nul- lified. The New Republic by applauding those whoa ap- ‘pealed to this egotism, itself helped to enhance the “na- tional egotism” of which it now complains, and put unre- served American participation in foreign affairs farther away than ever. Liberals who dissented did not attempt to distinguish their dissent from that of jingoes and partisan politicians, with the result that the American people, their latent “eootism’” again fully aroused, rejected the only effective League, and with it THE PrincipL—E UNDERLYING ANY © -Sucu LEacug. ) Do not misunderstand me. ‘This league was not the best conceivable league nor would it enforce the most righteous treaty. But it was a wedge through which the great force of American cooperation might have almost unconsciously slipped, “national egotism’ having been tem- porarily avoided, and once in, American “national egotism” Dh hg aad PvE ie at 7a es: Pri ee ee. THE NEW. REPUBLIC NPR rece re pias cdectiie ET aE ae , eae aS might have heed brought to bear to help purge a re ii creaking civilization. JOSEPH Lane Brooklyn, N.Y. ‘ : [Our correspondent states that “liberals who disser ent te (from unreserved participation in the League) did n attempt to distinguish their dissent from that of jingor | and partisan politicians.” We cannot accept without pri test the application of this charge to the New Republi We have many times stated, and here state again, that on objection to the Treaty of Versailles is fundamentally jt gratification of vicious national egotism. We are awal that the same brand of egotism has its advocates in Amer And we are conscious of the danger that while high priest of the cult dominate the councils of Europe, unrese ve American participation in a League of Nation may, er haps against the will of many of us, serve to strengthen ; an j not destroy the egotism which our correspondent laments. < THE Eprrors. ] Bulgarian Labor Conscription = IR: You may be interested in the so-called “Labor Conscription” bill which the Bulgarian governmer has introduced into the National Assembly. The object 7 the bill is to organize and further the productivity of ne state and public estates and to help on the economic pro- gress of the country in general. ‘The Labor Conscription is not, as has been represented, identical with military con: scription. Its essential character is purely economic. All Bulgarian citizens of both sexes are liable to Labor 4 Conscription ; the men at the age of twenty, the women at that of eighteen. The term for the obligatory public labor Tr for the men lasts sixteen, for the women eight months, of which at least three months will be devoted to purposes of education and preparation for the service, the rest of the € time being employed in productive work. All those pe T- sons who are granted exemption from military conscription on account of some physical disability or other reasons will enjoy the same privilege in regard to Labor Conscription. In case of abundant harvests, damages due to natural causes or some national calamity the Ministerial Cabinet has. the right to call for temporary Labor Conscriptior n from three days to four weeks all Bulgarian citizens of both sexes aged from twenty to forty-five years. q These various works will be carried out under the con- trol of the respective branches of the administration, w le for the general management and supervision of the Labor organization a chief Direction or Board is established wit h three departments; administrative, technical and economia. Various technical and trade courses, schools, work-shops, model households, etc., will be provided, where the La borers will get their instruction and preparation. E This Labor Conscription aims at the speedy reconstrue- tion of Bulgaria after so many years of war, so that ne economic advancement of the country may be furthered and the heavy obligation imposed upon her by the Peaet C Treaty met. In fact, of all the States of Europe thi were directly affected by the world-war, Bulgaria seems t be the one that has settled down to serious work with the grim determination to overcome her difficulties. e Labor Conscription and the project for Landed Prope : which provides that all the land that is capable of cultiva a tion but has not been cultivated, should be utilized ; distributed among the peasants according to their respe jv capacity for labor, are sure to be beneficial, and contribut to the increase of Bulgaria’s national wealth. XG oe ay ,/ aa
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ae i 4 ly 28, 1920 ' New Novels Open the Door, by Catherine Carswell. New York: arcourt, Brace and Howe. Daisy Ashford: Her Book. vy York: George H. Doran Co. Pr i is easy to describe Open the Door so as to make you p take it for an old-fashioned love story. The book be- ns when our heroine, Joanna Bannerman, is twelve years _ Her youth is spent at Glasgow, with occasional visits ee not far from Perth. She marries an Italian, es with him to Florence, becomes a widow, returns to ith h her lover, and becomes engaged at Iast, ae ee she is ity, to Lawrence Urquhart, who has loved her for years. he , c. of this engagement is on the moors near Duntar- €, in a press of memories “much older than any history at is written in any book.” ‘Such an account of Open the Door is not incorrect. It also preposterously misleading, for this love story is ex- hi sitly a story of sex—premonitions of sex, disappoint- ents, satisfactions of sex, more seekings, more findings, 101 disappointments. The love affair of Joanna’s widow- bod is an adultery, her lover being a married man, Louis ender. And this description, too, has at once to be cor- ted by adding that in Joanna’s adultery there is less mere x x and more companionship, more of education by- com- ionship, than in her marriage; and that the author— the Mrs. or Miss Carswell? I don’t know; I'll call t Miss Carswell—feels quite free to say her say about tf or to outrage other people’s reticence. Sex interests ithout haunting or obsessing or torturing her. Miss arswell is in the happy position of one who is naturally ank and naturally decent. Her decency and her frank- . are not at war. ‘They dwell together in peace. In her words, they are one and the same thing. ‘Open the Door is a first novel, yet Miss Carswell is al- ady a genuine character-drawer. What. do I mean by at? Several things. For example, Mrs. Urquhart, awrence’s mother, appears I think in only one scene. larters of the book. Miss Carswell has imagined for each these women a mode of feeling and a kind of speech that ultra-idiosyncratic. Mrs. Urquhart is not more individu- herself through one scene than is Juley Bannerman Bch many scenes. But in life, you object, almost no- Mdy is so uniformly ultra-characteristic? In life, you re- at, half the interest of improving one’s acquaintance with body lies in noticing how she or he makes an impres- n, deepens it, blurs, contradicts, wipes it out and and news it? Granted, of course, but it is only after finish- Oren the Door, and thinking the book over with intent . iew it, that such notions occur to me. While I was ading it I never suspected Miss Carswell of suppressing y part of Juley’s character, or of touching up other parts, tthe sake of unity of impression. | fo) yen the Door has many successes in character-drawing er this kind. It has, besides, a success in another kind, striking, with edges not so sharp, a more difficult kind, re uncommon. Joanna’s first meeting with Louis Pender es place in Glasgow, at a dinner: “Then turning in dience to a sign from her hostees, she became conscious a strange man, blasé yet dapper, with a straw-colored ustache and rather prominent hazel eyes. . Of the ee men present he was the only one wearing a stiff shirt, | dust-colored hair was quite short and carefully THE NEW 4 sgow, has another love affair, moves to London, breaks x in her own way, undisturbed by any wish either to flat- — - Joanna. ley Bannerman, Joanna’s mother, lives through three- . REPUBLIC 258 brushed. It looked incongruous with the astonishing yellow . moustache. Yet in spite of this deference to convention there was something so resentful in the man’s whole presence that the friendliness of his hand-clasp came to Joanna as a surprise.” Now pass on, after stopping just long enough to note the two signs of inexperience in this description— the “blasé yet dapper” and the “yet in spite of’—to Joan- na’s feeling when she has her first chance to look at Pender’s © work: “It was a world of elegance passionately felt, of gallantry founded on a perfection of melancholy. Its beauty was full of farewells, at times resigned, at times defiant but always exquisite. And before one could enter this world one had to learn the idiom of its creator. This was the more difficult because, unlike so many moderns, Pender had imposed on himself severe conventions.” Miss Cars- well takes these, and a good many other ingredients, and fuses them, and makes the whole thing talk and move and live as Louis Pender. As we improve our acquaintance with him we feel that his departures from himself and his returns to himself are all just like him. Most of all do I feel this at the time of his parting from Joanna: I was astonished first at his acting as he does act, secondly at my astonishment. ‘This parting of lovers is one of the most original and one of the truest that I’ve read. Glasgow stands solidly on its legs in this book. It is well seen. So is Vallombrosa. London less well. Something, to tell the truth—and so lively is my admiration for Miss Carswell’s gifts that I don’t like to tell the truth—goes wrong with Open the Door soon after Joanna’s. arrival in London. There are fine things still, like her first sight of her lover in his wife’s company, but on the whole I feel that Miss Carswell’s imaginative impulse has spent itself, that the book’s imaginative life is over. Why these things instead of others?—I find myself asking. In other words, I am bored. I no longer care what becomes of And what does become of her annoys me. Law- rence Urquhart has “always” loved Joanna: they were even engaged once, for a little while. I make no objection. But Miss Carswell seems to represent the reuniting of Joanna and Lawrence as a coming into port, as haven after storm, as peace at the last, and so forth. Well, if that is’ how Miss Carswell feels she ought to have given me a sense of romance. I ought to have felt the excitement of old times, the romance of old places revisited, of old loves revivified. Something of the romantic thrill one gets in Guy Mannering when Harry Bertram exclaims, “By heaven! it is the very ballad.” Early in the book Miss Carswell sows the seeds of such a romantic thrill—on page 31, when Joanna, a little girl still, “before turning home- ward between the beech trunks, . . . stooped once more. to the ground, and leaning on her two palms, kissed the moist grass till the taste of the earth was on her lips. ‘It I forget thee, O Duntarvie,’ she whispered, ‘let my right hand forget its cunning.’” Miss Carswell makes in her last scene an honest attempt to reap what she has sown, but she fails. I wonder why she didn’t prefer an ironic ending? It would have been more in her line. But Open the Door is quite sure to fasten many readers’ eyes upon Miss Carswell. She can do love and landscape — and character. It is more than a remarkable first novel. It is a remarkable novel. : Knowing that other stories existed by the eouattel Daisy Ashford, who wrote The Young Visiters at the age of nine, I for one am glad that they are now published. There is almost nothing to say about them, as Mr. Irvin S. Cobb’s
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259 preface, fourteen pages long, exists to prove. The earliest was written when Miss Ashford was eight, the latest was finished when she was fourteen. All four are extremely easy reading. None is in the same class with The Young Visiters, though each has here and there a touch worthy of her best year, her tenth, her annus mirabilis. The Jeal- ous Governes, written by Miss Ashford’s sister Angela, aged eight, is good fun. SILAS. Lancelot Lancelot, by Edwin Arlington Robinson. New York: Thomas Seltzér. [HE aloofness that characterizes Edwin Arlington Robinson is one of degree only. He stands in the midst of running Time pointing out with meticulous psychology what humanity is driving toward and how it travels. His exposition is often made by inference and a certain obliqueness infrequently mists the spectacle for the casual and superficial reader. He has been catalogued (rather mistakenly) as a poet’s poet. ‘This is not true, for the balance of his genius is not swung to the side of metrical experimentation. No purple passages clog his journeyings. He is occupied with and troubled by life;. and if, at times, his attitude appears icily sequestered and severe it is because of an admirable repression that reveals more than it conceals in a final analysis. He can say more in two lines than most poets can in several verses. It is idle to. conjecture why he returned to Malory for poetic material. Both Merlin and Lancelot, if they are approached in the proper spirit, are their own vindication. Mr. Robinson sought a frame-work whereon to hang a picture of the times. His canvas was epical and he needed tremendous scaffolding. The profound collapse of the old _ orders in Europe, the spectacle of great kings lying prone in the scattered dust of dynasties, the inexorable blossom- ing of a new Light that is yet to outshine the antiquated watch-towers of crumbled kingdoms, were implacable in their demands upon his meditative mind. Casting about him for a theme to fit the subject he found nothing nearer than the Arthurian legends, and their general ‘trend fitted his mood so remarkably well that there was nothing else to do but mould them to his objectives. To blame Mr. Robinson for not following in the footsteps of Tennyson would be pointless. Mr. Robinson did not aim to write idyls; he presented that universal fatalism that anything builded on a false foundation may not endure. His latest book, Lancelot, is compact with this fatalism. _Mr. Robinson’s vision is somber; it is marked by an un- comprising consistency in the handling of eternal values. In Lancelot the ruin and disaster so vividly prophesied in Merlin come to their terrible fruition. Arthur’s kingdom topples and falls, a splendid glittering edifice precariously balanced upon worm-eaten foundations. . The old sins of the king come back to smite him; the threads of Destiny snap from his feeble fingers. It was impossible for him to shape an empire to his heart’s desire for his heart had not been inspired at its begetting. After the Queen has been saved from the stake by Lancelot and Gawaine’s two brothers have been slain in the conflict, Arthur muses: ‘The King has had his world, And he shall have no peace. With Modred here, And Agravaine with Gareth, who is dead With Gaheris, Gawaine will have no peace. Gawaine or Modred—Gawaine with his hate, THE NEW REPUBLIC July 28, 19. Or Modred with his anger for his birth, And the black malady of his ambition— = Will make of my Round Table, where was drawn The circle of a world, a thing of wreck And yesterday—a ficuhave forgotten ; _ And I, who loved the world as Merlin did, © May lose it as he lost it, for a love 4 That was not peace, ‘aaa therefore was not love, B ee, 1% 3 5 ~ 2 = 1% A cold light is dawning on him now. Fate returns int form of his illegitimate son, Modred. Even love may ni be swayed; Guinevere is a flaming remonstrance to h attempts. Lancelot, shaken with human passions and d sirous for that which is not to be desired, loses the Ligk and follows phantoms in the darkness. There is war sudden death, treachery and the terrific destruction of : Bi parently indomitable things. ‘The old order must be swe] away entirely to make place for the new. It must go kh not because of the reason that Tennyson saw—the vi and treachery of those that Arthur loved most. It mus go because Arthur himself was blind to the falsity of h building, because he was unconscious of the insecure founda a tions upon which he depended. ‘There is guilt all around the guilt of humanity, of falling into the snares of life, 6 doing a thing because it was the easiest thing to do. Mr Robinson’s Lancelot ends with not a vestige left of th things that were; there is only Lancelot riding alone int the darkness in search of that Light once seen by Galahat To seek for a message in a poet is a gesture that ha become outdated. he modern poet does not admit the ti itl of prophet; he is an expositor, he proclaims life and h self. Analyst and dissector, he turns more and more 4 implacably zealous eye on the soul. Poetry, from bet 7 flaming torch in the dark places of the world, has p + translated itself into an acid. The poet presents, analyses weighs and values. It is not the fashion to “nourish ; a ethical unrest” any longer. From a prophet he has becom a commentator of the times. It is because of this « modern attitude that any handling of ancient mytholegic or legendary themes is viewed with suspicion. In the « cai of Mr. Robinson the reader’s hasty doubts may be s rest. His modernity is that subtle and lofty compreh« i of the shifting of transient values about the monument verities. His objective is the soul and it is always the no ern febrile unsatisfied soul of: contemporary life. Int ul pulse of Lancelot beats our own passion; Guinevere spe with the voice of Tomorrow. . Years ago Richard Hovey expressed a truth that mig h almost be taken as Mr. Robinson’s attitude toward I In Hovey’s The Quest of Merlin, the Norns singing t neath Yggdrasil proclaim: treme Only the unthought thought, O man, Is thine own and the deed foreborne. Thou canst neither love nor doubt But the doubt and the love alike Pass into the infrangible weft of the world That we weave with inexorable fingers. What our fathers begin, we finish; it is as true today it was in Arthurian times. . ( Leaving aside the symbolism implicit in Lancelot, a ge cn : ous measure of praise is due the psychological aspen i. love between Guinevere and the Knight. It is care worked out in unforgettable lines. Lancelot recognize $ Queen as “Too far to touch but too fair not to fell and it is Fate that drives him toward her. But
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F 28, 1920 er mbling of the kingdom Guinevere comprehends the ic part she has played. She realizes that Lance.ot for- o true Light, the Light that Galahad saw, to fo'low rhite and gold. The last parting of the two in the nery at Almsbury is exquisite in its nuances of sad ton and final sacrifice. She sends Lancelot bark into darkness alone, sure now that he will follow the Light ther beauty obscured for atime. He sees her pale hands white flowers falling into a grave and knows that she 7 oe out of his life only to enter it in a greater way. ‘ the Light falls, death falls;” sounds the Voice ears, “And in the darkness comes the Light.” Ve must suppose that it comes to him then, comes ugh the dark forest of human passions into that quiet ce where eternal things endure. d are washed away, only the absolute remains—a founda- n for a new world to be built on. a Hunseet S. GorMAN. Animal Life The Secrets of Animal Life, by J. Arthur Thomson. w York: Henry Holt & Co. ‘ PHIS i is a biologist’s sledeclibiook, to be opened and en- ; _joyed at random, an assemblage of brief essays ginally published in the New Statesman, whose readers : author periodically keeps in touch with the latest ad- ces of his science. Many of the chapters bear the racter of reviews summarizing recent technical literature, ers are prompted by seasonal reflections taking a biolog- turn. Professor ‘Thomson possesses many qualities of tideal popularizer. He has a keen sense for the human erest side of natural phenomena, and while thoroughly lined in the ways of the laboratory he mingles with the erimentalist spirit that old-fashioned delight in nature lich constitutes so much of Fabre’s charm. His attitude wards the outer world may, indeed, be best characterized tthe German epithet gemiitlich : it has a genial personal we that is noticeably lacking in the writings of most Qdern scientists. He can, of course, discuss at pleasure : problems of heredity and evolution in current academic raseology. But of a summer evening he does not disdain stroll across the Scotch moor in Wordsworthian mood, aining to get into intimate contact with fauna and flora, king for the hedgehog’s call and the song of the lark. T his trait may have a purely temperamental basis that fuld require utterance in any event, but more probably is somehow connected with a distinctly though not ob- vely teleological strain ‘in the author’s philosophy, of ick the purposiveness of the universe forms a cardinal mt. To that extent, of course, it savors of scientific esy. But it would be a grievous error to suppose that Ofessor Thomson mingles sentimentalism or theology with ‘natural science. From that pitfall a robustious British dgment happily preserves him. ‘Though fortunately he pis poetical, moods and allows us to enjoy them in his ny, the basic element in his mental constitution is, Ball. sober common sense. Accordingly, there is no ins ystead of being injected in place of established mechan- [explanations are relegated to that dim hinterland where mee and speculation meet. ; an ethical counterpart to Professor Thomson’s com- sense looms his scrupulous fairness in exposition. One 4 recalls his highly creditable article on German con- THE NEW Human frailties fall © idlin Piwdting over beast and landscape, and metaphys- — KREEOUBLIC 260 tributions to science at a time when more hysterical schol- ars in Allied countries attempted to belittle the enemy’s cultural achievements. It is not surprising to find the author free from bigotry in the less delicate moot-problems of biology. Thus, the treatment of neo-Lamarckian ex- perimentation is most generous considering his very decided repudiation of the doctrine that acquired traits are in- heritable. As a matter of fact, Professor Thomson is prone to carry the virtue of gentlemanly appreéciativeness to excess. -His tacit motto seems to be the Leibnitzian “Je ne méprise presque rien,” a splendid sentiment but not readily adapted to non-Olympian exigencies. In this respect his attitude recalls that of John Morley’s Recollections with its kindly allusions to practically every person the autobiographer has ever met and every author he has ever read. At first we are charmed by such universal benevolence, but ultimately it begins to pall and one longs for rather more vivid characterization of individual merit, for a somewhat sharper discrimination between the great and the good, the good and the mediocre. It is true that in the present volume such judgments are wholly subordinate to the presentation of facts and the interpretations suggested by them, so that Professor Thomson’s is a venial fault. Yet stronger in- dividualizing along the lines indicated would have added not a little to the liveliness of this instructive and generally | admirable volume. | Rosert H. Lowrie. Research in Industry The Organization of Industrial Scientific Research, by ; C. B. Kenneth Mees, D. S. C. New York Me cere Hill Book Co. T is a significant fact that our federal government spends considerably less than one per cent of its total budget on research into ways and means of harboring and improving material resources. And it is no less significant that with the ending of the war an excellent book should appear, devoted to the exposition of the nature, types, ad- ministrative methods and cost of industrial research. For the imperative need of technical improvement in manufac- turing processes is being realized today with an enthusiasm never before displayed. Inevitably, as American industry develops away from the small scale, rule-of-thumb business, as it comes into competition with foreign industries and as the necessity for an abundance of cheap goods is felt, attention is turned to the several methods of reducing unit cost. The collection of an orderly array of facts, experiments : on the basis of a tentative hypothesis, establishment of work- ing principles—this scientific procedure has brought clarity | and improved control in the fields of salesmanship, account- ing, personnel administration, production planning and scheduling. But despite enormous technical gains in con- trol over process formula in the last ten years, American industry is still relatively unadvanced in the radical appli- cation of research methods to the chemistry, physics and mechanics of manufacturing. Yet it is unquestionably in this direction that some of the largest savings and gains in productivity are to be assured. ~ No one, for example, unfamiliar with the extent to which precise measuring and recording instruments are used in > Germany and unused here, can appreciate how unstandard- ized our processes and formulae are and how backward are
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Were. he Tp 4 ae . Pie ae) ‘ . as ae J 261 our methods for knowing accurately what we are doing in the factory. The need for this research is well set PaaS by Mr. Mees. It will assist in “the elimination of manufacturing trouble; - group. of cooperating manufacturers. the investigation of possible new methods; the development of standard methods of testing or specification for the pur- chase of raw material; the investigation of new industrial propositions for which the value has not been commercially established; the investigation of new methods of using rroducts or of improved methods of operating for the benefit of the customers of the firm; fundamental scientific research having the important bearing on the technique of the sub- ject with which the industrial corporation is concerned.” Results of research along these lines have a value not only in the individual corporation but to the whole con- suming world. Indeed, the basic need for productivity and its large dependence on further scientific study is be- ing recognized by the organized workers themselves: And in the last annual convention of the American Federation of Labor they went on record as believing that “a broad program of scientific and technical research is of major importance to the national welfare and should be fostered in every way by the federal government, and the activities of the government itself in such research should be adequately and generously supported in order that the work may be greatly strengthened and extended.” The major problem in connection with industrial re- search is not, then, so much to convince ourselves of its need, as to provide adequately for meeting the need. Dif- ferent types of laboratory are required for different types of research problems, as Mr. Mees points out. He himself lists seven; but wisely gives substantial evidence to his discussion of the cooperative laboratory—one run by a It seems clear that as national trade associations become stronger they can by working in close conjunction with the research agencies of the federal government assume the largest part of the burden of industrial analysis. Moreover, our governmental research bodies, like the Bureau of Standards and the Bureau of Mines, must be strengthened and extended. The fine professional pride now prevalent and the high quality professional and business circles. of work already-done in these bureaus, are in a fair way to be extinguished by meager appropriations. Only the other day another able research bureau chief, after wait- ing for several years for a rightfully expected increase, re- signed to take work with a private company at more than double his present salary. Mr. Mees’ book is unwittingly a brief for the iaaat public support of such men as these indispensable but’ re- ticent civil servants. It is a brief for greater generosity publicly and privately in behalf of industrial research. It is a brief for extending scientific control to that phase of manufacturing work where quality is measured and where all economies in process can be discovered. Clearly, force- fully, tersely written, this book merits a wide reading in be Maureen, by Patrick MacGill. M. McBride & Co. REQUENTLY in modern popular fiction the deus ex machina appears just in time to save the family plate, the hero’s life, the ingenue’s virtue, or whatever happy consummation may be desired; but in Maureen this convenient god swoops in, tears lover from lover, New York: Robert THE NEW REPUBLIC siaedeiy three characters, and departs leaving the ‘gasping with surprise. child who is so innocent of everything including land valu straint that operates upon diction and plot equally. _of experimentation, he comes home to settle down. Bu July 2 ’ The novel ‘essays too much. It gives pungently scenes from Irish village life. It affords some hint of t backfires from the European war. It considers the Fein movement. It tells in much detail how to mak potheen (equivalent of moonshine). It draws some co - ful portraits. But unfortunately it aims to unite all the elements upon a romantic, old-fashioned, and melodramat plot. ; Maureen is the high-spirited heroine, an_illegitimat Sin that’she sells the old farm for a pittance to Columb Ruag She leaves the parish because of the brand of outcast ‘a her, and because of her love for Cathal Cassidy who | like the young Washington of the school-books. | There i also Eamon na Sgaddan of the older generation. He i constantly being harried by Columb, the miser-villain, w t has some inside information on Eamon’s private life. I time, however, Eamon goes to his reward, Maureen if ‘is persuaded to return to the parish, and Cathal renews hi successful wooing. Perhaps at this point the author realize the too standardized course of the story, and hence t : in the unnecessary and far-fetched catastrophe. . The plot, obviously, is of secondary value in Maure on. Yet it is so persistently present that it interferes with th effective sketches presented for our consideration. , Sinn Fein movement is touched upon, but that is all. We learn of it as something embraced especially by the younger generation, like the tickle-toe. We get little hint of | it causation or inevitability. a Perhaps one expects too much because of the heritag at Synge, Yeats, Dunsany, Gregory, AE, and other ¢ cat of the immediate past and present in Trish ineravarel in Maureen there is considerable alloy, yet much good metal and some precious. But the whole thing needs fusing. 4 eS ul The Rolling Stone, by C. A. Dawson-Scott. New York Alfred A. Knopf. q N The Rolling Stone, Mrs. a has dom an astonishing thing—she has produced an almost in credibly even book. ‘There is not a single sentence thal is patently absurd, not a paragraph that is impossible. An this even-minded quality is by no means limited to th writing. Neither in concept or character, in action 01 setting is the stolidity of the book shaken. There is a fe Rolling Stone is predominately a competent book. . It is the story of a middle-class Englishman, from ch Ic hood through his wanderings, until, middle-aged and wear intrinsically, the worn analogy of the title has intrigu the author, and Harry King, after his infancy, neve achieves humanity. a The reader is informed that King is ‘diflerentam ventional—an experimenter—a fierce, strong individual, b b he disproves his creator’s statement. He is always cot ventional. The creed is inarticulate, but the attitude the method—is ready-made and inflexible. No amo i a scene shifting changes this conventional person. No spifi ual adventure penetrates his dogmatism. The Boer Ww might have been an iron foundry, or syphilis a flea-bite; f all the development Harry King _ experiences. M aii ' iz ¥ ies
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; ny ee, 4 WN pee ce Pre Pey ert ae ee yee} PUT Sop ea ee “eit a aS : ; ' bay res ee : x pews 4 yA) ; ‘ . \" ‘ P eRe el y et BEA PAF \ | ry om me een y 28, 1920 Fpca-Scott sends him over a good part i the world, h es him into various social strata; he draws a good EY or is starving, meets virtuous women and assorted st: titutes—but never does his own thinking. Ex cathedra, he is declared a physical creature, but it incredible that any man should escape all mental inter- ‘has more subjective adventure than King. The real ason for this lack of humanity in the hero is to be found ‘the author’s writing. If the book has no weaknesses, ither has it passion or exaltation. If it is not absurd, ither is it poignant, exotic, or brilliant. It moves steadily ward, never wandering ; it is competent, well-fed, with- it beauty of conception or expression. It is realism with- it passion or accuracy. An elongated, slightly prurient, | pages. As Coquelin added, it is ‘preetty good.” | R. V. A. S. Words In Pain, published by Gerald Michael Bishop, ondon. The author of these oe is an invalid, suffering from n incurable disease. Yet there is little subjectivity or f-pity in the book. On the contrary the author reso- it y casts away many of the props that often sustain jose who feel themselves in the presence of death. Pos- ssed of a rationalistic turn of mind she rejects orthodox ligion in any form. Most of the letters are written to er doctor, who is apparently a devout church member. e absurdity and cruelty of the literal Heaven and Hell, id the weakness of Christianity in teaching men to rely lindly upon supposititious divine aid, rather than to de- end upon themselves. She denounces the cowardice and pscurantism of the churches, their practice of reaching out iter children when they are young, of marking off cer- in realms of thought as forbidden ground. ‘The author is preoccupied with literature as well as hilosophy. ‘The poetry of Swinburne and Henley seems )have appealed to her very strongly, and she frequently entions George Meredith. She is passionately fond of er children. Her theories of education are distinctly lib- tarian. She believes in according the child as much free- gm as possible, and in encouraging the good rather than pressing the evil impulses. a deep horror of immorality, and insists upon the ecessity of thorough education in sex matters. : Words In Pain possesses the value that is siedchea to ery sincere piece of self-revelation. It is the record of ‘mind that, without being profound, is clear and candid ad kindly. And it is the record of a very courageous a Wi HEC Contributors 4 SAMUEL C. Cuew is professor of English at Bryn Mawr College. 4 ‘T. H. McKer is on the faculty of the Cine School of _ Applied Science. 5 ‘ELIzaBeTH REYNOLDS Hapcoop has travelled extensively in Russia and has made a particular study of that country. THE NEW rence. Zola’s pork butcher is not an ethereal spirit but urgeoise conception of success, failure, and struggle fills | le attacks his dogmatic faith mercilessly. She points out At the same time she pro- } REPUBLIC pie EDUCATIONAL A Worthwhile Position Such as a competent, well trained secretary to a big executive, pays a good beginning salary. A still greater salary and responsi- bility awaits the person who trains for the secretarial position at the Washington ., School for Secretaries. This School is so fitted with equipment and gives such a training as to make the future secretary, not only a competent secretary, but an office efficiency expert. Let us give you detailed information. Phone: Main 5832 THE WASHINGTON SCHOOL FOR SECRETARIES 1419 F Street, N. W. Washington, D. C. John H. Williame H, K. Hathaway MANAGEMENT CONSULTING ENGINEERS — Philadelphia Homer Folks’ New Book _ THE HUMAN COSTS | OF THE WAR “Like Gibbs’ Now it Can Be Told, and Keynes’ Economic Consequences of the Peace,’ says The 4 Survey,“ this is a book to be owned and read—and ¢ like them it is readable. Mr. Folks’ subject is as Q, /, important as theirs, and his competence is un- O ve questionable . . . What we have is not a suc- cession of harrowing scenes, but the real ex- planation of what happened to the people.” Y," @ Here is a book for every thinking man , pranxiin Sa., seller, or fill out the coupon at- O ) New York tached and mail to the publish- &, ’Y enclose $2.40 ers. The book is fully illus- 6 * to cover all trated, cloth bound, and costs © if peg ase ctia’ 2.25 met, or $2.40 post- ey fa , THE HUMAN anes COSTS x “ OF THE WAR i By Homer Folks. r HARPER & BROTHERS a Lt ca oe ar ae ” Est. 1817 —=-_——_——CisiC« ane netnnneennneneneenanteneesannesennennesienensnensnensnenane NEW YORK
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It THE NEW REPUBLIC POSITION WANTED as Employment Manager; Gradu- ate Harvard Divinity School, Congregational Minis- ter; Chaplain U. S. Army; Advisor U. S. Federal Board Vocational Education; State Secretary impor- tant Western State in Interchurch Cooperation. Athletic, trained in psychology, four years’ experi- ence as business manager; thirty-five years of age. Perfect health, established character. Address Box 59, New Republic, 421 W. 21st St., New York City. POSITION WANTED—Young woman, University gradu- ate, energetic and ambitious. Three years experience col- * lege teaching, one year’s general office work. Selling, pub- lishing, employment management, or travelling position preferred. Speaks French, somé knowledge of Spanish and. typewriting. Address Box 18, New Republic, 421 West 21st Street, New York City. BOOKS & AUTOGRAPHS. Catalogues post free. Early Printed Books. Old English Authors. Classics. Arts. Modern First Editions, etc. R. ATKINSON, 188 Peckham Rye, E. Dulwich, S. E. London, England. Please mention THE New ReEpusBtLic when writ- ing to our advertisers. Bie thd August 1920 ; FICTION: The Thieves James Stephens The Ci-Devant, A Play M ichael Arlen ARTICLES: London Letter Edward Shanks Shakespeare the Truthteller Romain Rolland MEMOIRS: Thus to Revisit... Ford Madox H ueffer POETRY: Illuminations | Law Rimbaud Six Poems William Carlos Williams The Art of Poetry Richard Aldington ABOUT BOOKS: Psychical Research This Simian World Hilda and the Unconscious Louis Untermeyer Joseph Jastrow Robert Littell ART: River Scene: China Une Maison Emanuel Fay Four Literary Studies Stuart Davis - The Winter of Our Discontent Henry McBride 157 And eight other titles which you can read at the news-stand. THE DIAL PUBLISHING CO., 152 W. 13th St., New York Please send me THE DIAL for one year and the book I have checked: — «--The Rescue, by Joseph Conrad. for $4.75. --The Golden Whales of California, by Vachel Lind- say, for $4.60. ---Fantastics, by Lafcadio Hearn, for $4.6 «..tThe Economic nr pcg of the a nt by John Maynard Keynes, for $5.0 Enclosed ay Jerome Blum ‘matical English that no layman can fail to understand... .. “The new theory of gravitation which has rocked the foundation ‘s 7 i % ‘ oA it Tea > o- in ee. VS > i Ce! vt | iL. sl tats tn 4 eet) ie BGI ip @ we + “ea a \ Se { ; Nie . { rR 7 Rn kt es 2 \, July 28, 1921 Advocate of Peacel Monthly Official Organ American Peace Society, | | Founded 1828 Edited where national and interna-_ tional currents converge. Favors a “law governed world, a peace through justice. Furnishes news, texts of state papers, | | articles by specialists, and reasoned editorial opinions about the world © that is and is to be. Arthur Deerin Call, Editor George Perry Morris, Asst. Editor SE OE De Cae a At OEE REP OOM rare Se rs Dee ee ae Mail your subscription today $1.50 American Peace Society . 612, 613, 614 Colorado Bldg. Washington, D. C. From NEWTON to EINSTEIN An account in clear, understandable English of ¢ ; changing ise cai of the universe. Benjamin Maiesia Ph. D. ‘Mr. Harrow gives us Hinstein in clear, simple, non- -mathe- This book is one of the clearest accounts of a theory which h i already become epoch-making.’’—N. Y. Tribune. bis, “From Newton to Hinstein’ is an intellectual journey of much interest, and Dr. Harrow’s book is a good guide for the read : who is making the trip for the first time.”’—J. Q. Stewart In the New York Evening Post. : ‘It would be difficult to imagine a clearer or ‘more simply ex= pressed exposition of the recent discoveries of Himstein. .... of science is so graphically explained that there is little excus : for misunderstanding it..... This is a little book that will be very welcome to all who want a knowledge of a theory which s bound to affect scientific progress in the future. It is quite nor : mathematical and is fascinating in the possibilities it suggest even to the layman.’’—N. Y. Evening Mail. fs 84 Pages, Portraits and Illustrations ‘a $1.00 at your Bookseller or from | ‘a D. Van Nostrand Company PUBLISHERS AND BOOKSELLERS i 8 Warren Street, New York. | a SCHOOL OF ORIENT AL LANGUAGES—Arabie, Per sian, Turkish, Hindustanee, etc. Terms moderate. Profeseor M. SADIQ (Ahmadi Missionar), 1897 Madyg son Avenue (123rd St. : New York City. a i