The Historical Magazine, and Notes & Queries Concerning the Antiquities, History and Biography of America (November, 1867)
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Vol. II. Skconp Sertzs.] _ .—REMINISCENCES OF ‘OLD BROOKLYN.” READ BEFORE THE Lona IsLAND HIstTorIcan Society, May 16, 1867, By CotoneL THomas F. Dr Vor. In accordance with the invitation of your Com- mittee, I have the honor of presenting myself _ this evening, not merely as a voluntary contribu- tor but as a debtor, anxious, as far as I can do so, to repay you for many favors which I have re- ceived and for many pleasant hours agreeably _ spent in your well-filled halls. I am sensible that you entertain no claim on me or my services in return for the honors which you have conferred on me or the facilities for study which you have afforded ; but I consider it incumbent upon each and every one who makes use of such collections as yours to offer some return for the advantages for study which are so frecly offered; and in ac- cordance with that conviction, after my ownstyle, _Irespectfully present myself to discharge a por- tion, at least, of my own obligation. __ No one can witness your collections without becoming satisficd that the labor of gathering and _ arranging them for exhibition has been very great ; yet few can understand the study which has been ‘Tequisite to make them available to the student or useful to the casual observer. _ The proper classification of such materials is a work which very few can properly perform: of _ the labor of gathering them together, from nooks and corners, from cellars and garrets, from at home and abroad, from the mountain-top and the depths of the sea, no one can give a faithful description or convey to you a correct idea of its extent or its burdens. _ Imay, with justice, say that the zealous labors _ of your officers and members have secured for you ~amost valuable apparatus for the student, in more than one branch of knowledge; that you are capa- ble of offering rare opportunities, to all who shall seek information within your halls; and that the ‘Wold is indebted to you, far more than it will 3 oy recompense. For myself, I can do little more than recognise the debt which I owe to hee and other similar Societies; and with my heartfelt thanks, for the friendly co-operation _ Hist. MAG., VOL. 1. 17 NOVEMBER, 1867. THE HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [No. 5 which I have enjoyed, I turn to the duty which has been assigned to me. In collecting the nfaterials for a part of the second volume of The Market Book, Brooklyn, your rapidly growing city, demanded from me. a place on the record, for a portion of her history, which I promised when I sent forth to the world the title page of the first volume of that work, now lying upon your shelves. When this promise was made, I had prepared only a short sketch of the subject, which Iconcluded would occupy the | portion of the second volume assigned to it; but the great rebellion stopped its progress, and, now, instead of two volumes, I fear it will develope it- self into a third. With these few remarks, let us. elance back to the settlement of New Amsterdam, now New York. ; The first Dutch settlers began at an early day, to trade with the Indians for their products, which were composed principally of peltries or furs, game, fish, and a few species of grain and vegetables. This trade brought many of the various tribes of Indians from different localities. about the Island of Manhattan ; and, no doubt, those from Long Island furnished a great deal of the food which was required, since around its. shores were found wild fowl and fish, in abun- dance; while the prolific lands, back from the shores, were easily cultivated and brought forth a surplus, which, at that early period, was in de- mand by those early settlers, who had not yet made much progress in its cultivation. These prolific and attractive lands, found so near the Town of Manhattan, engaged the atten- tion of the Governor, who closed a purchase with the then friendly Indians ; and thus, under his pro- tection, a strong inducement was. held out to some of the early traders and agriculturists, who became the first European settlers on Long Island. In favorable localities, they erected their low wooden buildings, roofed with reeds and straw ; and built their huge fire-places with stones and mud, on the tops of which they added wooden chimney-flues, which protruded several feet above the combustible roofs. Then, in consequence of the want of proper farming materials, but little ,and was at first cultivated; their chief depend- es
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258 HISTORICAL ance for food being yet upon the abundance of game and fish. Other settlers, however, soon followed with farm stock—Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Goats, Hogs and implements of husbandry ; these, with an in- creased trade and the necessary travel of crossing and recrossing the East River, led the Indians and others to enter into private ferrying. The Indians, no doubt, many years before this settle- ment had selected the shortest route or passage across, as well as the best landing place on each side of the river; and thus these original thorough- fares were early established. The one on the eastern, or Long Island, shore, perhaps, was chosen as being the nearest to their main path which led from the river, through and over the rough or broken hills into their cultivated lands or, hunting grounds, in the interior. These broken hills, probably, originated the first name of BREUCKELEN by the Dutch settlers, un- less it was thus called after an ancient Dutch vil- lage of that name, in the Province of Utrecht, in Holland. This name, Breuckelen, continued with it many years, but with different ways of spelling ; how- ever, we find in 1688, when the several towns were organized, the name appears changed to BROOKLAND; afterwards, and during the Revolu- tion, it was known as BRooKLYNg#E; and, finally, it ended in its present mode of spelling and pronun- ciation, BRooKLYN. : The Ferry-landing, on the Brooklyn shore, early became an attractive place for the erection of small trading stores and public houses, which were occasionally much patronised, especially when violent storms or very severe weather detained the private ferrymen as well as the anxious passen- gers, who were then obliged either to make the best bargain in a trade at the stores, or put up with such accommodations as were offered in these public houses. These early ferrymen, being under no regula- tions or restrictions, were often found guilty of extortion or neglect ; and it became so onerous to travellers, that they complained to the authorities, who, in 1654, established certain Rules and Regu- lations, which were thus proclaimed : ‘* Daily confusion occuring among the Ferrymen ‘* on Manhattan Island, so that the inhabitants are ‘* wasting whole days before they can obtain a ‘* passage, and then not without danger, and at *¢an exhorbitant price, it is ordered, That no per- ‘*son shall ferry from one side of the river to the ‘* other without a License from the Magistrates, ‘*under a penalty.” - The Ferry charge for each. person was three stuyvers, but double for an Indian; for a wagon, or cart, with horses or oxen, two florins, ten stuyvers ; for a hog, sheep, buck, or goat, three stuyvers ; for a horse, or four-footed horned beast, one MAGAZINE. [November florin, ten stuyvers; and for a keg of butter, ¢ any thing else, six stuyvers; and the Ferryme were not obliged to ferry any thing over until they were paid ; nor during a tempest ; nor when they carried sail ; nor after the re cular hours; ual they was allowed double ferriage. But all pe invested with authority, were exempt from th toll. “ The year following, 1655, the Ferry privill came into the possession of Egbert Van Bors who, in the month of April, contracted to build Ferry-house, which is thus described: ‘‘ We, C ‘* penters, Jan Corneilesen, Abraham Jacobsen, ar ‘« Jan Hendricksen, have contracted to construct “house over at the Ferry of Egbert Van Borsui ‘‘Ferryman, thirty feet long “and eighteen fee ‘‘ wide, with an outlet of four feet, to placei ‘it seven girders, with three transom windc ‘and one door in the front, the front to I ‘¢ planed and grooved, and the rear front to ha} ‘¢boards overlapped in order to be tight, wi ‘‘door and windows therein; and a floor ar ‘*oarret grooved and planed beneath (on t ‘under side); to saw the roof thereon; and, more ‘* over, to set a window-frame with a glass lighti “‘ the front side; to make chimney-mantel, and “« wainscot the fore-room below, and divide iti ‘the centre across with a door in the partition ‘¢to set a window-frame with two glass ligh ‘therein; further, to wainscot the east side tl ‘* whole length of the house, and in the rece ** two bedsteads, one in the front room and one ‘¢the inside room, with a pantry at the end ‘*the bedstead; a winding staircase in the fon ‘*room. 7 ‘‘ Furthermore, we, the Carpenters, are bout ‘¢to deliver all the square timber—to wit—beam ‘¢nosts, and frame timber, with the pillar i | ‘‘ winding staircase, spars, and worm, and girder ‘‘and foundation timber required for the we ‘¢also the spikes and nails for the interior work ‘‘also rails for the wainscot are to be deliver ‘* by us. 4 A For which work Egbert Van Borsum is top “‘ five hundred and fifty guilders” (two hundre and twenty dollars,) ‘‘one third in Beavers, ¢ ‘*third in good merchantable wampum, one thi ‘in good silver coin, and free passage over t “Perr y, so long as the work continues, and 87 “beer to be drunk during work.” ‘ There was also a cellar kitchen built under t house, which appears to have cost ‘‘ One hundn ' ‘‘ onilders, together with one whole good ¢ ** skin.” This building was finished, and, soon aft became a Tavern of some importance, as well a Ferry-house. The records of the Burgomast and Schepens, show this fact in the followi entry, made in 1658: —-‘‘Eaperr Van Bors ‘sues Captain Beaulieu, Nicholas Bout, Ja i
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" 1867.) - *fother defendants should pay their share. Jacob _ * Huger says, he was invited by the Captain. Felle ‘declares the same. Beaulieu says, there were -**fourteen of them, and he was to pay one half, **the others, the remaining portion of the ex- _**penses. Annetje Van Borsum says, the Captain _*alone made the agreement, and she looks to "him. Whereupon the Court condemns him to **pay the same,” or the whole amount. After the death of old Van Borsum, his widow, _ Annetje, continued the business of Tavern-keeper and mistress of the Ferry, for several years—the latter being under the direction of her son Her- manus; which fact is further proved by a suit brought against her, in 1660, by Paulus van der Beeck, a sworn butcher, who complains of the | Ferry-mistress, Mrs. Anneken Van Borsum, that “she took too much ferriage from him.” In her “answer, she says—‘‘ That her son, HERMANUS, who “is without, has better knowledge thereof; and “being called in, he says, that the Heer Fiscal told **him, he may take six stuyvers ferriage from “Seach person when ice is going.” _ The parties were recommended to settle their disputes among themselves. _ Among the early residents at the ferry were two other butchers, named THomas WILLET and “Witi1am Harcx, who occasionally brought meat across the river to supply the Manhattanese ; but ‘in consequence of their not paying the lawful ex- cise, Harck was called before the Court, in 1656, “when he stated, ‘‘ That he killed four cattle for “Mr. Thomas Willet o’er at the ferry, and he is “ignorant if he must pay excise for them.” He was ordered to pay, ‘‘ either himself or by Mr. * Willet.” __ These Ferry residents were considered a part of Brooklyn, or so it would appear from Dominie ‘Belyns letter, dated ‘‘4 October, 1660,” in which ‘he said—‘‘To Breuckelen appertans also the “Ferry, the Walebocht and Gujanus. I found “at Breuckelen 1 Elder; 2 Deacons; 24 mem- “bers; 31 Householders and 134 persons :—We “do not preach in any Church, but in a barn “and shall God willing erect a church in the “winter, by the co-operation of the people.” _ Governor Nichols’ Map of 1664, shows about a half-a-dozen houses near the Ferry ; while on the hill, back, a short mile, were a few more build- ings, which then constituted the principal settle- tent called BREUCKELEN. _ These early settlers, and those more particularly who were agriculturists, found much of the land on Long Island excellent for grazing purposes, and many soon turned their attention to stock faising. The breed of cattle which they had HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. _ “Huger, and Simon Felle ; demanding from Beau- _ “lieu three hundred and ten Florins, for an enter- _ **tainment given by the Captain at Van Borsum’s. _ “To thiscomplaint the Captain answers, that the | 259 brought with them from Holland appeared to do very well, and those, as Vanderdonk says, ‘* Which are kept in the highlands at Amersfoort, [Flatlands| ‘‘ where they thrive as well as in ‘‘ Holland: the increase is not quite as large, ‘* but the stock give milk enough, thrive well in ‘* pasture, and yield much tallow.” Thus it ap- pears that the Dutch cattle answered very well for the early settlers ; Lut, as soon as the English breeds were introduced, the difference between them was so marked, that the Dutch Cattle ‘‘ were ‘* held in small esteem, and were not so valuable ‘as they had heretofore been.” The latter were generally coarse-boned, beavy figured, slow to work, and not hardy; while the English breeds were quick in movement, with a handsome figure, more easily acclimated, and, withal, required less care and provender. The introduction of the English cattle by the New Englanders, was looked upon, by some of the Dutch authorities, in 1642, as being ‘‘near- ‘*sighted and destructive to the improvement of ‘‘their own stock ; and that the English should ‘*not be permitted hereafter to sell either Cows ‘‘or Goats within the Dutch jurisdiction.” The Governor thought so too, and acceded to their wishes; but this order was afterwards rescinded. by Governor Stuyvesant ; and soon after a great improvement was perceptible in the breed of cat- tle. In 1675, the agricultural products, besides those of cattle, had so much increased that a Yearly Fair was ‘‘established in Breuckelen near ‘the Ferry, for all Grayne, Cattle, or other pro- ‘* duce of the Countrey, to be held the first Mun- ‘‘day, Tuesday, and Wednesday in November, ‘Cand in the City of New York, the Thursday, ‘* Friday, and Saturday following.” Near the Ferry-house, on the southerly side of the road, about where the present Elizabeth-street is located, a yard, or large pen, was enclosed to keep the fat and lean cattle, besides other live stock, which were brought to these exhibitions, usually for sale or barter; at other times, this enclosure was used for the yarding of cattle and other animals which had been purchased about the country by the butchers of New York and others, driven down to the Ferry, and if that was not ready for them to cross, placed in this pen, where they were sometimes kept thereseveral days, orun- til suitable weather or opportunity offered for their passage to thecity. In fact, a very large portion of the cattle, sheep, goats, and hogs consumed in New York, prior to 1750, were furnished by Long Island, or rather the Island of Nassau, as we find the latter name was officially given to it in the year 1692. In the month of March, of that year, Gover- nor Fletcher thus introduces the latter subject to the Council :
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260 HISTORICAL ‘‘Gentl. There is one small request to you ‘¢ which I hope will meet with noe opposition, ‘¢and that is, that the King’s name may live for- ‘¢ever amongst you. I would have a Bill passe ‘¢ for the calling Long Island the Island of Nas- ‘‘sau.” The Bill was read three times when it was assented to by the Couucil, and the Governor acknowledged it as follows: ‘* As for the Bill to ‘¢call Long Island the Island of Nassau, it mett ‘¢with some opposition amongst you: but I be- ‘‘leive it proceeded merely from ignorance : ‘* for the calling of that Island by a new name ‘‘ for the time to come, can noe wayes hurt or in- ‘‘jure any former grants or conveyances of lands: ‘¢T had no other design in proposing it unto you, ‘than that we might put some marke of respect “upon the best of kings which you have grant- sé ed.” In the proceedings of the General Assembly, on the sixth of September, following. —‘‘ 'The Bill for ‘‘ calling Long Island, the Island of Nassau, read ‘the second time and ordered to be engrossed ;” and by this name it was long after known, in the proceedings and other documents, but it never be- came otherwise popular. The increase of population in the town ap- peared quite slow up to the year 1700; in the settlement on the hill, however, there were several buildings added to it, some of which were large enough to accommodate the Councils, who many years after, met in them; but the main increase was in the several residences, stores, and other erections for business purposes, which rapidly grew up near the ferry-landing, and on the main road between the two settlements. This rapid growth, no doubt, was caused by the increased business there, and travel on the ferry. In 1699, anew brick ferry-house was ordered to be built at the ferry on Long Island side, the size to be—‘‘Front, twenty-four feet; depth, forty ‘feet ; cellar of stone ; two stories above ground ; ‘¢ first story, eight and one half feet high; second ‘‘story, seven and one half feet high; five ‘¢chimnies, with jambs, and the whole to cost four hundred and thirty-five pounds.” This build- ing and the ferry were leased to Rip Van Dam, for seven years, at one hundred and sixty-five pounds perannum. The next lease was taken by a Butcher named James Harding, who, in the agreement, was authorized to keep a House of Entertainment. In 1717, the ferry business had so much in- creased that two ferries. were established, both however running from the old landing place on the Long Island side: the old route was known as ‘¢ Toe Nassau Ferry ;” and the new one, which landed at Burger’s path, (Old Slip, New York,) and also at the Great Duck, (foot of the present Broad-street, New York,) was called ‘‘ Tue NEw «* YorK FERRY.” The main road leading from the Ferry at MAGAZINE. [November, Brookland, then knownas the ‘‘ Ktne's Hrenway,” was publicly laid out in 1704 ; but in the erection of new residences through the course of many years, some had trespassed upon the highway, and thus created much contention. The Records inform us that at the April term of the Gen- eral Session of the Peace of King’s County, in 1721, indictments were found for encroaching on the common highway of the King, leading from th Ferry to the Church, at Brookland, against John Rapelje, Hans Bergen, James Harding, and others. By this indictment it appears that the road should have been four rods wide ; some 6 the old inhabitants, howevey, in giving their eyvi- dence, somethreeyearsafter, said : ‘‘Thesaid road, ‘¢as it now is, has been so for at least these siaty ‘‘vears pust, without any complaint, either of the ‘‘inhabitants or travellers.” A law was the passed, establishing the road forever as it the was, from the Ferry upward to the town ¢ Breuckland, as far as the swinging gate of John Rapelje, just above the house and land belonging to James Harding. 3 These proceedings readily account for Fulton street, being so narrow and crooked in many places. No doubt, when this highway was firs opened, it was made to conform to the easie mode of rising the hill, and so it continued @ back, through its winding way, following eith the Indian paths or seeking the most favoral surface of the original grounds throughout th country. a There must have been a good deal of wild an uncultivated country, even as lately as 1717; fi we find in that year, an Act passed ‘‘ to enco ‘*the destroying of ffoxes and Wild Catts i ‘* King’s ” and Queens Counties. 4 Up to this period, several butchers have he noticed as living on Long Island, but there we many others who came afterwards, or rather we driven out, of the City of New York, by onerous law, passecl in the year 1676, which at y rious periods, had forced them into several m suitable buildings, called ‘‘ Pusiic SLAUGHTE ‘¢Houses.” For a period of one hundred and teen years, into some five different wooden ere tions, located at as many different places, all @ butchers of the city of New York, who liv within ceitain limits, were crowded ; and they found the honest and dishonest, the gentl man and ruffian, with the waiting and watchin, the mixing of cattle and their products, the vai ous kinds of imposition practiced, and the mist able regulations established in them, as well the high rates charged by the various lessees, § eral of the decendants of whom now grace 801 of the first families of our ill-governed city aer the river. ; a Many of these old butchers of New York, among the best classes of her citizens, being 7"
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1867.] HISTORICAL only men of substance, but enterprizing and intelli- gent, which no doubt, gave them an inward feel- ing that they were freemen, and wished to con- 4 duct their business as other good citizens and _ tradesmen were doing; and rather than submit to imposition they moved to Brooklyn, where many of them became prominent and among the most useful inhabitants in the place, and, without question, tended much to accelerate its early growth. Several of them for many years, were _ placed. in the highest offices, both civil and relig- - ious, in the town, village, and city. me, I beg leave to introduce to you several of the > early Dutch butchers of Breuckelen, as well as _ some of those of a more modern type, at the time _ when they first became known in the records: _ although there is little doubt that some of them _ were engaged i in business, many years before they _ were known in the various documents left to us. In the year 1645, PavLUs VAN DER BEECK _ appears; in 1654, RorLer JANsEN; in 1656, P Witttam Harck and Tuomas WILLET; in 1660, _ Prerer JANSEN; in1707, J ams HARDING: in1715, _ Evarpvus BROWER: in 1720, the brothers, IsRAEL and Trorny HoRsFIELD; followed by the sons _ of Israel; in 1735, Samuren Hopson; in 1748, JoHn _ and BENJAMIN CARPENTER; in 1755, WHITEHEAD _ CorNAut and his sons, Joun, WinLtAM, WHITE- _ HEAD, Junior, and BENJAMIN ; also the brothers Sepa or ScyDAM : in 1756, Tuomas Everrr and q his sons, W111, "Tuomas, Junior, aud RICHARD; _ together with MarrHEew GLEAVEs ; in 1760, JOHN _ Doveurty and his son, Jonn, J UNIOR: in 1774, Grorce Powers and Joram Post; in 1780, _ Jonn Garrison and his three sons, J oun, , JACOB, and Tuomas; together with GrERsHAM Luptow: in 1790, Burper STRYKER and his SONS ; after whomcame Aznren Trrus and his sons; Davip 'SeaMAN, Jacosp PatcHen, Raupu PATCHEN, _ JESSE CooPE, IsRAEL REYNOLDS, JOHN Raynor, ~ Winrram Foster, MICHAEL TRAPPEL, and many others of whom no doubt, there are those present who yet remember some who were quite promi- nent and worthy men. _ Perhaps a few incidents, or short sketches, of some of these old residents, will be acceptable to my hearers. __ As early as 1645, we find PAULUS VAN DER Beeck, in a slander suit with Catalyn Trico, which appears was settled by a withdrawal of the complaint. In 1653, van der Beeck was selected one of the Delegates from Br ooklyn, to meet in con- “vention at New York, to advance the interests of the Town of Brooklyn ; in 1657, he agreed to pay good stringed Wampum for the Excise rent; three years after, he was found in possession of some “twenty morgens of land in the Town of Breucke- den; and, in the same year, was appointed a sworn r atcher in the City in New York; in 1661, he mmed the Excise of Licenses for Tavern-keepers ; MAGAZINE. 261 and was also ordered to collect one-tenth of all the farmers products in Breuckelen. In 1668, he is found the ferry-master; and two years after, he appealed from the judgment of the Court of Breuckelen, which was reversed ; and in 1676, he © was found possessed of property, consisting of live-stock, land, &c., valued at one hundred and forty pounds, and considered ‘‘ well-off’ —in fact, there were only six others in the entire town who returned more than that amount, and the most wealthy of the residents was found with a property valued at only three hundred and thirty-one pounds. We now turn to RorLEr JANSEN, who, in 1654, obtained a Patent for twenty-five morgens of Land at Maspeth, Long Island: four years after, he was appointed a sworn butcher, and be- gan his business on Long Island, in or near the Town of Breuckelen. The trading operations of that day were some- times very curious; and Jansen appears to have been a troublesome one, especially with the far- mers for their stock. In the Court proceedings of 1673, it is said that ‘‘ Thomas Walton brings ‘*action against Roelef Jansen, butcher, for ‘‘sheep sold him.” Walton claimed ‘‘the quan- ‘tity of three ankers of Rum.” The Court con- demned Jansen to pay the same. Again, in the next year, Jansen was sued by David de Four, who demanded from him ‘‘the sum of ff 200, ‘¢(Florins) for an ox sold about two years ago, to ‘* the defendant, and offers to deliver to defendant ‘¢ a certain cow, which he bartered with defendant ‘* whenever he is paid.” Jansen says ‘‘that De ‘* Four di@ not deliver him the cow according to ‘agreement, notwithstanding he sent his child- ‘*yen for her divers times.” The Court ordered— ‘that Junsen shall pay De Four the demanded ‘*sum within eight days’ time, provided the Cow ‘‘be delivered to the plaintiff, at the time the ‘*same is paid, and that said cow shall mean- ‘* while run at defendant’s risk.” In 1656, appeared WiLu1AM Harck and Tomas WILLET, who were engaged in slaughtering cattle at Brooklyn, and when bringing their carcasses over to the city of New York, refused to pay the excise ; these, no doubt, were the first brought over by them. Harck, however, was summoned to appear before the Court, where, in answer to the charge, he said—‘‘ That he killed four cattle ‘‘for Mr. Tomas WILLET, o’er at the Ferry— ‘‘and he is ignorant if he must pay excise for ‘‘them.” The Court, after due deliberation, and, no doubt, under the influence of their long wisdom-pipes, rendered the decision that he must pay, ‘‘either himself or by Mr. Willet.” Thomas Willet afterwards became a heavy con- tractor for furnishing meat to the Government, and he also held many high Civil and Military offices under the same.
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262 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [November, In 1660, PrzTreR JANSEN, of Breuckelen, was ‘appointed a sworn butcher, and at the same time owned some twenty-five morgens of land in that place, which he had obtained a Patent for, three years before. In 1676, the valuation of this prop- erty, including his live stock, was assessed at one hundred and forty-eight pounds, ten shillings ; -and seven years after, we find the price of live stock had somewhat increased in its valuation ; but, at the same time, Jansen returned seven mor- gens of landless; after which we lose him from the Records. JAMES HARDING, in 1707, is found a lessee of the ferry at Breuckelen, which he held many years. He had purchased property near the swinging or toll-gate, on which he had erected a house so near the King’s highway, that it was complained of, in 1721. At this period he attended the New York markets with meat, which he slaughtered at Brookland ; and in 1725, he is again found in possession of the ferry, and residing in ‘‘ Edward ‘* Willet’s large well-finished brick house, near ‘‘ New York ferry, on Long Island, with a large ‘‘harn, well covered with cedar, a large, hand- ‘*some garden, and about ten acres of good land, ‘¢in a fine young orchard, finely situated, either _ ‘* for a gentleman’s country seat or apublic house, * whieh he vacated in 1782, and removed to his own premises, where, in 1738, he is found with eight in family. His name is occasionally found spelled HarpeEn, and afterwards it; was changed to ARDEN—the latter of which was adopted by some of the family, who removed to New York, where at least two were engaged in the profession _of their forefather. Weturn next to Evarpus Brower, who, in1715, is found attached to the Seventh Company of the Militia of King’s County; in 1738, he was returned from the Town of Brookland, with eight in family —all white persons. Two years after, a Commit- tee on Markets, inthe City of New York, informed the authorities—‘‘That one Evardus Brower, and ‘many others living on Nassau Island, who make ‘‘it their chief business to buy, kill, and sell “cattle, do daily come and take up stalls or ‘‘standings in the said Market house, without ‘* paying any thing forthe same. These butchers ‘‘ were all ordered to pay the usual and proper ** Tees,” In 1759, 60, and 61, Brower with several other prominent townsmen from Brookland, were found among the Grand Juries in the City of New York ; andso particular and exacting was the Court in carrying out its stringent rules, that for the least delinquency among ‘either its officers, jurors, or witnesses, the fines appear to have been en- forced without fear or favor. Brower is shown to have thus suffered on several occasions. By 1769, Brower made anassignment of his property to Thomas Everit, butcher, on Long Island, and asks to be discharged, and thus we leave him. 3 The next in succession are the brothers, IsRaER and Timorny HorsrieLp, the sons of Timothy Horsfield of Liverpool, England, where they we J born; Israel, on the four th of J anuary, 1696, and Timothy, on the nineteenth of April, 1706—old | style—so they arefound recorded in an old family Bible. is IsRAEL came to this country, in 1720; and on the thirteenth of December, of that year, he be came a freeman of New York. About three yee after, his brother Timothy arrived, and entail d into business with him, as a butcher. In a few years their trade, which was principally with the shipping, had increased so much that proper ac- commodations could not be obtained in the City of New York, and consequently they were obliged to secure the next most convenient place for slaughtering as well as for their residences. i r Island had furnished them, principally, with ¢ their live stock; and thus, with a favorable least se offered by the Corporation, in 1784, of a poral y of its land, lying on the Brooklyn shore, near the ferry they were induced to remov e there, where they built a wharf, large slaughtering place, and the necessary buildings for residences. The next year, they leased the two best stands (numbers One and Two) in the Old Slip Market, then located at tl lower end of the present Hanover Square, in th City of New York, where, daily, their slaves brought over their dressed meats, in their roy boats, directly to the ‘ Old Slip,” where it wat placed in wheelbarrows and conveyed to their stands. In 1738, Israel Horsfield returned ten-in family : from the Township of Brookland ; of which three were colored men—slaves. Three years after, th e brothers, with several other butchers, were unfortu- nate in having some of their slaves put to death, for being engagedin the ‘‘Great Negro Plot” of 1741. The “brothers, however, were very successful i business, and. purchased a large plot of ground on the hill, on the South side of the present Fulton street, Brooklyn, where they erected fine residences, somewhat after the English style of building. Timothy, afterwards, became a Moravian ; an¢ in the year 1750, he removed from Brooklyn we shall, however, refer to him again. Israel continued to:extend his business after : brother left. His son, Israel, Junior, having ar- rived at manhood, took charge of his father’s bt - ness, when the father erected a brew-house neat the ferry, and engaged in brewing ale and be In 1755, Israel, Senior, returned but one slavd named Tight « and in 1767, he advertised—‘‘ Ty ‘* negro men to be sold at the brew-house at Broo ‘‘land Ferry ;” and in the same year he had or
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among the inhabitants of Brooklyn. 1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 263 gale, ‘‘several lots of ground, bounding on the _ ‘river, convenient for store-houses or slaughter **houses ; also several dwelling houses, with their **jotsadjoining, and two slaughter houses ; likewise several up-lots of very excellent ground, fit for *nastureor garden, with asmall, pleasant summer- - house, commanding a most agreeable and ex- _ tensive prospect.” In 1772, we find the death _ of Israel Horsfield, Senior; and his real estate, consisting of a well built brew-house, malt-house, with a very convenient dwelling house, built and _ constructed after the English plan, with much _ other property, ‘‘ to be sold by his son, Thomas _ * Horsfield, near the premises.” IsRAEL HorsFreLD, Senior, left three sons, Israel, Junior, Thomas, and William. Israel, _ Junior, followed the footsteps of his father, as a _ butcher, but not with the same enterprise and success. _ In 1755, he was returned as the owner of one slave, called CHaLsEy; and, two yearsafter, he sup- ey Jacob Brewerton, living at the ferry, with f, to the amount of three pounds, eighteen _ shillings, and six pence, which was used for the French neutrals then staying at the house of _Brewerton, at Brookland. __. In 1769, the property of Israel, Junior, was advertised to be sold at the ferry, ‘‘ which con- _ **sisted of a house and lot of ground, slaughter- _. **house and barn ;” and two years after, there ap- _ peared for sale, ‘‘ five lots or parcels of ground, _. **at Brooklyn ferry, adjoining the house of Israel _ ‘Horsfield, Junior, situated on a rising ground __ ‘*which commands a prospect of the City of _ New York, and very commodious for gentle- “men to build small seats on, or for gardeners or __ * butchers.” _ The next year, 1772, there appeared, ‘‘ To let, _ **The large, new brick house, in which Israel _ **Horsfield, Junior, now lives, at the ferry; is _ ‘**very convenient for a butcher.” Soon after, we find Israel, Junior, engaged in brewing, with __ his brother Thomas; but I think he discontinued _ business before or during the Revolution, as we do not find him until 1783, when he appeared In 1790, he _ joined St. Ann’s Church; and in the month of _ October, 1805, his death was noticed in the - Records of that Church. _ Ini1764, his brother Thomas formed a partner- _ ship with JAMEes LEADBETTER; when theyadvertised _ for Barley and Oak-bark. The next year, they _ have for sale at their brewery, English Ale, Table, _ and Ship Beer ; but soon after they dissolved, when _ Thomas, again had ‘‘ Excellent Ship and Table *Beer, from the Long Island Brewery,” which was kept at the store of his brother, William, opposite to Lot & Son’s, in the City of New York ; q and, in 1778, Captain Thomas Horsfield had about _ :three thousand weight of excellent fresh ship- bread, for sale at Brooklyne ferry. The present Middagh-street was, at an early period, known as Horsfield-street. Returning to TimotHy HoRrsFIELD, we find, during the French and Indian war, in 1745, he was appointed Colonel of the Brookland Militia; but this appointment causing much envy he re- signed his commission. The next year, he adver- tised a horse lost, of a dark bay color, marked on the buttock, 8. I.; and soon after, by the death of one of his friends, Thomas Noble, a merchant, and a zealous Moravian, Colonel Hors- field was left to settle his estate. The effects of Noble were sold at vendue; and one of the orig- inal receipts for goods bought at that sale, signed by Timothy Horsfield, is now in my possession ; it will give you some idea of the man. In 1749, he announced, through the Press, a wish to settle his accounts, as ‘‘ he designs, in a few weeks to ‘*leave the Province ;” and the next year, he left Brooklyn for Pennsylvania. William C. Reichel, Esq., a historian of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, has kindly furnished me with the following sketch of Colonel Timothy Horsfield’s life, which is well worthy of record, as the example of a truly good man. He says of him: ‘‘In his seventeenth year, he came to Amer- ‘*ica, to his brother Israel, where he learned his ‘*profession. His residence was at the Old York ‘‘Ferry, Long Island. In 1731, he married ‘*Mary Doughty. In 1739, he was awakened ‘*by the preaching of Whitfield, who was then ‘‘in America. In 1741, he became acquainted ‘* with the Brethren, (Moravians,) who came from ‘* Georgia with their Pastor, Peter Boehler, when ‘*he joined the Brethren’s Church. In 1750, he ‘*removed to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, with his ‘*family, and there occupied the stone house, ‘built for him by the Brethren, which stood op- ‘* posite the grave-yard, now (1860) owned by ‘* John Outer. ‘‘ A few years after Mr. Horsfield removed to ‘* Bethlehem, he was appointed a Justice of the ‘*Peace, an office which he held for a period of ‘* twelve years. ‘¢ After leaving Long Island, in 1750, his house ‘*remained in the occupancy of the Brethren, ‘‘who kept up a kind of housekeeping there for ‘“‘the accommodation of our ministers who la- ‘bored in New England and in Long and Staten ‘¢Islands, in their frequent journies from place ‘*to place. ‘Mr. Horsfield must have been a man of con ‘* siderable property, living upon his means and ‘* educating all his children in our schools before ‘¢he moved here. He never, while here, followed ‘Cany business except his judicial office, which ‘* was then considered a high post of honor, but ‘*not of profit, to the incumbent. He stood ‘* deservedly high in this community; and was a
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264 HISTORICAL ‘-man of unblemished character, and of great **use to our Brethren in their intercourse with the ‘*Provincial Governnent, as well as with the ‘* wild Indian tribes then inhabiting that section ** of Pennsylvania. ~ ** Being conversant with business matters, he ‘‘became a kind of public character and legal ‘‘adviser to the Brethren, who, in those days, ‘were mostly colonists from Germany, unac- ‘* quainted with the mode of transacting business * here.” We next turn to Captain Samvurr, Hopson, who became a freeman, in 1735. The same year he leased Stand Number Four, in the Old Slip Mar- ket, New York ; and, about the same period, he moved to Brooklyn, near the ferry, from which place he attended the New York markets daily. A house and lot of ground, facing the Old Market, was advertised for sale, in 1752, and the applicants were referred to ‘‘Samuel Hopson, ‘* Butcher, who may be spoke with every week- ‘*day morning, in said market.” Three years after, the Records show him as the Captain of the ‘‘ West Company of Brookland ;” and, at the same time, he returned the ownership of two negro men, named Dick and Prince, also one wench, called Dine. In the same year, he also advertised for sale, ‘‘a very good lot of land, ‘* with a well-finished, commodious brick house ** thereon, situated at the ferry on Long Island, ** opposite New York, fit for a merchant ortrades- ‘‘man; also asmall timber house and lot. Like- ** wise a good, honest negro wench, about twenty- **two years of age. Apply to Samuel Hopson, ‘“ living at the said ferry. All persons who have ‘* any demands on Samuel Hopson, at the ferry, ‘*butcher, are desired to bring in their accounts.” Captain Hopson appears ‘to have died soon after, as we find his estate ordered to be sold in 1757. Back to the year 1743, we find Jonn CARPEN- TER, Of New York City, butcher, had leased ‘for one year all the stands and standings in the pub- lic markets, for the sum of Ninety- ~eight pounds. Previous to this, he had been engaged in busi- ness with his mother, who was a very successful butcheress ; but in the great Negro Plot of 1741, she lost two of her most valuable butcher slaves : one of whom was transported and the other bur nt at the stake. In 1756, she lost another slave by running away ; and another in 1759. JOHN CARPENTER, (CARPENDER, it is sometimes found), continued the practice of his profession, and probably assisted his mother, in the purchase and slaughter of live stock, which were usually brought from Long Island ; ‘but the inconvenience and “danger of crossing the river with cattle, added to the many objections found in the public slaughter-house, in the City of New York, induced Carpenter to move to Brooklyn, near the Ferry ; MAGAZINE. (November, from which place he was several times returned as one of the Grand Jurors, in the year 1748, ‘? and ’51. aq In 1755, he was noticed in the Brookland Ree: ords as the owner of three slaves; and, in the sam year, he had to let ‘‘ A house within half of 4 ‘*quarter of a mile of the Ferry, on Long Island.” Two years after (1757), he had also for sale A ‘good dwelling house and lot of ground at: " Ferry, opposite Mr. John Rapelje's gs." ‘ A few years after, the Assize Law of 176 came into existence , which created much feelir among all who supplied the New York markets. Several of the butchers defied the authorities; o these, Carpenter was one. A complaint wai entered against him—‘‘That John Carpenter, ‘* Butcher, hath openly and contemptuously de- ‘¢clared, that he would sell his beef for fou ‘pence half-penny per pound, in spite of all the ‘* wise heads that made the law could do.” The law assized the price of beef at four pence, that is, proportions of the prime and coarse parts. Carpenter was ordered to appear before the Boare the next day; and the Mayor was requested to re move him out of the market, until he should ha obtained the Freedom of the City. Carpentel appeared the next day, and claimed the Freedom of the City; the charge, however, was proven, when the Board ‘‘ Ordered his License taken from ‘‘him ; turned out of the market, and also dis: ‘*franchised.” Two years after, 1765, ‘‘ Jace ‘* Brewerton had a convenient dwelling house, ‘* close by the river, on Long Island, at New Yo ‘* Ferry, joining Captain John Carpenter's.” In 1769, Carpenter had also to let, ‘the housé “wherein Captain Francis Koffler now lives, sui ‘Cable for a merchant or tradesman ;” then, | 1770, he announced that the Jamaica stage would set out to and from Jamaica,. every “Monday, Thursday, and Saturday, or oftener, if required, Passages one shilling and six pence each way. The next year, he wished the passengers from Nev York to apply at Mrs. Fish’s, at the Ferry ste in New York. a In March, 1776, he advertised a run away n gro, named Tom, ‘‘about twenty-two years ¢ ‘‘age, tive feet eight inches high; had on whet ‘che went away, a blue jacket, buckskin breeches, ‘blue and white spotted stockings, a tow shirt, ‘*an old beaver hat, cut small, a > hal f-worn ps ! ‘‘of shoes, with odd buckles. Unders ‘*butchering very well; and speaks Dutch a ‘* English toler ably well. %» Inthe month of June following, we find John Ca penter, Senior, supplying the Continental Troop and in consequence of the scarcity of live stock which the preparation for the Revolution h caused, from coming to the City, he was oblig to send a drover to Duchess County to purch and bring from there several cattle, which ¥
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1 867.) _ Unknown to Carpenter, these cattle were taken another butcher, who would not give them up; #0 Carpenter appealed to the Continental Con- ‘gress, who ordered them to be restored to him _ During the Revolution, I think Carpenter re- mained on Long Island, being then about sixty years old, though occasionally he attended the New York Markets, when he could obtain stock. ‘We find, however, the Sheriff of Duchess county, ‘through the press, notified ‘‘ John Carpenter, late “of Brooklyn Township, in King’s County, “Butcher, of his being indicted for adhering to “the enemies of the People of this State.” When ‘the trial was ordered, no witnesses appeared against him, and so it ended. - In 1785, an Independent Meeting House was ‘incorporated in the Town of Brooklyn; and among its officers, we find John Carpenter, Treas- “urer; and, in 1788, ’90, and ’91, he was a lay delegate from what afterwards became St. Ann’s Church. At this period he, with others, peti- tioned to raise two hundred pounds to repair the highway ; and, in 1795, when the summer resi- ‘dence .of Alexander Colden was ordered to be sold, it appears as lying ‘‘south of the land of F 4 _ Carpenter.” I think about that period he died. _ We now take up BENJAMIN CARPENTER, who scems to have removed to Brooklyn with his brother, John, or a short period after him, as we - find a house to let, in 1755, ‘‘ Wherein Benjamin _ “ Carpenter now lives, on Long Island, within a “quarter of a mile of the Ferry, and a very good “situation for a schoolmaster.”” However, he could not have remained a great while in Brook- lyn, as his name appears in 1761, among other -membersand professors of the Church of England, who petitioned for a Charter, as they wished to repair their church, in Jamaica. This change of residence carried him a greater distance from the New York markets, yet he attended them at least once or twice a week, or _ whenever he found such animals as were suitable - for his purpose, around the neighboring country ; and occasionally some were found worthy of no- tice. In 1770, ‘‘A cow-raised by John Aspin- - “wall, of Flushing, weighing one thousand eight hundred and eighteen pounds, was killed at — Jamaica, by Benjamin Carpenter, Butcher.” _ Seven years after, he was found placed in such @ position, that he was obliged to promise to per- _ form—‘‘ What he will pay into the hands of the “Church Wardens, the sum of five pounds for violently assaulting one of the loyal Justices of _ the Peace. _ After the Revolution, Carpenter again removed to Brooklyn, where he continued his profession, . 4 Py in the smaller animals, which were invariably HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 265 iven to the Bull’s Head, in the Bowery Lane. | dressed with much taste and cleanliness; and these, some two or three times a week, he carried to the Fly market. He appears to have retained considerable inter- est in the town affairs of Jamaica, as, in 1792, we find he subscribed three pounds, four shillings to assist in the erection of a school house in that place. Mr. Carpenter continued in business until quite an old man; and although obliged to walk with a crutch from youth, I am told he was an active and most driving business man. As lately as 1808, a document, dated ‘‘Sep- tember, 28,” reads: ‘‘I, Benjamin Carpenter, of ‘* Brooklyn, in the County of Kings, Butcher, ‘¢do hereby manumit and set free a certain negro ‘¢woman named Jsabella Dimand, held by me as ‘¢a slave, and do hereby release all claim or de- ‘¢mand which I have to her person or her services, ‘*BENJN. CARPENTER. ‘¢ Witnessed by John Doughty.” John and Benjamin Carpenter, I think, were the sons of George and Elizabeth Carpenter, who came from Long Island, about the year 1718, when the father became afreeman, and entered into business as a butcher, which he continued until his death, about 1730. His widow, Elizabeth Carpenter, then appeared to have stepped into his professional shoes ; and with the assistance of her sons, conducted the business profitably for many -years. She died in April, 1776, aged eighty-five years ; and the press says: ‘‘she had been a very ‘¢ respectable inhabitant.” In the year 1755, we introduce WHITEHEAD CoRNELL, SENIOR, of Brookland, who was re- “turned as the owner of two slaves—one negro man called Topry, and a wench called Fiona. About this period, he was found an attendant at the Old Fly Market, as a Butcher; and, no doubt, a very successful one, early in life. At a later period, he became much interested in the raising of fine stock, and more particularly in racing horses. In 1770, he advertised, ‘‘ A water ‘‘lot, with slaughter house thereon, situate at the ‘‘ Brooklyn Ferry, lying below and opposite to ‘the said premises of Israel Horsfield, Junior. ‘¢ Apply to Whitehead Cornell, Butcher, near the ‘¢said Ferry.” ; The next year, at the Powles Hook Races ‘nine horses started for a purse of Fifty pounds, ‘*when Mr. Whitehead Cornell’s black horse, ‘¢ Boosy, won the purse.” In less than one month after, another great race took place at Flatbush, when it was stated—‘‘There was good running ‘* for the purse of fifty pounds, which was won by ‘¢Mr. Whitehead Cornell's black horse, StEADy, ‘(got by OLD ENGLAND,) beating William Cor- ‘¢ nell’s mare, Dove, Mr. Waters’ horse, VITRIOL, but changed it somewhat by dealing altogether | ‘‘ Mr. Armstrong’s horse, Hero, and Mr. El- ‘* worth’s horse, QUICKSILVER.”
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266 HISTORICAL In November, 1776, Mr. Whitehead Cornell’s name is found among the signers who swore alle- giance to King George ; and it is again found, in December, 1782, with many others, in an Address, lamenting the departure for England of Captain David Scott, Commissary of Artillery- horses, who was previously posted at Brooklyn. With the King’s troops, went one of the sons of Cornell, while he and his family left for Nova Scotia; or so it would appear from his petition, dated ‘‘ No- ‘‘vember 6, 1784,” which states that ‘‘ White- ‘* head Cornell, formerly of Brooklyn, in Kings ‘¢ County, Butcher, and John Cornell and William * Cornell, two of irs sons; that the said White- ‘head and William have lately returned from ‘* Nova Scotia to New Jersey ; and that the said ‘* John has lately returned from England, praying ‘“a law to receive them as subjects of this State.” They appear to have obtained their wishes, as we find Whitehead Cornell, Senior, a Representa- tive from Queens County, in the House of Assem- bly of this State, for the years 1788, ’89, ’92 and 93, and again in ’98 and ’99. John, the eldest son, in 1764, advertised a ‘*Run away from John Cornell of Long Island, ‘* Butcher, an Irish servant man, named John “* Smith, 20 years old, five feet six inches high, “« short black hair, and stutters. Had on a red ‘coat and a pair of old red velvet breeches.” John Cornell, however, appeared to have but little taste for his father’s profession, and conse- quently was not a successful Butcher. In 1770, he advertised for sale, ‘‘The house of John Cor- “‘nell’s at Brooklyn Ferry, near Philip Living- ‘“ston’s, Esquire,” which appears, however, was not then sold. Perhaps with the expectation of a new Ferry landing-place being located near his property, his price was not acceptable. The subject of a new landing place had been before the authorities, in various petitions, from time to time, but was not decided until the early part of the year 1774, when the Corporation of New York resolved to have ‘‘A Ferry from ‘*Coenties Market to the landing place of Philip ‘* Livingston, Esquire.” Three months later, ‘‘ John Cornell gives no- “tice that he has opened a Tavern at his house on ‘* Tower Hill, Long Island, near the new Ferry, “*calied ‘* St. George's Ferry,” where all kinds of ‘* liquors, entertainment, tea and coffee of the “most excellent qualities included, will be pro- ‘‘vided for such gentlemen and ladies as may ‘‘favor him with their company. Companies ‘*will be entertained if they bring their own ‘‘liquor, and may dress turtle at said house, on **the very lowest terms.” Cornell’s tastes for these kind of entertainments, were changed soon after, for those of a more brutal character, for in less than three months, we find announced—‘‘ John Cornell, near St. George’s MAGAZINE. [November ‘* Ferry, gives public notice that there will bea ‘* Bull baited on Tower Hill, at three o'clock in ‘*the afternoon, every Thursday, during the sea- ‘*son. Said Cornell also attends the Fly Ma ‘*ket with sweet milk every night and morning, ‘‘and it is to be found on his stall near Alderman Lefferts’s.” At the head of this advertisement appears the figure of a ferocious looking bull it the act of whirling through the air a dog, while another is rushing on the enraged beast, who stands prepared to favor him with a similar aeriak flight. During the Revolution, the St. George’s Fe stopped; and at its close, Cornell sold out and left with the British troops, but returned in 1784, when with his father, he petitioned the State te receive them back as citizens. Furman said of John Cornell, that he returned ‘‘ as strong a King ‘and Churchman as ever ;” and that the suppo- sition is that he again returned to the King’s de minions. | WHITEHEAD, JUNIOR, and BENJAMIN, two younger sons Of WHITEHEAD CORNELL, SENIOR, began business with their father, and served a full apprenticeship ; but not being able to obtain regular stall, they attended the markets with small meats, until the year 1796, when some fourteen stands were placed in the lower Fly Market, an¢ sold at public auction. Whitehead, Junior, pur- chased Number Sixty-seven, for which he pait One hundred and seventy pounds ; and Benjamin paid one hundred and sixty-five pounds for Num- ber Sixty-five. : In this market they continued business, wh both resided at Brooklyn. Benjamin had some of his property destroyed by a fire which took place in Brooklyn, in 1806; when two boys were taken up as the supposed incendiaries. 7 Before the war of 1812 began, both sold out their stands and discontinued business. a WILLIAM, another son, became a _ successful merchant in New York; purchased the old Se- bring Mill, at Red Hook, ‘which he converted int¢ a distiller y; and erected a long dock in front of it where grain and other mater ial were landed. afterwards sold this property to RALPH PATCHEN, another old Fly Market Butcher, who had pre viously been engaged in keeping a large number of cows at or near this distillery, from which place he daily supplied the citizens with the pure est milk, that could positively be made at sucha place. He however made money, which gre assisted in the purchase of this distillery. Into this business PATCHEN entered, and becam very wealthy. He was an honest man, but rougl in conversation, and at times very severe and per. sonal; he, however, had the confidence of hig fellow citizens who several times placed him i public office. The large dock near his ca was long known as Patchen’s Dock: and att
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1867. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 267 late day, we find two Avenues in the eastern part - of Brooklyn, one of which is called ‘‘ Ralph > * Avenue,” and the other, adjoining, is known as * Putchen Avenue.” TO BE CONTINUED. e: I.—RELATION OF WHAT BEFEL THE PER- SONS WHO ESCAPED FROM THE DIS- ASTERS THAT ATTENDED THE ARMA-| MENT OF CAPTAIN PAMPHILO DE NAR- VAEZ ON THE SHORES AND IN THE ~ COUNTRIES OF THE NORTH.—ConrinveEp. - TRANSLATED FROM THE XXXVTH Boox oF THE ‘‘HisToRIA GENERAL Y NATURAL DE Inp1IAs,” BY GONZALO FERNANDEZ DE OVIEDO Y VAL- DEZ. CHAPTER [YV. At last the natives, weary of finding food for their guests, turned away five of them that should go to some Indians that they said were to be found in another bay, six leagues farther on. Alonso del Castillo, went there with Pedro de _ Valdivieso, cousin of Andres Dorantes, and an- other, by name Diego de Huelva, where they re- ‘mained along time; the two others went down nearer the coast, where, seeking relief, they died, as Dorantes states, who found the bodies, one of whom, Diego Dorantes, was his cousin. The two hidalgos and a negro remaining in that rancho sufficed for the use of the natives, to bring back- loads of wood and water, serving as slaves. After three or four days, however, these like- wise were turned away, when for some time they wandered about, lost, without hope of relief ; and going naked among swamps, having been pre- viously despoiled at night of their clothing, they came upon those dead. | They continued on from there until they found some Indians, with whom Andres Dorantes re- mained; a cousin, one of the three who had gone on to the bay where they stopped, came over from the opposite side, and told him how the two swimmers who went from them had passed in that direction, their clothes taken from them, and they much beaten over the head with sticks because they would not remain, still, though bruised and stripped, they had gone on for the oath they had performed never to stop, even should death stand in the way, before coming to a country of Chris- tians. . Dorantes states that he saw in that rancho where he was, the clothes belonging to the cler- ‘gyman, one of the swimmers, with a breviary or prayer book. Valdivieso then returned, and a couple days afterwards was killed, because he wished to flee, and likewise, in a littletime, Diego de Huelva, because he forsook one dwelling- house for another. The Christians were there made slaves, forced with more cruelty to serve than would have the Moor. Besides going stark naked and bare footed, over that coast which burns like fire in summer, their continual occupation was bringing wood and water on their backs, or whatever else the Indians needed, or dragging canoes through marshes in hot weather. These natives eat nothing but fish the year round, and not a great deal. They experience much less hunger, however, than the inhabitants inland, among whom the Spanish were after- wards. The food often failed, which was the cause of frequent removal, otherwise they must have starved. Besides this want, there is still another greater, that of fresh water, which is very scarce in that country; for as they are ever wander-. ing about, among marshes and salt-water, the drink is poor, brought from a distance and in small quantity. This imposed the greater labor on the Christians, who, while they endured the thirst equally with the rest, toted water for their masters, and even for their neighbors, since every one ordered them, and they feared every one; none but treated them badly, both by word and deed. Boys daily pulled their beards for pastime, and discovering them careless, any truant would jerk their hair, which was ever a source of laughter and unfailing delight. At times, they scratched them, so as to make the blood flow; they have nails that for any ordinary purpose are knives, and the principal arms among themselves, not however for war. Such and so numerous were these vexa- tions, that the youth even on meeting them away from the houses, would pelt them with stones or whatever else came convenientto hand. This was for them a play, a novel hunt and joy; and as these were hidalgos and men of position, new in such experience of living, it was necessary that their patience should be great, equal to the labor and suffering they sustained to bear up under so many and such provoking annoyances. ‘Thus Dorantes has affirmed, that he believed God gave them strength to be patient in discount of their sins, which deserved worse. Even though they had attempted to flee the sufferance of these tor- ments, there was no escape, unless through desperation : they were surrounded by water; the country about where they went was islets; and, had they a choice, better would it have been for them could they have found death among the wilds, in solitude, as men whose fate was utterly hopeless, asking pardon for their transgressions, than live among a people bestial and wicked like this. The Spaniards lived here fourteen months, from May to the May ensuing, of the year 1530, and to the middle of the month of August, when
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268 Andres Dorantes, being at a point that appeared most favorable for going, commended himself to God, and went off at midday from among all the Indians, He being pleased that this sinner should go unobserved. “Having crossed a large body of water, in great fear, he ‘made all the haste pos- sible, and, the next day, came upon some In- dians, who gladly received him, having heard that the Christians served well. The negro fol- lowed him at the end of three months, when they met, though they were never together. Castillo tarried among that bad people a year and a half later, until an opportunity was pre- sented for starting ; but, on arrival, he found only the negro, for, Dorantes discovering these Indians insufferably crucl, had gone back more than twenty leagues, to a river near the bay of Esperitu Sancto, among those who had killed Esquivel, the solitary one that had escaped from the boats of the Governor and Alonso Enriquez, slain, a3 they were told, because a woman had dreamed some absurdity. The people of this country have belief in dreams, which is their only superstition. On account of them, they will kill even their children ; and this hidalgo, Do- rantes, states that, in the course of four years, he has been a witness to the killing or burial alive of eleven or twelve young, and those males, for rarely do they let a girl live. N ear by, were other Indians, who had killed his cousin, Diego Dorantes, after having lived among them and served for two years; so that there was no greater security one day than another. At this time, the only survivors were Andres Dorantes, Alonzo del Castillo, and the negro, and likewise Cabeca de Vaca, who was not, to the others, known to be alive. Andres Dorantes passed ten months among this people, enduring much privation, and con- tinual labor, with such fear that he should be killed some day, that he never met an Indian, nor did one ever come where h3 was at work dig- ging roots, that he did not fear he was about to be killed for some dream, and never felt safe until he saw him leave. Oftentimes, when meet- ing that poor man, they would feign to be very fierce, and come running up to him, as the In- dians would do in like manner to the others, where they were, put an arrow to his breast, and drawing to the ear the cord of the bow, would afterwards laughing say to him: ‘‘ Had you *< fear ?” The greater part of winter, these people eat roots, dug under water, that are scarce and got out with much hard work. The larger portion of the year they suffer extreme want, seeking food all the day long. They likewise eat snakes, lizards, rats, crickets, grasshoppers, frogs, and all manner of reptiles and insects that can be picked up. Sometimes they kill deer, by setting HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. though sometimes not until the third; [Novembe 7 fire to the lands and savannahs, driving the out. There are many rats about these rivers, but. the number killed is small; for, as the natives” go up and down that stream the winter oo ever in quest of food, they frighten and k down the game. At times, they. eat fish kill in that river; the quantity, however, is acAlll except during freshets which come yearly in April; when they occur oftener a second time is” in May. Large numbers then are killed of good quality, which are dried in abundance on flakes, ” although the larger part is lost for want of salt, — in the * preparation, where. Many walnut trees grow on the margins of that river, the fruit of which is consumed in its season. nor can that be got anyy they do yield, the crop is in profusion. The Indians are greedy of these nuts, going to eat them twenty or thirty leagues, the country about, when they suffer much “privation ; for, as the people who seek them are numerous, they kill or | frighten away all the game the first day, and are — confined exclusively to the fruit for the month it- lasts. These nuts are much smaller than those of Spain, and the kernel troublesome to pick from the shell. The inhabitants, in the end of March, whe the winter is gone, eat the fish, if any remain of | what they dry, taken from the rivers in their flood, and begin to travel for prickly pears, which are abundant in that country. food they have in the whole year. killing a deer. that many, and sometimes that five hundred are slain, though oftener than otherwise they get — none. cast then, on shore. run against the wind. After this exercise, the Indians take up their journey, leaving the salt water, and go inland to © eat prickly pears, which they begin upon as they — ripen, about August, and last fifty or sixty days. — Usually, they bear every other year, ~ but, when ~ They go, in the direction of Panuco, more than forty leagues, to— eat them, esteeming them so highly that they will leave them for nothing else, and it is the best — The fruit. lasts a month and a half or two months, ‘they wandering and eating the while, occasionally Sometimes it happens that a few — persons will kill two or three hundred of this — animal ; and Andres Dorantes says that in eight — days’ time he has known sixty Indians to kill q The manner of hunting them is this: as the — animal strays towards the coast, the Indians run ~ inland, where, as no people ever live, many deer collect, and these are driven before them into the — sea, where they are kept the day long, until drowned, when the rise of tide, with the wind, — They are not chased when the wind is off the land, as at such times they — will return immediately : the animal will only — x
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1867. ] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 269 O_O _———ee—_—_—— ee nn) It is the best part of the twelvemonth for this people, when, excepting some snails they get, they live upon nothing else but prickly pears, making merry over them, day and night, so happy are they in that season, while all the rest of the year they are suffering severe privation. | There, amongst those prickly pears, Castillo, the negro, and Dorantes again met and concerted about going; but, as the natives are never at rest, nor were they together, each soon went his way, so that of necessity these Christian sinners, having to follow their masters, were unable to carry out their plan and wish, they going to eat nuts, which were in plenty that year; and, having come to the place where they were, Cabeca de Vaca arrived, whom, five years before, they had left behind where the boats had been lost, never since having seen him. After Cabeca de Vaca joined the others, they consulted together as they ate in the desert ; for, being separated, they could only communicate in the season of prickly pears. Havihg been many times ready to flee, seemingly their sins fettered them, and again they were taken each a different way. Six years had now passed, and in the seventh approached the season of prickly pears. These men were all apart, and each secretly directed his course inland to a place they were accustomed to get the fruit, where the Indians were not going, there being none. Dorantes arrived first, and finding some people, by accident, who came that day, the enemies of those among whom he had lived, they received him kindly. At the end of three or four days, the negro arrived in pursuit of him, with Alonso del Castillo, and they planned to go after Cabeca de Vaca, who was then tarry- ing in advance of them. Observing some smokes afar off, they agreed that while Dorantes and the negro should go to them, Castillo would remain to assure the natives, that they might not think the Christians were about to depart, telling them that they were looking for a companion, and should they find him there, as they hoped, would return with him. The Indians were well satis- fied. The two went their way and traveled well into the night. Coming upon an Indian, he took them where Cabeca de Vaca was, whom they informed that they had come for him. Fortunately, the next day, these Indians moved nearer to where Castillo was, where the three hidalgos, as all of them were, uniting, commended themselves to God as became their religion, and, with good resolution, like men of genuine blood and firm purpose, they set forward, determined to quit this savage life, wide of the service of God and all rational existence. Thus the Saviour guided them, laboring of His infinite mercy in their be- half, opening to them ways in a country where there are none, and into the hearts of men, savage and indomitable, whom God was moved to make humble and obedient, as farther on shall be told. So that day they set out without being noticed, or having any idea of where they were going, solely confiding in divine mercy, looking about for the prickly pears that grow over the face of the country, which were ending, as it was thenin October: and, praise be to the Mother of God, on that day, at sunset, as they much desired, they came upon Indians. These were very gentle, and had some information of the Christians, though fortunately small, and knew not how badly they had been treated. The Spaniards were without covering, the winter had come, and, as the prickly pears on which they should have to live were about gone, they were obliged to pause, for that year, to get some skins for clothing, which, they were tuld, could be had farther on. They were now on the way, and in such position, that, in the succeeding year, when the prickly pears should come, they might carry out their purpose. They rested the season, from the first of October to August of the year ensuing; but in that inter- val they underwent, with these Indians, great hunger, more, rather than less, than they had in the preceding seven years. The reason was, they were not near the sea, where they might have killed fish, and, consequently, they subsisted solely on roots, the natives there having greater difficulties to contend with than any of the others, as they can go to some fishing ground. The whole year round, the appetite of the inhabitants is not once satisfied, and the boys are so swollen and thin that they look like toads. Nevertheless, the Christians were well treated among them, were permitted to live in freedom, and to do whatever they pleased. CHAPTER Y. At a favorable opportunity, when the month of August arrived, these three hidalgos, having brought together some deerskins, fled, with the requisite circumspection and privacy, from that people. They traveled thence seven leagues that day, until coming to some friends of those they had left, who received them kindly, and gave them of what they had. The next day, the In- dians moved farther on, taking the Christians with them, to join others, who were likewise going to eat a certain little grain then about ripening, the product of trees in extensive groves. | | Having united, the Christians went over to those. Indians, because they belonged farther on, and were better adapted to their intent and the direction they would take. They stopped among them eight days, eating only the boiled leaves of the prickly pear, the seed which the
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270 natives waited for being still unripe. In the gaunt condition that they were, they dared not attempt to go a league farther. In exchange for a portion of the deer skins, they got a couple of dogs, which, having eaten, they took their leave. At this the Indians were very sorry, but did not hinder their going. The Spaniards traveled five or six leagues with- out finding any thing to eat, or any one to show the way, and, at dark arrived at a wood, where they slept. In the morning, having eaten some leaves of the prickly pear, buried over night, which thereby are made better to boil and easier of digestion, they pursued their journey until midday, when they came to two or three ranchos with some inhabitants, who told them they had nothing to eat ; but to keep on and at dark they would come to houses where food would be given them. Accordingly, the Spaniards proceeded and came to some forty or fifty ranchos. There it was the Indians, for the first time, began to fear and reverence those few men, holding them in great esteem. Approaching near, they rubbed them, and then rubbed themselves, bidding them, by signs, to rub and stroke them that they might be well. The sick were brought to be cured, and the hidalgos did as they were told, though more accustomed to labor than the performance of miracles. By virtue of their trust in God, blessing and breathing upon them after the man- ner of the Saludadores in Castillo, the Indians in a moment felt themselves better, and pre sented what there was to eat, which consisted of the buried leaf of the prickly pear and some of the fruit yet green, prepared in like manner. The Spaniards were so thin they dared not travel, and remained fifteen days for repose. By eating the leaves and early fruit beginning to ripen, they became better, getting some strength. The natives generously gave of what they pos- sessed, and with such good feeling as the Chris- tians had not before known, either from those they had been among or from any they had inter- course with, having received only wrong and injury. These went on two leagues, where others proffered many articles that they might have cure, making very festive, presenting wholesome food of prickly pears with meat, and going out to hunt for them. Here the Spaniards recovered somewhat more; and God was pleased to com- mand that they should in ten months travel a dis- tance they did not expect to pass over in cight years, could they live so long. None could be- lieve the extent of the journey, its wants and in- conveniences, but they who were witnesses. After those men started, the people were grieved, and, following on, entreated their re- turn, saying ‘that the Christians could go the next day with some women who had come to HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [November, carry their things ; but finding that they a not prevail with them, they went back very sor- rowfully. The Spaniar ds mistook tle track traveling two or three leagues, and stopped tad rest on the bank of a rivulet, where they wer overtaken by the women, who, that the men might not be lost, had hastened on, as for their lives, and came up breathless and tired. They continued on together, doing their utmost that day, and walked eight or nine long leagues, — Coming, at sunset, to a river that appeared — broader then the Guadalquiver at Sevilla, they passed over it without accident, the water reach- ing about the knee and thigh, and at one place, — for twice the length of a ‘ance, to the breasts, Keeping on their. course, at dusk they arrived at_ a town of a hundred ranchos or more, very populous, who came out to receive them with loud crics and great vociferation, bringing the _ large gourds filled with pebbles employed for making music in their dances. Although they believed that the Christians had the virtue of healing, the fear and trembling was great in~ coming forward to rub them, showing the respect © and devotion there would be to touch a saint. In- this manner, some pressing forward to be first, and many over each other's backs, loosing their ‘fear, they lifted the Christians, running with them to the houses, where they offered them what there was, and the sick were dir ectly brought to be cured. To an Indian who had accompanied the Chris-— tians, were given many arrows, with other things, — in recompense for having br ought and guided — them to that place. The next day, the Christians were taken off a league and a half to another” town of seventy or eighty ranchos, where they met such reception as the others had given; and_ they ate plentifully of prickly pears. Among other things, twenty-eight loaves of bread were — presented, made from the flour of an article there eaten, called mesquite, the natives holding eran festivity i in areytos, according to custom. 4 At that place, began a nov vel manner of pro- { cedure on the journey, which was that of the— many persons who came to accompany the Chris- — tians. Those who brought sick as to Saints, that — they might rub themselves and receive cure, they would despoil, taking whatever they possessed, — going even through their houses, pillaging at their pleasure, which conduct-the owners appeared to be glad of, bilieving this new ordinance to be — ‘of heaven, whence those men came. The Span- iards, having rested there that and the following — day, were taken to as many other ranchos, six — leagues farther, a multitude of men and women going with them to rob all they could, and did_ SO ; for, having come to the town, the Christians - were well received, and even better than before, They were borne down by the numbers crowding to have themstroke and heal their infirm, which i> ¥
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male. _ 1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 271 rectly wasaccomplished; whenthey and others were plundered to the extent of to leaving them desti- _ tute, they being given to understand that the pro- - cedure was requisite. Among them there were _ many blind, and many clouded of one, and some of both eyes. These people are well featured, - and symmetrical; equally so the female as the a ‘he blind and the many other infirmities - were administered to, and if there was not heal- ing for all, at least they believed that these men could cure them. Near by were mountains that _ appeared to be a chain traversing the country, _ directly towards the north. The Christians were _ taken five leagues onward, to a river, at the foot of a point at which the range begins, where were forty or fifty ranchos. These, like the rest, were pillaged, and the owners gave the little that re- mained to the Christians, making great festivity for them, and receiving the aid that was custom- ary. The same night, they sent to call people from below, towards the sea, many men and women with gifts arriving the next day, to see the Christians and witness their miracles. These Indians, to take from others, strove hard to lead the Christians to the sea-side, expecting there to make good their losses. They stated that many people were there who would give them a great deal; but the Spaniards would only go upward and inland, having been schooled in a knowledge of the population of the coast where they had ever been told that they could go out on sea at the sunset; and, until now, they were constantly fearing that when least expecting it they might come back on this shore. For these reasons, their desire was to ascend farther up, from which the Indians strove to dissuade them, telling them that only at a great distance did food and people exist; but when the natives found that they could not prevail with them they sent off to bring inhabitants. The next day, they set out, followed by a large number of persons. The weather being very hot, many women carried water and the food for them, with articles that had been given. Two leagues on the way, they met the messen- gers, who said they had found no people ina - long distance. All were greatly disheartened at _ this, and the natives besought the Christians to - go the way they pointed out , but being unable to persuade them, they left the burdens and went away weeping: TheSpaniardstook the loads upon their backs, and went following up the course of the river all that day, until night, when they came upon cight vr ten ranchos in a thicket or scrub. The inhabitants, in devotional feeling, received them weeping, giving what there was to eat, as others had done. In the morning, the Indians who had left the ‘Christians arrived. They had heard of this other people, and followed on their trail to plunder in satisfaction for what others had taken. They seized .the little they could, telling these how they should manage. The next day, the Chris-. tians were taken from there, and slept at night on the road, The day following, they arrived at many ranchos, where they were received as cus- tomary ; and to their conductors was made good what they had lost and more, taking as much as they could carry away. In this manner, they | traveled along the skirt of the mountains, about the distance of eighty leagues, entering the coun- try directly north; and, at the base of the ridge, they found four ranchos of another nation and tongue, who said they belonged beyond the in- terior and were journeying back. These pre- sented some blankets of cotton and a hawkbell, which, they stated, came from the north across the country from the South sea. The next day, they struck in westward towards the mountains, taking the Spaniards to some ranchos on the banks of a beautiful river, and they gave them marquisite and pyrites of iron, stating that they who gave them the hawkbell, which was of brass, had much of that material, and kept it: thence it was conjectured that whence those things were cast brought, if the inhabitants had not gold, they metal, at least, were in settled residences, and, prob- ably enough, on the South sea. Three hundred and fifty leagues, little more or less, had been. traversed by them from where the journey com- menced. Many hare and deer were killed, for the Chris- tians, on the way, and every thing taken was brought to them, not a rat being kept back. They ordered that the game should not be buried, but all be placed before them; and then, after they had taken out what they wished, the rest they sanctified for the use of the natives. The women and children brought the worms and crickets they gathered, choosing to starve rather than take anything before it had been blessed and given to them, as, otherwise, they believed they should all die. These regulations were observed on the whole length of the march, until coming out to the land of Christians. The Spaniards were next taken to five collec- tions of ranchos, the occupants of which were numerous and good looking. They were pre- sented with the seed of the pine tree in large quantity, as good as that of Castilla or bet- ter, the shell being of such quality it could be eaten with the rest. The burr is very small: the trees grow all over the mountains. From that time forth, the Christians did not permit them- selves to be followed by more than two thousand souls at a time. They were taken from there onward a long time, traveling in this nianner without coming upon any one. Finding that there were no people, they sent in all directions to find some, causing ranchos to come to the road,
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272 HISTORICAL the distance of more than fifteen or twenty leagues to wait for them on the road, and take them along. From that place, another new order of trave: was established, which was that those who led those Christians robbed whatever there was and could find in the ranchos wheresoever they newly came, now they took nothing, but as each of the Christians had his hut made for him apart, it was got ready and in order, every thing being brought near it that the Christians should do,as they might please with it, no one daring to touch an article. They would take the whole, or such part as they chose, leaving their hosts de- spoiled that they might be obliged to take them on to retrieve themselves in like manner. These took them forward, by desperate travel, through some mountains, more than fifty leagues farther, sustaining much hunger for the poor condition of the land, where were no prickly pears nor other thing, and near the close of the journey they began to grow sick, when there was great labor in blessing and breathing upon them, for there was scarce one that was well. Thus were they taken to over a hundred ranchos on a plain awaiting the Spaniards who had caused them to come there from a great distance ; and the people were numerous over all that region. 'They one -and all presented seed of the pine in Jarge- quan- tity, which was received as aforetime, giving whatsoever they had, keeping nothing for them- selves. The next day they took them onward, some things which were old and had been left them, they abandoned on those fields, not being willing to take them, and their straw boxes which they used for trunks as well. These told the Spaniards that there were no people except ‘at a great distance, and were their enemies. The Christians told them to send an Indian to pro- claim their approach ; for it was the custom on the journey, when drawing nigh the ranchos of a new people to send four Indians in advance, in the name of each, that houses should be prepared for them, and whatever was to be given should be together and in readiness. The people re- solved to send two women, one a captive among the people whence they had come; for they dared not send a man because of the war that existed between them, and they could not under- stand each other. Behind them the Spaniards moved forward with all the assemblage, moving every day, awaiting the response that should come in a certain direction ; but, at the first setting out, the people began to sicken, in such way that the Christians fclt great pity for them, since these had been the best people they had found. They had airanged to wait the women with their answer three days, and were unwilling to take the Span- iards in other direction on account of their feud. Thén it was that Andres Dorantes said to one of his Indians that he should tell them that they MAGAZINE. [November should die for that they would do: and suck was the fright and apprehension that came upe them, above what they had before, that next di; they went out to hunt, and at noon returned un well, and every day that increased, so that in tw days many died, and more than three hundre became sick. They were seized with so gre fear, believing that the Christians in‘ their dis pleasure had caused it, that they dared not look them in the face, nor lift their eyes from the ground while standing before them. And it wa a marvelous thing to observe that only in tk fifteen days they were among those Indians they saw not one of them laugh, nor weep, nor show any other emotion, although the parents of son of them were dying, some their wives and chil dren, and others their husbands: thus did thej suppress their feelings and bear themselves a though no trouble weighed them. A thing st stranger : the babes at the breast nor the children of more age were never secn either to laugh or weep in all the time the Christians were among them, like the aged of a century. This peopl dared not eat, nor drink, nor do any thing, with out asking leave of the Christians; believing they had the power either to take or give them life and that as they were angry with them they died At the end of two or three days that they wer there, the women came and brought them very discouraging news, stating that the people whom they had gone to look after had gone after cattle and that no one was tg be found any where there, At this the Indians said that they were all ill, as the Christians saw, and were come from a long way off ; that the Christians should go after the cattle, upward, towards the north, and they would find people: that they desired to remain and go else- where; were suffering great hunger; that the prickly pears were ending. The Cliistians said, ‘‘No; that they must be taken in that direction ‘* which was toward the sunset, since that wa ‘‘their direct course: that the sick should re ‘‘main, and twenty or thirty of those in health ‘‘should accompany them, and one of the Chris- ‘*tians would go with those women to discove ‘* the people and bring them on the road.” Indians appeared glad to hear this. 4 The next they departed and traveled. three day consecutively. Alonso del Castillo being in ter condition than the others, set out with negro and the women who took him to a river where they found people, houses, and a settle. ment. They ate of beans and pumpkins, thoug in small quantity. At the close of the third day, Castillo returned to the Christians, and the ne gro oe to bring the people out upon th road. t e
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3 e F 1867. ] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 273 - TiL.—HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE INDIAN WAR OF 1776.* _ By Hon. D. L. Swarn, PRresipEnt oF THE UNI- VERSITY OF NortH Carouina, CHapeni HILL, N. C. Very few persons in the western portion of our - good old State are even aware that an army, with _ its concomitant train of good and evil, ever enter- _ ed the region beyond the Blue Ridge. And yet ~ it may well be doubted whether there ever was an - expedition more beneficial to any people, than the _ one of 1776, commanded by General Griffith Rutherford. Important as it was in its results, and diflicult in its accomplishment, the event lives only in the memory of some of the descend- _ ants of the men who fought and won the victory, and in a very few manuscripts of the men of other _ days. But such is the destiny of laudable achiev- - ments and unparalleled heroism; and we may ex- _ pect to know that even the great struggle for In- _ dependence, by ‘‘the old thirteen,” has perished _ with the brave ones who achieved our freedom. In the summer of 1776, the news of the terrible _ depredations of the ‘‘ Over Hill Cherokees,” who _ then owned all the territory west of the Blue - Ridge, and much that is now the domain of _ Georgia and Tennessee, was spread over the coun- Men were killed by the secret foe in the most brutal way; women and children were _ butchered without remorse; and the scattered _ possessions of the frontier settlements were laid waste by the savage hordes of hos‘ile Indians. _ The country was almost a smoking ruin, and the - reeking scalps, with here and there an enslaved boy and theelittle property the Indians could not _ carry away, were almost all that remained of our ionecr settlements. Forbearance had ceased to a virtue, since the treachery of savage character had become proverbial. The long confined ven- - geance of the whites could be restrained no longer _ by the professions of peace, which the Indians en- tered into only to destroy the more readily. _ And the determination to submit no longer could - only be cancelled by the utter destruction of the _ Cherokee towns, and the infliction of such punish- - ment as the retaliatory spirit of the times would justify. This chastisement it is our present pur- pose to sketch, relying for the truth of our state- ments, on facts collected by Hon. Archibald D. Murphy and from those communicated to us by the contemporaries of those men who lingered - among us long after the war was closed, and have how nearly all disappeared from the land their valor gained. _ There were three armies simultaneously fitted out by Virginia, North Carolina and South Caro- _*From The Worth Carolina University Magazine, for ~ May, 1852. Vol. i., pp. 182-86. 18 Hist. Mac. Vou. 1. lina, and destined to the same place, for like pur- pose. The army of the first named State was commanded by Colonel Christain ; the North Caro- lina troops by General Griffith Rutherford, and con- sisted of two thousand four hundred men, (some say of three thousand ;) and the South Carolina troops by General Williamson, consisting of about two thousand men. General R.’s army encamped near Pleasant Gardens, in McDowell county, at what is known as ‘* Old Fort,” (probably built by him,) about the last of August, 1776. Before them were forests and interminable wilds, high mountains and a deadly foe whose cunning and treachery were ominous of the difficulties and dangers to which they were to be exposed. And, however imperturbable soldicrs may be when en- tering upon an engagement with honorable ene- mies and ‘‘foemen worthy of their steel,” we may well suppose that ‘‘ fear and trembling,” of no ordinary kind, seized upon this small army, when their fancy was permitted to precede them into this trackless wilderness, where one single yell from a warlike chief would suffice to people the mountains and valleys with a. denser, deadlier enemy than that which the clarion notes of Rode- ric Dhu summoned before the disturbed eye of the brave Fitz James. They took up the line of march, crossed the Ridge at the Swananoa’ Gap, pursued the mean- derings of that bright stream as it gurgled to- wards the French Broad river, at which place they forded the river; and there is, to this day, a ‘* War Ford,” which derives its name from Gen- eral Rutherford’s having here crossed, in this ex- pedition. They then pursued Homony creek to its source, passed over to Pigeon river, and pur- sued pretty much the direction of the upper road ; which, at this time, goes by Colonel Joseph Cathey’s. At the spot where the meeting house now stands, a few miles above the present ford, they buried one of their companions, whose hopes of again returning to his friends were here so sud- denly and so sadly blighted, and the remains of whom were discovered a few years ago, when digging a grave for a departed friend. In this place, we will mention, that when Judge Samuel Lowry, who was a private in this expedition, visited Haywood county, he told some of the legal fraternity that he had noticed a beech tree, on which was rudely carved, ‘* 1706,” which he again visited and pointed out. It is on the left of the road going from Colonel Cathey’s to Waynesville, a few hundred yards above where the road crosses a small stream, as one descends the little gap, four or five miles northeast of the village. And when we remember that this date was anterior to the settlement of any portion of the State, except some few counties on the sea shore, we may well be excited to know who cut it. From this place, the army advanced up Rich-
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274 HISTORICAL land creek to its source, crossed the mountain near McLure’s, and followed Scott’s creek to its mouth. This latter stream obtains its name from - John Scott, a trader among the Cherokees, a negro of whom was shot by the Reverend James Hall, the Chaplain, as he ran, mistaking him for an Indian. Crossing the Tuckaseige, they came to the Cowee mountain, probably by pursuing Savannah creek to its source ; and near its top,.their advance guard were fired upon by the Indians, who imme- lately fled. The soldiers, without any further molestation, arrived at the little Tennessee river, passed down Watauga creek, and encamped on the west side of said river, near a large Indian mound, at a town called Nequassee, now rejoic- ing in the revered title—Franklin. They re- mained here a day, and then marched down the river to a town called Cowee, some three or four miles below the present village, where they en- amped and awaited the arrival of the Southern Division, under General Williamson. These, however, did not arrive for two or three ‘days after the appointed time, the fourteenth of Sep- tember; and General R,’s troops had ample time to reconnoitre the country and survey the awful grandeur which so commends this lovely valley to the admiration of the stranger and the affec- tion of the inhabitants. Hostile Indians were in all directions; towering mountains would smile a welcome in their rich autumnal verdure and frown upon them in their lofty and imposing majesty; the lovely Tennessee, here but a rivulet compared to the flood of waters it teems into the Ohio, with its crystal water and variegated banks, slaked their burning thirst and laved their weary bodies; _ forests of gnarled oak and unsurpassed native gardens of richest wild flowers, and meadows of tall, waving grass, added to the beauty of the place, and ‘compensated somewhat for the loss of those pleasures which cluster, peculiarly and ap- propriately, around home. It is related upon the authority of Major Daniel. Bryson, a revolutionary patriot, who also served in this expedition, that, whilst General Rutherford was waiting for General Williamson’s arrival, and for whom small parties had been sent, but re- turned without any tidings, some detachments were sent out and destroyed some Indian towns. Sugar town, situated between Tennessee and Su- gar-town rivers, (the Indian name of the latter is Cul-la-sat-chee,) was flanked on two sides by the river, and was fronted by a strong breastwork of logs and brush. The soldiers, finding it unoccu- pied, entered, and were immediately surprised by the savage war-whoop, muskets, and tomahawks, wielded as only savages can wield them ; and “were forced into the huts, from which confine- ment they were ere long released by a party on a similar undertaking with themselves. A prisoner whom they had taken, promised, upon his life be- track ; and, in crossing the Nantahala mountain, by MAGAZINE. [November, ing spared, to lead them to a town about seve miles from Nequassee, on the Sugartown, wher their wives, children and property were conceale 1. They followed this enchanting stream, shut in by mountains so much'that scarcely room is left for a foot path. This town was located in a ne OW valley, completely enclosed by mountains, which seemed almost to overhang the huts, and was tenantless, save by a few very old women an¢ children of a very tender age. Indian men we Q seen menacingly pacing to and fro upon the oy hanging precipices, and leaping from crag to cré 2, with the agility of the panther, and somewhat 0 his ferocious disposition. But they only destroyec the town, and drove off some cattle. This mos delightful place is now owned by an enterprising gentleman of Macon county, to whom we ar indebted for these facts, and by whom wemay ex pect the site of the old Indian town to be conve into a paradise. a After having waited for General Williamso: some time, without any tidings from him, Gene. ral Rutherford left one thousand eight hand men at Cowee, and resolved, with the remainé er, to proceed to the ‘ Valley Towns” on the Hin s- see, and destroy them. Soon after, leaving th main army, he mistook the path; and, havingt pilots, he wandered in the mountains for three days but going too much to the left to gain Hiwas General W. reached Cowee, two ‘days after th other General left, and sent men to hunt for hin who found him about three miles from where started. Rutherford was put upon the right pursuing the Wah- zah, was met by a large ps of Indians, who had placed themselves on the to of two ridges, which made an acute angle throug which the troops were compelled to pass. F oh this position, the savages were able to fire am conceal themselves by 1 the ridge, so that few o them were killed, while a considerable number ¢ whites lost their lives. The Indians, howeye fled ; and the troops of General R. proceeded, u molested, to the Hiwassee towns, burned them cut down their corn, destroyed their beans, pot toes, &c., killed twelve Indians in one town, ane took six ‘prisoners. General Williamson ant A soon after; but, as the work was accomplished took his route for home up the Hiwassee, whi General R. crossed the Nantahala, and reach Cowee after an absence of eight days. To this short war may be properly attribute all the kind feclings and fidelity to treaty stipul tions manifested by the Cherokees ever afterwa: General Rutherford had destroyed the ‘“‘ Und a ‘hill Towns,” or those on the Tennessee Riv ruined the prospects of an abundant crop, and iz stilled into the Indians so great a fear of t whites, that never afterwads were they dispose 3 to engage in ay. sabia or destroy any of f
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=) y __ property of our frontier men. position of the ‘‘ Over-hill,” or Hiwassee, Indians _ was also quelled; and their chiefs, in company tied 1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 275 The predatory dis- with chiefs from all portions of the tribe, were - soon found at the Long Islands, on the Holston _ ‘iver, for the purpose of making a perpetual _ treaty. This was done—Waighstill, Avery, and _ others acting as Commissioners. _ peace followed; traders were permitted to ex- _ change merchantable goods for skins, venison and _ whatever else was of value; savage ferocity and _ bloodthirstiness disappeared, and the valley of _ Tennessee ‘‘ heard of war no more.” The blessings of General Williamson came with his two thousand - South Carolinians through the Rabun gap, and in descending Tennessee river, about nine miles _ South of where Franklin now stands, in the neigh- _ borhood of Smith’s bridge, fell into an ambuscade _ prepared by the wily foe. _ considerable duration, of determined bravery on. ' both sides, and somewhat destructive to both _ parties. The ambush must have ended in the de- _ feat of Williamson’s undertaking, had not Edward The contest was of Hampton, in command of only thirty regulars, attacked the foe unexpectedly in the rear, and thus _ deprived them of the only chance they had of es- _ €ape, without crossing the mountain, which jutted into the river, leaving only space enough for a trail, - in the very fairest reach of the General and Hamp- _ ton’s shot. _ brother’s wife and children had been cruelly _ butchered, and this no doubt fired him with re- _ newed zeal to punish the Indians. have rammed a bullet down his gun. without havy- - ing charged it with powder. _ he sat down in the very hottest of the fight, un- _ cased his gun, ‘‘ unbreeched her” (to use a hunts- _ man’s word,) drew the load, and then, having re- _ arranged the machinery, proceeded to the slaugh- _ ter of as many Cherokees as he could. This was - an exhibition of calm, undaunted courage, seldom ' equalled. But there was one, Harry Wolf, ‘a _ *great bully at fist and skull,” whose cowardice _ was so extreme as to frighten him out of his _ wits.—When the Indians had beaten the whites back across the little stream that here makes into _ the river, Wolf was so terribly frightened, that he _ crawled under a shelving bank of the stream.— _ Whilst here, one William Hammon was shot through the thigh, but he ran from the Indians - some distance before the bone broke, and fell hear where Wolf was. One,Indian sealped him, - and gave him some severe blows in the head with --atomahawk, and left him for dead. Another Indian came up, took another scalp, and went his _ way, without a single fire from the base coward _ who was safely concealed in full view of the ' transaction. battle had lasted one half hour longer, he _ should have died from fright. The battle ‘was Hampton had just learned that his He is said to Nothing daunted, He said afterwards, that, if the gained to General W., and he proceeded to the towns where General Rutherford was encamped, | without farther opposition. Reverend James Hall, a Presbyterian minister of Iredell county, was Chaplain to the North Caro- lina troops, but oftener used a soldier’s musket than the sword of peace. However, when the two ar- mies met at Cowee, it is said that Mr. Hall, on a calm and beautiful Sabbath day, with an Indian mound for his pulpit, and hardy soldiers for his audience, preached a most affecting and thrilling sermon ; insomuch that, as the good man’s voice echoed through the surrounding woods, there was scarcely a dry eye tobeseen. This-was undoubt- edly the first sermon ever preached in that coun- try, and one from which may be dated a change for the better in the lives of many. Whilst encamped on the Tennessee, General Rutherford sent a detachment of his men to Burn- ing Town, from which the present stream, Burn- ington, gets its name, in order to get provisions. — While they were away, General R., leaving a sufficient force at the camp, set out with his army to the Hiwassee towns. The detachment hap- pened to see his army approaching, and, shouting The Indians! The Indians!, made a precipitate re- treat. The officer in command, finding his men more alert than himself, when likely to be left be- hind, would call a halt; but whenever in front he | was for no delay whilst the Indians were so near. And now that the officers, and privates of this expedition are all sleeping the sleep of death, save old Hogbite, who was noticed in our April Magazine, and the ‘‘sober second thought” has resumed its sway, we can but feel that such an enterprise was necessary, to check the dreadful havoc inflicted by the Indians. Yet that question will arise—‘‘Had we a right to force the poor oc- ‘‘cupants from their possessions and appropriate ‘them to ourselves?” Human nature may ever be too cowardly to interpose an objection to the titles acquired by our fathers; but the time will come, when retributive justice will plead the Indian’s cause with more than an angel's eloquence, and with far greater success than is ever witnessed in earthly tribunals. _— IV.—THE PURITANS AND THE PILGRIM FATHERS OF MASSACHUSETTS. (The following articles will speak for themselves. They treat of a subject which has already been very ably discus- sed in eur pages; and we offer no apology for continuing to present it to our readers.—Eprror Hisrozican MaGazinz, ] I. [From The Morning ve Herald, April & 1867. THe Prmarm™ FATHERS AND THE PURITANS. Under the title of A Memorial to the Pilgrim
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276 “~ Fathers, the Reverend 8. G. Buckingham, Pastor of the South Church of Springfield, Massachu- setts, has published in pamphlet form an address delivered by him on ‘‘ Forefathers Day.” Well written the discourse is, but itis open to criticism of a graver character than belongs to a discussion of its style. A New England minister, preaching in a New England Church, on the subject of the founders of New England, and on the New Eng- land anniversary, would naturally be expected to speak intelligently on the subject he had chosen ; ana yet, at the outset, we find him tripping in history, and perpetuating a popular error which has been so clearly exposed that no person, claim- ing any knowledge of New England histor Vy, can be excused for ignorance on the subject. That the ‘‘ Pilgrim Fathers” were not ‘‘ Puritans” has become an established fact, though the Reverend Mr. Buckingham does not seem to be aware of it. On the first page of his pamphlet he says, ‘¢The Puritans went over to Holland, and estab- ‘‘lished themselves for a few years in Leyden.” Neal, to whom he frequently refers, tells us they were ‘‘rigid Separatists—Messrs. Johnson, Ains- ‘* worth, Smith and Robinson were the leaders.” Neal, in his account of the adventurers from Delft- Haven, speaks of Robinscn at the ‘‘Father of ‘‘the Independents.” (Separatists and Inde- pendents are synonymous terms.) According to Baylis, in his History of P-ymouth, Robinson nn | his associates, as early as 1602, ‘‘ entered in- ‘¢to a covenant to conform to the doctrines of the ‘¢ Primitive Church, and totally separated them- “salves from the Established Church;” that he adopted the creed of Calvin; was a ‘‘rigid and “unyielding Separatist ;” and the final arrange- ment before the sailing of the Speedwell was, that they would ‘‘bean absolute Church by themselves,” and Brewster its ruling Elder. Palfrey places Brewster and Robinson among the early Separat- ists at Scrooby—the former the most prominent member and the latter as Teacher. Allen, in his biography of Brewster and Robin- son, drawn from the best historical sources, fully confirms the statements of Baylis and Palfrey, yet Mr. Buckingham calls Plymouth ‘‘a Puritan col- “ony ;” and enumerates Carver, Bradford, Win- slow, ‘and Brewster, of ‘‘ Puritan faith,” all of whom were ‘‘ unyielding Separatists.” Our author says the Puritans ‘‘held to certain superstitious -* notions like witchcraft,” but comforts himself with the reflection that only a score of witches perished. The Separatists held no such ‘super- ‘¢stitious notions;” and among the Mayflower Pilgrims, the law against witchcraft was a dead letter, and no punishment was inflicted under it ; and if we may credit Fuller, the belief in the ex: istence of witchcraft among the intelligent people of England was exploded before the beginning of the seventeenth Century. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. England was composed of fishe m i [November, § rt Reference is made to the Reverend Mr. Higeinl son, who came over in 1629, and as the shores of England were fading from view, indulged in the — following apostroph> : 5: We will not. say as the *¢ Separ atists are wont to say at their leaving Eng- ‘‘land-—‘ Farewell Babylon! Farcwell Rome’! but ‘we will say ‘ Farewell dear England! Farewell ‘** ¢the Church of God in England. ”_We do not go. ‘*to New England as Separatists from the Church-- ‘‘es of England. “Who were those Separatists — alluded to by Mr. Higginson ? Surely none other but the Pilgrim Fathers of the May flower. The first. “organized Puritan community in New on at Cape Ann, in 1626, under charge of Roger Conant, who he a “lately removed out of New Plymouth, out of ‘¢ dislike of their piinciples of rigid Separation” ‘ (Se PALFREY.) These adventurers, the next year, removed to Naumkeag, (now Salem) and were finally under the charge of ‘‘John White, the : ‘*¢ Patriarch of Dorchester. " Small additions were made to the Puritans, up to 1629, when six vessels wire d'spatched frou ‘ England with settlers, among whom were Skel- ton, Higginson, Wright and Smith. From tl time Puritan supremacy may be dated. ** Green- ‘¢wood and Penry were put to death,” but not a Puritan martyrs, as Mr. Buckingham ‘would infer They were Separatists (PALFREY).—‘‘* Two thou- ‘sand of the ablest and best ministers of the Es- ‘¢tablished Church were driven out of the min- ‘‘istry.and silenced * * * because they comm ‘*not with truth subscribe to the requirements ©: ‘such a church.” These were Puritans. The surplice, the cross in baptism, the ring in marriage, bowing at the name of Jesus, and some other objects of aversion, they thought smelt of Pope and could not tolerate ; yet the fat livings of the Church induced the Puritan clergy to hold on to their benefices, while they refused to conform t the established forms of the Church. _ It has een pertinently said by Lingard. ‘‘It will remain : ‘* difficult task to show on what just ground men ‘¢could expect to retain their livings, while they ‘‘refused to submit to the discipline of that ‘‘Church by which they were employed.” How long would the Reverend Mr. Buckingham ; main Pastor of the South Church of Springfield i he held to ths doctrines of Arminius? ; As Wickliffe, Luther, Calvinand Huss separated from the corrupt Church of Rome, so Barrowe, Greenwood, Brewster, Robinson, and their con jutors, separated from tha har dly less corrup hierarchy of Henry VII[Ith. They did not allow their longing for the flesh-pots of the Church t prevent a.total separation. The distinction de tween the Puritans and Separatists was na broad, and clear. We owe much to the Puritans for fa stitu tions; we venerate their virtues, and thei rds
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io Gi Ly 1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 277 ants look back with pride to so noble an ances- ‘try; but the vindication of the truth of history _ demands that the Pilgrim Fathers of the Mauflower be not confounded with another religious sect that settled at Salem and Boston some years after, ‘which was carried away by a superstitious **frenzy” in whipping women and cutting off the ears of men, to convince them of the errors of their religious tenets ; persecuting Baptists for opinion’s sake; and hanging witches and Quakers for dis- turbing the public peace. However excusable these ‘‘delusions of the **times” may have been, justice to those noble Mazjflower Pilgrims and their descendants de- mands that they bear not the odium of these ‘‘ de- **lusions.” Il. {From The Springfield Daily Republican, May 2, 1867. | WERE THE Prnerms Purrrans ? The Cleveland ITerald criticises Reverend Mr. Buckingham, in his Memorial to the Pilgrim Fathers, for calling these men ‘‘ Puritans.” The editor says they were not ‘‘ Puritans,” but ‘‘ Sep- ** aratists ;” that Plymouth was not a Puritan Col- ony, but one of unyielding Separatists; that ‘‘ the ‘first organized Puritan community in New Eng- **Jand,” was the one thatremoved from Plymouth, in 1626, ‘‘out of dislike of their principles of ‘* rigid separation,” and settled first at Cape Ann, and afterwards at Salem; that those who joined this Colony from England, and the settlers at Bos- ton, were mostly Non-conformists in the Estab- lished Church at home, and so were ‘‘ Puritans,” but not ‘‘Separatists;” and thus the Puritan supremacy in New England wasestablished. And as the presecution of Roger Williams and the hang- ing of the witches took: place in the Massachusetts ¥ Colony, the editor refuses to admit that the Ply- mouth Pilgrims were at all responsible for such intolerance, or that they were Puritans. Wethink the Massachusetts Colony must bear its own sins, and this one is not to be laid to the charge of either the Plymouth, or the Connecti- cut, or the New Haven Colony. _ Andclit is notice- able that while the West is holding us to such in- dividual responsibility, instead of “allowing us to hide under the virtues of our neighbors, there are those in England also who are calling us to the same strict account. The Lord Chamberlain of London, Edward Scott, has lately delivered and " published a valuable address upon this very sub- _ ject, entitled, Ze Pilgrim Fathers neither “Puritans nor P: rsecutors. Heisa thorough In- dependent and hearty admirer of the Plymouth Pilgrims; but he will not admit that they were ; guilty of religious intulerance, nor even admit that they were Puritans. And now the question, in respect to him as well as the Cleveland Herald, is, whether the name ‘* Puritan” is properly applied to the Plymouth settlers?) Hume says that the appellation ‘‘Puri- ‘¢*tan” stood for three parties, which, though com- monly united, were yet actuated by very different views and motives. There were political Puritans, who maintained the highest principles of civil liberty; the Puritans of discipline, who were averse to the ceremonies and episcopal government of the church; and the doctrinal Puritans, who rigidly defended the speculative system of the first reformers (iii., 52.) Mr. Scott and the editor of the /ferald use the term in its most restricted sense, to denote nonconforming members of the Established Church ; those who belonged to that Church, but advocated a purer faith and purer fourm of worship. In this sense, the Pilgrims were not Puritans ; they were not members of the Established Church, though they were political Puritans, and doctrinal Puritans, and Puritans of discipline, or averse to the ceremonies and episco- pal government of the Church. But they were already Separatists, and had come.out from that Church before they went over to Holland; while the Massachusetts, and Connecticut, and New Ha- ven Colonists, never separated from the Church until they came over here. — Still they all became Separatists then. They all held, when they were once over here, substantially the same ideas of re- ligious doctrine, and church government, and civil government. And what is the use of run- ning such a nice distinction, where there is so lit- tle difference, and where so little is to be gained by it? If the Plymouth Colony showed more of toleration and less of superstition than the Mas- sachusetts Colony, as we certainly think they did, nobody need object to admitting it. But to say that the former was not Puritan, because it had not lately belonged to the Established Church like the latter, or “that the latter was not Separa- tist, because it had lately separated itself from that Church, as the former had done years before, is a distinction with too little difference. Besides, usage is generally against such a nice distinction. Hume's formal definition, we have noticed, and he speaks of New England as ‘‘having been ‘** planted entirely by the Puritans.” Macaulay, in his celebrated review of Milton, pays his tribute to the Puritan, as including under that term, Cromwell and all the Independents, who were Separatists from the Established Church. Bancroft styles all the New England Colonies, ‘‘ Puritan ‘“Colonies;” and Palfrey speaks of England under the Commonwealth, as ‘Puritan England,” and of the settlements of New England, as 3 **commun- ‘ities of Puritans.” None of them make any such distinction between the Pilgrims and the Puritans, as this writer proposes. :
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278 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (November, ILL. : : [From’ The Daily Cleveland Herald, May 13, 1867.] THe PURITANS AND SEPARATISTS. The Springfield Republican comes to the rescue. of the Reverend Mr. Buckingham, whose Mem- orial of the Pilgrim Fathers we criticised on the sixth of April last. The Republican quotes Hume to prove that the appellation—‘‘ Puritan, stood for three parties, ‘‘which though commonly united were yet ‘actuated by very different views and motives”— intimating that the Separatists, or Independents, were one of those parties ; and after discussing the faith and practice of the early Puritans, adds ‘¢ Hume’s formal definition we have noticed, and ‘he speaks of New England as having ‘been ‘* planted entirely by the Puritans.” Now the facts in regard to Hume are these: In the first place, he was discussing the state of parties in the House of Commons, in the reign of Charles I. The Independents had no party in the Commons at that time, under any name. Their first meeting house in England was founded in 1616. Macaulay says, ‘‘In the sixteenth Century ‘¢there was not in the whole realm a single con- ‘* gregation of Independents or Baptists. » The first emigration to New England, spoken of by Hume, was that of a party of three hundred or more that came to the Massachusetts Colony, about 1629. Neither Hume nor Macaulay mention the Plymouth Colony, the Mayflower, nor her emi- grants. Hume, in his history of the reign of James I., says: ‘‘ Puritans were never punished ‘* for frequenting Separate congregations, because **there was none such in the kingdom.” James I. reigned from 1603 to 1625. During that time, John Robinson had gathered his congregation at Leyden, which came to Plymouth in 1620; and Neal says, ‘‘ Robinson was the father of the In- _ ** dependents.” Up to about this period all Non- conformists were, in derision, called Puritans; but, in the beginning of the seventeenth Century, the Independents and Baptists came into notice and thereafter have been known by those appellations. Hume says; ‘‘ The Independents were the first ‘¢ Christian sect that admitted of toleration, re- ‘‘jected all ecclesiastical establishments, and ‘would admit of no spiritual courts, no govern- ‘“ment among Pastors, no interposition of the ‘‘magistrate in religious concerns.” Hume is a witness the Republican has introduced, and it is presumed it will take no exception to his testi- mony. - It is worthy of remark that Bancroft alludes to the congregation of Robinson and Brewster, when about to leave for Holland, as Separatists, and afterwards invariably calls them Pilgrims. The first Puritans he notices in New England was White, the minister of Dorchester, and Roger Conant, who organized the first Puritan Chureh it t New England, at Cape Ann, mentioned by Palfrey. - Bancroft distinctly says White was not a Separat- ist. 4a The Springfield Republican says of the May- Slower Pilgrims: ‘‘ But they were already Separa- ‘* tists, and had come out of the Church before Ag they went over to Holland; while the Massachu- ‘* setts, Connecticut and New Haven clo “never separated from that Church until the} ‘came over here; still they all became Separatists ‘*then.” They were involuntary Separatists, by compulsion. The world will fail to see any me 7 in a separation effected by the strong arm of power which was resisted till the last by its vie tims. The Republican continues; ‘They all held ‘‘when they were once over here, substantia y ‘*the same ideas of religious doctrine, and of ‘‘church government, and civil government. ‘** And what is the use of running such a nice ‘* distinction, where there is so little difference, ‘¢and where so little is to be gained.” Letus ex- amine the subject and see how favorably ‘the ‘* acts, and thereligious doctrine, and church ow ‘‘ernment” of the Massachusetts Colony compared with the acts and deeds of the Mayflower Pilgrims of Plymouth Colony ; bearing in mind that we the parallel no further than “the union of the 7 Colonies; for after that period ‘‘ like kindred drops ‘* they mingled into one.” The fundamental principles of the Independents are thus laid down by Sir James Macintosh: ‘‘They disdained the ‘* qualification of National, as repugnant to the na- ‘*ture ofa Church, The religion of the Indepen- ‘¢ dentscould not, without destroying its nature, be ‘* Hstablished.—They never could aspire to me ‘' ‘*than Religious liberty ; and they, accordingl ‘* have the honor to be, first and long, the o ‘¢ Christian community who collectivelly alot ‘*that sacred principle.” ‘ Lord Brougham pronounced this eulogium upon them: ‘‘The Independents, that body much to bere ‘*spected for their numbers, but far more to , ‘*held in lasting veneration for the unshaken f¢ ‘* titude with which, in all times, they have main- ‘*tained their attachment to civil and religious ‘‘liberty, and holding fast by their own princi- ‘*ples, have carried to its uttermost pitch the great ‘* doctrine of absolute toleration ; men to whose ‘‘ancestors this country will ever acknowledge ‘¢a boundless debt of gratitude, as long as freedom ‘*is prized among us; for they—I fearlessly pro- ‘‘claim it—with the zeal of martyrs, had t ‘¢ purity of the early Christians. True to their ‘*generous principles in Church and State, then ‘*descendants are pre-eminent in toleration; 80 ‘‘that although, in the progress of knowledge, ‘* other classes of Dissenters may be approaching
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_ transplanted in the Massachusetts Colony. against Quakers and harboring Quakers. _ is needless to accumulate evidence to show that __ + the difference between the early Puritans of Mas- _ sachusetts Colony and the Pilgrim fathers of the: ~ 1867.] HISTORICAL _ **fast to overtake them, they still are foremost in **their proud distinction.” _ The Independents adopted the creed of Calvin, _ with perfect toleration to all, and practiced what _ they professed. They rejected not only the forms _ and ceremonies, but the government, of the Estap- _ lished Church. They ignored all Bishops, Pres- _ byteries, Synods, or Assemblies. Macaulay says: _ **The Puritans had no quarrel with the Established - *Church, except that it retained too much that _ **was Popish.” They not only remained in the _ Church and clung to it with great pertinacity un- til driven out, but in some cases the Puritan Cler- gy most discreditably acted as spies, visited the eparatists in prison, and under the guise of sym- pathy and religious conference, noted down their _ conversations, testified against them on their trial, - and aided in their conviction. _. This persecuting spirit they brought over and It was this spirit of the Massachusetts Puritans that drove _ Roger Williams into the wilderness, where he _ found more favor with savages than with Chris- tians, simply for asserting that ‘‘ Civil magistrates ‘had no authority from God to regulate or con- **trol the affairs of religion.” Their intolerant _ spirit led them to denounce Anne Hutchinson, the most remarkable woman of the age, simply for holding to a ‘‘ Covenant of Grace” and perfect toleration, of whom a late writer says: : ‘* A woman whose life was as spotless as her _ _‘* doctrines; who watched with the sick, aided the **poor, breathed hope to the dying :—an example _ ‘of the purity she taught—yet the bitter Welde _ **called her an American Jezebel; whom even the - ** cautious Winthrop believed to be a minister, if not a familiar, of Satan; whom the grave Puri- **tansresolved to destroy ; and whom they treated **with a persevering barbarity, not surpassed by _ *faSpanish Inquisition. Their hate pursued her to “her lonely grave; and they sought to hold her _ *‘up for the execration of posterity as the heaven- __ ** detested enemy of the Church—but whose doc- ‘*trines of universal toleration are now ap- ** plauded.” _.. The presecution of the Quakers, as recorded by _ Bishop, in his Yew Hngland judged by the Spirit of __ the Lord, is shocking to humanity. The fact of _ imprisonment, starving, whipping and hanging of Quakers, both male and female, is too notorious _. to render detail necessary. Isaac Robinson, son of John Robinson, the Leyden Pastor, was disfran- _ chised, together with Cudworth, Hatherley, and many others, for their opposition to the laws But it q _ Mayflower was not superficial, but. wide, funda- MAGAZINE. 279 mental, and irreconcilable. Yet the Springfield Republican asks, ‘‘What is the use of running ‘**such a nice distinction when there is so little ‘« difference, and where so little is to be gained ‘* by it?” What we propose to gain by it is the ‘¢ vindication of the truth of history.” He who corrects false history, like the person ‘‘ who causes ‘‘two blades of grass to grow where but one ‘‘orew before,” is a public benefactor. False history, unchallenged, will in time be referred to as evidence to prove events that never happened. We can afford to tolerate the poetical licence of Longfellow’s ‘‘ Puritan Maiden,” without a drop of Puritan blood in her veins, or Macaulay’s re- view of Milton, while in his History of England he advances no idea that militates against our position.’ Werely on History to sustain our view ; we leave Poetry and Fiction for the Springfield Republican. . V.—NEW YORK, IN 1786. (Mrz. Eprror.—I send for the Historica MaGazine a let- ter from Captain Simeon Covell, a loyal man of the Ameri- can Revolution, written three years after the peace of 1783, to his friend the Rey. Dr. Harry Munro, another loyal man of that period. It is, as you will see, only a private letter, but contains such a graphic account of the internal condition of the Uni- ted States, in 1786, that it may prove interesting to your read- ers. It shows that the state of things at the North then, was nearly that of the South now. History has only once more repeated itself. r. Munro, I may add, was the Rector of St. Peter’s church, Albany, and was driven from that city for his loy- alty. His wife was the elder sister of Chief-justice John Jay. He went to ey and subsequently resided at Edinburgh, where he died a few years after the date of the letter. E. F. D. L.) Dutcues County 18t of Dec? 1786 | REVEREND. SIR. by the mercy of God I arived in Good helth in New Y after a passage of sixty seven days & am- eadiately proceded to Quakerhill wheir I had the pleasure to find My children well! I find the sperrit of People in general cool towards men of my disscription, yet, there remains sufisiant of the more violent, to rendure my Cituation unsafe ware Ito be Public, and I beleave the more so from the distress which the People in general feel (Viz) their trade ruined, by various means, which are obvious, to the smallist capassity, by many captures & depredations committed by the Alge- reans, England france and Spain & likewis the dutch Restricting’ their Navigation so as to ren- dure it unprofitable Nothing but anarchey & Con- fution through out, Boston State at present pro- vented of the exercise of thier own laws, by the mob, Vermont the same, New York State in dis- tress for Bread, by means of a vermun not much unlike a lows, which for two years past has dis- troyed all the wheat, so that, the inhabitance buy at New York at 8s 6d # busiel to suploy the County of Dutches with bread; formerley such a
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280 wheat Country—however, this calamitey is not considered by any means to be the act of Provi- dence, but rather the Cruil mallace of Great Brit- tian & their adhearance, hy Sending jarmin troops whom they Say brought over this insec to diss- tress the land, however Strange it may seem, true it is the People Generally call it the jirmin lows andl flatter themselves that they shall sune be rid of them as they had ben of the vile Propegaters— I am prepairing & in a few days shall be on the Rout for Canada—with my fameley but I shall take cair to find out the Peticulars Respecting the confiscation of your Lands, thoI cannot myself be known on that or any other buisness, yet I shall imploy others that it may be done—Permit me sir, to acknowledge your favours &attention to me in my buisness when Prepairing to leave Lon- don I am further to request the favour, that if Doct? Munro Should leave England he will be so good as to lodg all the Papers belonging to me inthe hands of my frind Colonel Ebenezer Jes- sup & take his Receipt for them, the receipt Please to Leave with Philip Skeen Esq? at No. five field Row Chelsea—& let me know of the matter by a line Directed to the Cair of Mr Dobry Marchant in Montreal & if anything New or inm- portant respecting the loyalists I had forgot to mention that among other Calameties hear in the States, the Indians are dayly Scalping & dis- troying the back Settlements where Ever it is Said war is cleclaired & a large force Sent against them my Eyes never saw nor my Ears hear, such com- plicated Scens of distress—Nothing but complaints and murmerings among all orders & ranks of People, the Congress it seams fault the legislature of the Separate States fornot adopting theirrecom- mendation, the legislature complains of the public for not holding to & fulley comply with the laws, the vaux popular Clammer that the tax is unsep- portable, that if Justice had been done the Sales of the tory Estates would have lessened the bur- then in a word Every man seems to incline to do what Ever Suits his turn, theaving & other crimes of the like Nature, are so Pravilant, that hous nor barn, man or beast, is not Safe Nite nor day, & it seems to be a grooing evil—I consider however that I have allreadey trasposed on time & may on oor Patiance to read such disagreabile truths— Iam Sir your Most Divoted and obediant Humble Servant | SIMEON COVELL Reverend Doctor Henry Munro [Addressed. | REVEREND Doctor Henry Munro No. 66 Castle St ) favoured p near Oxford road ¢ the Ship betsey Lonpbon ) Watson Master HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (November, VI.—GOVERNOR PHILIP SKENE. READ BY Henry Hawn, Esq., ofr RUTLAND, BEFORE THE VERMONT Historica Socis AT Winpsor, Juty 24. 1863.* Philip Skene was never a citizen of our State, but his history for several years is so intimately interwoven with that of South-western Verm ‘ as a co-colonist, neighboring manufacture’ friend, Yorker, tory, would-be Governor, tha our local history would be defective unless ur nished with a sketch of his life. The grandson of John Skene, of Halyards, Fifeshire, Scotland, he enters the British army it 1739 ; is in the expedition against Portobello, tha year; at the taking of Carthagena, in 1741; iI the battle of Fonteroy, in 1744; in the battle of Culloden, in 1746; a spectator of the battle o Lafield, in 1737, and arrives in America, in 1756. On the second of February, 1757, he is pro. moted to the command of a company in thé Twenty-seventh, or Inniskillen, Regiment of Foo! under Lord Loudon ; in July, 1758, is wounde in the unfortunate attack by Lord Howe upon Ticonderoga ; on the thirty-first of July, iT appointed Major of a Brigade, by General / herst ; and in October of that year, he is lett § char we of Crown Point, with orders to strengthe the military fortifications there. ; It is in this last station that his adventures fi 3 seem blended with those of our predecessors, for now ceasing to be a mere soldier, his active habits, quick obser vation, and strong judgment familis : ize him with the valuable timber, fertile soil, ¢ numerous water privileges of the ‘surrounds el ritory—he sees, in fancy, the narrow, placid uke vexed with the keels and whitened with the sails of'a coming commerce; hears the sounds of saw and anvil, and the busy hum of industry along its banks. Encouraged by General Amherst, hy excrts himself, aud lo! he sees the reality before him, in a hamlet of thirty families, numbering perhaps one hundred and fifty persons, at th head of Lake Champlain, near the site of the pre sent village of Whitehall. But an European soldier, stationed in America 1 during the fierce struggles for colonial agerandise- ment, “by the rival houses of Hanover and Bour bon, could not always indulge in the haleya pursuits of the ‘‘piping times of peace.” Tf 1762, Skene is ordered to join the expediil . against Martinico and Havana; and in the storm ing of the Castle Moro, he signalizes himself by being the first to enter the *‘imminent deadly ‘*breach.” He returns to New York, in 17638; looks after the interests of his infant settlement s 7 goes to England ; and, in 1765, obtains a Patent for a large tract of land, under the name of * From Zhe Vermont Record.
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1867.) | A HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 281 - Skenesborou ch. But, ere long, his regiment is | sions of his youth and of his pride, for this favorite _ ordered to Ireland. To avoidleaving America, in! home in a new world; will he, the descendant of _ May, 1768, he exchanges into the Xth Foot; - but another order may come, ordering that regi- - ment away, and to escape all future trouble of - the kind, he sells out of the army, in 1769; and, in ' 1770, establishes his residence as a citizen of _ Skenesborough. The next five years constitute _ the palmy days of his colonial community—peace _ prevails, industry flourishes, rude plenty abounds; _ the population increased to several hundreds. _ Skene’s foresight and executive ability develop _ themselvesin sulstantial and useful improvements. _ He opens a road to Salem and Bennington, after- _ wards known as ‘‘Skene’s Road;” builds mills _ for sawing timber and forges for smelting iron, ~ and it was said, a grist mill, a stone barn, one hundred feet long, and an extensive dwelling house. _ Inthe collisions between the Yorkers and the ' Green Mountain Boys, he doesnot seem to have _ been conspicuous; yet, on the twenty-fourth of _ August, 1774, Governor Tyron, by advice of his _ Majesty’s Council, directs Philip Skene, J. Munro, - Patrick Smith and John McComb, Justices of the _ Peace for the county of Albany, to try Cockran and fourteen other armed men, for violently as- - saulting and dispossessing Donald McIntyre and _ other complainants, of lands granted by New _ York and improved by them, near Argyle. Soon comes a contest about the location of the _ county buildings, in the new county of Charlotte, that included what had been the northern part of _ the old county of Albany, and extended from the _ Green Mountains far west of the lake. On the eighth of April, 1772, a petition in favor of - Socialbourgh, or Rutland, having been read be- _ fore the New York Council, on the second of _ February, 1779, petitions were read in favor of _ Skenesborough, with signers all over the territory, _ from Crown Pointand Middlebury to Bennington ; and among them one from Skenesborough, signed by Skene and seventy-one other persons, all ten- - ants of Skene, and therein it was stated that of _ the three hundred and seventy-nine inhabitants of _ Skenesborough, forty-four were members of _ Skene’s own family—a state of society suggestive of feudal baronies and southern plantations, _ rather than of embryo republics. ; _ Buta storm is now looming up in the horizon, _ between the colonists and the mother country, _ over-riding all domestic questions of jurisdiction _ orinternal improvement. Where will Skene be _ found in this hour of need and peril to his Am- - erican neighbors and associates? He, a British soldier for thirty years, for almost a score of years a resident of America, for more than a dozcn years a dweller upon the lake, the builder of roads _ and mills, the political and social ‘‘ monarch of _ *‘all he surveys :” will he who forsook the profes- Scotland’s great champion, the world-renowned William Wallace, prove recreant to his lineage, and strike with hirelings against liberty? Alas! for his sympathy with humanity. He who fought against his countrymen at Culloden, will be found among America’s foes at Bennington and Sara- toga. “According to the letter of Edward Mott, Chair- man of the Council of War, held at Castleton, on Monday, the eighth of May, 1775, by Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, James Eaton, and others, it was then arranged that Captain Herrick, with thirty men, published account of Herrick’s doings, I do not should capture Major Andrew P. Skene, son of Philip, with the party, boats, &c., at Skenes borough—Philip Skene being then absent. Any remember to have seen. Elias Hall, of Castleton, related the following incidents as having occurred: Captain North Lee argued with the Councilabove named, that as Major Skene had been recently appointed Governor of Crown Point and Ticon- deroga, his capture would technically be the cap- ture of those military posts—an argument of course not quite so satisfactory to Allen and the others as their actual capture—but Lee was sent with about a dozen men to seize the Major, the buildings, &c., at Skenesborough. Arrived at Skene’s house, Lee is informed by the family that young Skene is out with two or three gentlemen, hunting. He goes to the place of hunting indi- cated and finds the gentlemen; but although he is well acquainted with Philip Skene, he does not recognize his son, and inquires forhim. Young Skene promptly announced himself; and after hearing Lee’s story, submits to be taken prisoner, without resistance. He and his two sisters were sent prisoners into Connecticut. In June, 1775, Philip Skene is arrested in Phil- adelphia, sent to New York, thence to Hartford, and paroled in Middletown, Connecticut. On the fifth of November, 1775, Andrew P. Skene, from on board the British ship-of-war Asia, writes to Hugh Gaine, denying that he broke his parole, in his escape from Connecticut, as was published in Gaine’s newspaper, a fortnight before, and appealing to the Hartford Convention to cor-. roborate his statement. Andrew P. Skene reached Quebec in April, 1775. Philip Skene’s parole expired in May, 1776. Towards its expiration, various rumors unfavora- ble to the propriety of his conduct being in circu- lation, the Governor and Council of Connecticut appointed a Committee to investigate the matter. The Committee waits upon Skene, and finds some circumstances indicating secret clandestine trans- actions, not sufficiently patent to convict him of
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282 HISTORICAL actual overt offense, but suggestive of the danger of leaving so capable and hostile a man at liberty, to plot against the country. _ Among other and more serious and dangerous things, it appears that Skene’s negro man, John Anderson, had heard of the elections of Governors; and the idea having been suggested to him by an- other negro, that he might be elected Governor of the negroes in Connecticut, he promised to pay twenty dollars in treating, if elected. The story circulates; and at Skene’s, the day before election, Skene promises half a joe, and his guests two dol- ‘lars each, to pay Jack’s election and expenses ; but the whig negroes refuse to elect a tory Governor. Yet the treat and the fun must be had, and there- fore Jack must be Governor somehow ; and so his Excellency, Mr. Curr, of Hartford, claiming to have been Governor of his State’s negroes for the last ten years, issues a commission in writing, drafted by an illiterate white soldier, duly appoint- ing Jchn Anderson his gubernatorial successor, with a sufficient array of interesting darkey wit- nesses ; and thereupon—election day being over— the colored pussons have a good time, an evening dance and treat—John Anderson pays the bill; and what seems magnified by rumor, a sinister tory conspiracy, exploded in smoke. But the Governor and Council of Connecticut, alarmed at the possible injury Skene may do, very wisely require him, in his new parole, to agree, not only to stay in Middletown, the place of his choice, but also not to do anything, directly, by correspondence, or otherwise, to injure the com- mon cause of the United Colonies. This he pos- itively refuses to do, and therefore on the twenty third of May, 1776, he is imprisoned. On the eighteenth of July, 1775, William Pit- kins, of Hartford, writes Governor Trumbull that for ten days he has kept a night watch at his powder mill, at an expense of seven shillings per night, because, he said, ‘‘ threats have leaked out ‘* from Skene and other inimical monsters, that it ‘‘should be destroyed if art or money could effect 46 it.” During the summer, arrangements are made for _ the exchange of Skene for James Lovell: during the delay in Lovell’s arrival from Halifax, it is as late as the sixth of October, when Washington writes to Sir William Howe, that on the following day, he should send Skene on board of one of the. ships-of-war in the North River. In the resolution of Congress, and in the corres- pondence of Washington and Howe, upon the subject of his exchange, Skene is always eailed ‘*Governor Skene;” and in an obituary notice in ~The Gentlemen's Magazine, he is called ‘‘ former- ‘*Jy Lieutenant-governor of Crown Point and “Ticonderoga, and Surveyor of His Majesty's _ **woods and forests bordering on Lake Cham- “plain.” MAGAZINE. [November On the twelfth of August, 1776, Richard Var- rick writes from Albany to General Gates, that he has procured ‘‘ three new sails, which were or: ‘* dered to be made for the schooner Liberty, ¢ ‘‘Lake Champlain, by ‘Governor Skene, befon ‘¢the commencement of his misfortunes.” a On the twenty eighth of December, 1779, Skene writes from New York to Governor Trumbull, for the release of his two servants, Litchfield am Ludlow, alleging as reasons therefor that they hat not and would not bear arms ; and saying, amor other things, that ‘‘the inhabitants of Skene ‘‘borough are all my tenants under rent.” a In the beginning of the year 1777, he returns t England ; volunteers to join the army of Burgoyne and we next find him, after the evacuation 0 Ticonderoga and the battle of Hubbardton, Skenesborough, under Burgoyne, with the of Colonel, and for seventeen days, Skenesborougt House is Burgoyne’s headquarters. a And what may we imagine his sensations to be after two years exasperating absence, returniz as a conquering enemy among his old tenants am neighbors, the beloved scene of his former labor and successes? Is he flushed with the insolence ¢ triumph? Does he see himself, in prospect, rei stalled lord of a wild realm? his wealth an¢ power increased in reward for persistent loyalt and signal services for the Crown? ¥ A hundred days later, his dreams, will vanish but now, the present county of Rutland and North of it lie at the mercy of the British army and Burgoyne may almost work his will therein. The extent of his ambition and hopes is ind cated by the following, to wit: The Legislature of Vermont being in session a Windsor, the fourteenth of February, 1781, th House, in Committee of the whole, Honorabl Joseph Bowker, Chairman, made a report in whi these memorable words occur, viz: 4 ‘¢ And, whereas, .it appears by the best accoun ‘* hitherto obtained, that there was a governmen ‘¢ established by the Crown of Great Britian, b ‘* fore the era of America Independence, includin ‘¢ all the lands this State at present exercises juris ‘* diction over, as also a much greater western ex ‘*tent, over which Governor Philip Skene was t ‘‘ have presided,” etc., etc. - af The report of the Committee was no bold assel tion or idle dream, ingeniously urged as argumel Evidence exists, already published, that Sken had been at work, founding this new empire, as sisted by William Gilliland ; and the work upo Gilliland, now in course of preparation, by M Joel Munsell, of Albany, will probably more full disclose the particulars thereof. In view of th chapter of our early history, what becomes | New York’s claim to exclusive jurisdiction o¥ Vermont? a The Vermont delegation at the Chicago Pres
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1867.) dential Convention did not support Mr. Seward. When a delegation from our State waited upon the new Secretary of State, in March, 1861, they were tauntingly told that Vermont was was founded in secession. The good taste of this is patent to all—its utter falsehood may be made more apparent by a full knowledge of Skene’s history. * _ Yo return from this digression, Skene is the - man of all others in the British army, regular or provincial, upon whom reliance is placed for coun- cil and guidance in all matters relative to the con- - quest and government of the people inhabiting _ the present counties of Rutland and Bennington, from his knowledge, both of the people and the territory. On the tenth of July, 1777, Burgoyne issues a Proclamation, commanding the inhabitants of Cas- ‘tleton, Rutland, Hubbardton, Tinmouth, Wells, Pawlet, Granville, &c., to send ten or more dele- gates from each town ‘‘to meet Colonel Skene at Castleton, on Wednesday, the fifteenth of July, _ *atten o’clock inthe morning, who will have in- _** structions not only to give further encouragement ** to those who complied with the terms of my late **manifesto but also to communicate conditions “upon which the persons and properties of the dis- ‘** obedient may yet be spared.” Two days later, Burgoyne’s order reads, ‘‘ Governor Skene is ap- ‘pointed to act as Commissary, to administer the _ -*oath of allegiance and to grant certificates of _ ** protection to such male inhabitants assue properly ‘*for thesame, and to regulate all other matters rel- ** ative to the supplies and assistance that shall be ‘* required from thecountry, or voluntarily brought 4é in.” ; On the sixth of October, the orderreads: ‘‘*The _ **department alloted to Colonel Skene, by the order **of the twelfth of July, becoming too extensive ‘*and complicated to be executed by one person, ‘*Mr. Daniel Jones and others are appointed to act ‘as his assistants, and among them to constitutea ‘** board or office, a quorum of which is to be three, -**to sit every morning at headquarters, when the *“army is not marching, to receive, discuss and re- ‘* oulate the applications of inhabitants and other **persons coming in from the enemy, respecting ‘* protections, sale of cattle, enlistments, and other _ purposes, taking care to form distinct reports to _ **be laid before the Lieutenant-general, of such _ **cases as donot come within the limits of their in- ** structions to determine.” _. *We rather fancy that it would not have been very difii- cult for the distinguished Secretary of State to have proved _ what he is said to have “‘ tauntingly told” the Vermont dele- gation on that occasion; and if he had added ‘still more _ severe words to the catalogue of Vermont’s early transgres- gions, he would have been entirely within the limits of the Ba. . Vermont needs prudence while discussing her early _ history; and less arrogance onthe part of her sons, while _ hus engaged, would add vastly to their credit before an in- ftelligent and impartial world. Ep. His. Maa. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 283 On the eleventh of August, Reverend Mr. Bru- denel and Major Skene are added as assistants. But a famous expedition under Lieutenant-col- onel Baum, is about to invade Vermont; and the German commander needs a guide and counselor, and perhaps a quicker brain than his own, to ac- company him. Burgoyne thus instructs him: ‘* Colonel Skene will be with you as much as pos- ‘*sible, in order to assist you with his advice, to ‘*help you to distinguish the good subjects from ‘*the bad, to procure you the best intelli- ‘* gence of the enemy, and to choose those people ‘* who are to bring me the accounts of your pro- ‘* press and success.” : ‘To Skene he issues instructions, from which we extract the following viz.: ‘‘Sir, I request a ‘*favor of you, to proceed with Lieutenant-col- ‘*onel Baum, upon an expedition of which he has ‘‘the command, and which will march this even- ‘ing or to-morrow morning. ‘* Lieutenant-colonel Baum is directed to com- ‘¢municate to you the rest of his instructions, and ‘*to consult with you upon all matters of intelli- ‘gence, negociation with the inhabitants, roads ‘*and other means, depending upon a knowledge ‘** of the country for carrying his instructions into ‘*execution. Irely upon your zeal and activity ‘* for the fullest assistance, &c., &.” During the campaign under Burgoyne, Colone¥ Skene had his horse twice shot under him—he shared the fate of all the survivorsof that once ter- ror-inspiring army, being made a prisoner at Sara- toga. OE the remainder of his life little can be gathered. He wasattainted and his estate confis- cated by the Legislature of New York, in 1779. It is said that once after the war was over, and while George Clinton was Governor of New York, he revisited this country and endeavored to regain his property, Failing in this, he returned to England, and there lived in retirement until he died, on the ninth of October, 1810, at Addersy Lodge, near Stoke Goldington, in the county of Buckingham, at how patriarchal an age we do not know; but we do know that his death occurred three score and eleven years after he first began the life of a soldier. Vil.—THE BATTLE OF QUEENSTOWN. General Wool on General Scott’s Autobiography. Troy, Nov. 30, 1865. To THe Eprror oF THE HERALD. In the Autobiography of Lieutenant-general Winfield Scott, in reference to the capture of Queenstown heights and its battery, on the thir- teenth of October, 18.2, the following statement will be found :—
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284 & _—— The General says, pages fifty-eight and fifty- nine :—‘‘ And now it was that Licutenant-col- ‘*onel Scott—whose light batteries, commanded **by Captains Towson and Barker, had partially ** diverted the enemy’s fire from our boats—was ** permitted, at his repeated solicitation, to cross *‘over and take command of our forces in con- ** flict with the enemy. Fortunately, he made the ** passage, accompanied only by Adjutant Roach, ** of his battalion, with but little hurt or damage. **The heights and battery had been previously “* carried by detachments of the Sixth Infantry, “funder Captain Machesney; of the Thirteenth, *‘under Captains Wool, Armstrong, Ogilvie and **Malcomb; one of the Twenty-third, under ** Major Mullany ; a company of light artillery, un- “*der Captain James Gibson, supported by Lieu- “tenant Thomas B. Randolph, with one six ** pounder and some New York militia. Captain ** Wool had been disabled by a wound in ascend- *‘ing the heights. Captain J. G. Totten, of the ** Engineers, was also with the troops, qualified 66 ¢ and ready for any duty that might fall to him. ** Tt was a little before this time that Major-gene- *‘yal Brock, Lieutenant-governor of Upper Can- **ada, and the Secretary of the Province, Colonel ** McDonald, fell at the foot of the heights, while ** gallantly leading up from the mouth of the “river, a body of York volunteers, with a number “* of additional Indians.” Lest the statement of the illustrious autobiogra- pher, he being one of the few survivors of the period to which it refers, may be received by many as the truth of history, justice requires that the authenticated reports of the affair of Queens- town should not be overlooked. The following history of the first detachment that crossed the Niagara river, at the time referred to by Lieutenant-general Scott, with the Report of Major-general Stephen Van Rensselaer to Brigadier-general Smyth, his letter to Captain Wool, and the Report of Lieutenant-colonel John Chrystie to the Secretary of War, John Armstrong, will show under what circumstances and by whom the heights of Queenstown and the battery were “‘carried.” Also, when and where ‘‘ Major-gen- ** eral Brock and Colonel McDonald fell.” On the morning of the thirteenth of October, 1812, two detachments, a part of the forces de- signated as ‘‘a forlorn hope,” to ‘‘storm the ‘heights of Queenstown,” landed before day- light, on the Canada shore, a short distance above Queenstown village. One detachment, one hun- dred strong, as officially reported, was under Lieutenant-colonel Van Rensselaer, and. the other, of three companies of the Thirteenth Infantry, one hundred and eighty rank and file, under Captains Wool, Malcomb and Armstrong. Both detach- ments landed at the same time, uncler fire from the enemy, who immediately fled towards the village. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. yet he consented, and Wool received his instrue [Novembe Soon after, Colonal Van Rensselacr ordered the troops to move forward preparatory to ‘‘ stormir ‘*the heights,” but halted them at the basé While waiting further orders, the Thirteenth Infan try was attacked, as Tupper, the historian ¢ Major-general Brock, says, by ‘‘sixty of ‘¢ Forty-ninth Grenadiers and Captain Hall’s com ‘*pany of militia, under Captain Dennis, of th ‘* Forty-ninth, with a three pounder.” Captain Wool, the senior in rank and the commanding officer in the absence of Lieutenant-colonel Chrys- tie, wheeled his detachment and confronted the enemy, who, after a short but severe contest, flec in the direction of Queenstown. In this contest, the Thirteenth lost two meritorious and gallant officers, killed, Lieutenants Valleau and. Mortis, and four severely wounded, Captains Wool, Arm- strong, and Malcomb and Lieutenant Lent, an¢ forty-five of the rank and file, killed and wounded, Of the militia, Lieutenant-colonel Van Rensselea received four wounds, supposed at the time to b mortal, in. consequence of which he ordered the troops to the shore of the Niagara. At dayligh or soon after, the troops being exposed to the fire from the heights of ‘‘ Captains Williams's and Chis- ‘*holm’s companies,” Captain Wool sought Van Rensselaer to ascertain if something could not be done to relieve the troops from the fire, fro which several of his men had been killed an wounded, Van Rensselaer replied he knew 6 nothing but the capture of the heights. Captai Wool, although severely wounded—having been shot through both thighs—volunteered to under- take the enterprise. Van Rensselacr was unwill- ing to accept the offer, because of the ‘‘inex- ‘perience end youthful appearance of the offi- ‘‘cers, and the highest in rank only a Captain ;” tions. Accordingly, with two hundred an forty men, including officers, and a small detach- ment of artillery, under Lieutenant Randolph, an¢ Captain Ogilvie, with his company, who had jus joined, he ascended the heights ; surprised Captains Williams’s and Chisholm’s companies, who ran own the heights; and captured the battery, Major-general Brock and his two aides-de-camp” (as Tupper says in his history) were in the battery when the Thirteenth fired into it, and barely es caped capture, ‘‘ They had not even time to ‘*mount their horses, but precipitately ran down ‘*the heights.” On arriving at the village, Gen- eral Brock organized a force under Captain Wi liams, and again ascended the heights, and drove back Captain Wool’s forces to the edge of the precipice, which they had a short time before as- cended, where they were rallied, and in turn re pelled Brock, and again drove him and his forces. part way down the heights, where he rallied his favorite corps, the Forty-ninth, and again ad- vanced to regain his lost position. At that moment, a
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he was joined by Colonel McDonald, with two - companies of York volunteers from Brown’s Point ; and at the instant when he ordered McDonald. to -**Push on the York volunteers,” he fell. The Colonel, obeyed the orders of his beloved chief, and _ * with the hereditary courage of his race, charged -*fupthe hill ;” but he wasrepelled by the Thirteenth “Infantry, when he and the Attorney-general of Upper Canada fell, mortally wounded. ‘‘ The flank companies of the Forty-ninth having suffered severely, and both the Captains being - wounded, the troops retreated in front of Vro- _**mont’s battery,” some distance below Queens- town and the crossings of the river, leaving _éleven prisoners, including an Indian Chief, in the possession of Captain Wool. Soon after, _ Captain Wool was joined by Captain Lawrence, of the Thirteenth, and Captain Machesney, of the S$ixth Infantry, who was introduced to Captain Wool by Lawrence. At no time previous to this, had Captain Machesney been with the troops that carried the ‘‘ heights and battery,” Also Lieu- tenant Smith joined with thirty Rochester Rifles. The latter, while passing through Queenstown, re- _ leased Lieutenant-colonel Fenwick, Major Mullany, and one or two other officers, who had been cap- - tured while crossing the river. Mullany crossed to - Lewiston; but Fenwick was too severely wounded tobe moved. About the same-time, a number of Officers arrived on the heights, with a detachment of militia—among others Lieutenant-colonel _ Chrystie, who took command of his detachment the first time after it left Lewiston. Captain Wool, _ being nearly exhausted with the loss of blood and the fatigues of the morning, after getting his - wounds dressed by Assistant-surgeon John McCall, _ by order of Colonel Chrystie, crossed to Lewiston. Thus a condensed, but, as is believed, true and faithful history is presented of the gallant servic- - esrendered by the first two detachments which crossed the Niagara Strait, on the morning of the _ thirteenth of October, 1812, and of the officers _ and men of the Thirteenth Infantry, two hundred _ and forty strong, who ‘‘ carried the heights and _ “battery,” and afterwards defeated Major-gene- tal Brock, when he and Colonel McDonald fell, _ not at the foot of the heights nor previous to the capture of the battery, as stated by Liecutenant- general Scott, The officers who participated in _ these gallant achievements will be discovered in _ what follows from Reports of Major-general Van Rensselaer and Lieutenant-colonel _ Chrystie. _ Major-general Var Rensselaer, in his Report to _Brigadier-general Smyth, dated the twenty-fourth of October, 1812, says:—‘‘I conceive it a duty I “owe to myself, to merit, and to the service, to re- “commend to your particular notice and favor, - “and through you, Sir, to Major-general Dearborn, “the following brave officers who distinguished _ “themselves in the first detachment of troops who HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 285 ‘were engaged in storming the redoubt on the ‘*heights of Queenstown, on the thirteenth in- ‘¢ stant :—Captains Wool and Ogilvie; Lieutenants ‘* Kearney, Carr, Huganin and Sammons, of the ‘¢ Thirteenth Infantry; Lieutenants Randolph and ‘*Gansevoort, of the Artillery.” The name of Lieutenant Reab and Assistant- surgeon John McCall should have been added. eneral Van Rensselaer addressed to Captain Wool the followingletter, dated the twenty-fourth of December, 1812:-— ‘¢Srr—In my official despatch to General Dear- ‘*born, I was not sufficiently informed to do jus- ‘¢tice to your bravery and good conduct in the ‘¢ attack of the enemy on the heights of Queens- ‘town. The manner in which you meet and re- ‘* pulsed the troops of General Brock, with the ** party under your command, merits the notice of ‘*Government, and I hope your promotion will ‘¢stimulate others to emulate your example.” Lieutenant-colonel John Chrystie, in his Report, dated the twenty-second of February, 1818, onhis return as prisoner of war, to the Secretary of War, John Armstrong, made the following statement, in a detailed report of the affair of Queenstown. Referring to the first engagement, the capture of the heights, and the defeat of General Brock, he says-—‘'In this affair, Captain Wool, of the ‘¢Thirteenth, a gallant officer, commanded, and ‘* displayed a firmness and activity in the highest. ‘* degree honorable to him. Captain Ogilvie and ‘¢ Lieutenant Kearney, Second-lieutenant Ran- “dolph, of the Light Artillery, and Carr and ‘‘Huganin, of the Thirteenth, and Ensign Reab ‘¢were also highly distinguished. On the part of ‘¢the British, General Brock and _ his aid, Colonel ‘¢McDonald, fell; both of the officers of the ‘¢ Forty-ninth were wounded; and they lost about ‘twenty or thirty prisoners, mostly wounded.” By all which it will be perceived that only three of the officers named by Lieutenant-general Scott, in his Autobiography, page fifty-cight, as- cended the heights and carried the battery. These were Captains Wool and Ogilvie, and Lieu- tenant Thomas B. Randolph ; and no other officers named by the General appeared on the heights, until after the defeat of General Brock and his troops had retreated to Vromont’s battery. It will also be perceived that Major-general Brock and Colonel McDonald did not fall ‘‘ a little before,” but after the heights and battery had been carried. See page fifty-nine of the Autobiography, JOHN E. WOOL. Bee ee VI.—“‘NEAR FORT POPHAM.” Mr. Eprror, | Your correspondent H., in the September num- ber of Tur Historica, MaGazInE, appears to
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286 HISTORICAL have taken much pains to make the geography of the region in which Fort Popham is situated, contribute a little support to his conjecture—for his assertion amounts to no more—about the first English occupants on the shores of Maine. It is perhaps well for him to do this for his own pleas- ure: but as he brings no proof to maintain his positions, there need be no great alarm occasioned by the repetition of the calumny upon the mem- ory of the colonists at Sagadahoc. How much value is to be attributed to his degree of respect for this ancient enterprise, may be seen from his readiness to take up ‘‘traditions that the water **formerly flowed between Bath and Topsham **and New Brunswick ;” which description of what has been handed down from ancient days exhibits a singular confusion of imagination, reality, and geography. There is no need of a tradition to show that Bath and Topsham were once separated by water, when everybody in the region knows that they are now separated by the broad sheet known as ‘“Merrymeeting Bay; ” and all who know this fact believe that the respective territories have been so disjoined ever since the Androscoggin began to carry its many waters through this bay, to the Kennebec and the ocean. And as to Bath being ‘‘ formerly” separated from ‘‘ New Bruns- “‘ wick” by water, as the tradition states, if the writer means the British Province of that name, there certainly needs no tradition to sustain the fact, as all know that the half of Maine and more, with many ariver, lie between them.* But, if he means Brunswick, then the New Meadows runs between them, as it has done since the time when that arm of the sea was first formed. The **sandy marsh, once doubtless the bed of the ** sea,” of which he speaks, divides only one part of Bath from another part. When local geo- graphy is brought in as an aid to show Popham’s settlement to have been a ‘‘penal colony,” it would have been better if the testimony had been made to bear correspondence with well-known facts. But the theory is a lame one, and the geography adduced is just its equal. The allegation about ‘‘the advent of a penal “*colony to the shores of Maine,” is neither new nor terrible. When it has the shade of a shadow of evidence to support its ‘‘ obiter dictum,” or whatever else it may be named, excepting truth, it will be time to examine it. But, until then, no citizen of Maine need sleep any the less sound- ly because of words that have been the com- mencement of a fictitious history, but no. proof of a true one. ’ *It is proper for us to say, in this place, that when ‘'H,’? received a “revise” of this article, he attempted to correct what in this case was evidently a clerical error in his mann- script; bunt his letter containing the correction did not reach ‘us until after the sheet had been printed. Ep. Hist. Maa. MAGAZINE. [November Your correspondent speaks of ‘‘The Pophar ‘*claims, to whose support the Maine Historica ‘* Society has had the misfortune to be commi ‘*ted by a portion of its members.” Now thi Society is quite capable of taking care of its ow reputation, and needs not the help of any corres pondent from the Allequippa House, at Smal Point Harbor. Annually has this Society give its countenance to ‘‘ the claims” that this Cole was the first English Colony in the New Englant of John Smith’s Map, and has_ bestow generous aid for publications in vindication these ‘‘ claims,” from certain charges, issued fro1 a neighboring State, against the character of t colonists. The Society is by no means frightene yet, especially as these claims are gaining friend every year. r As to the legal opinion connected with th statement of Judge Bourne, relative to ‘‘ shore’ and ‘‘island,” very little need be said ; inasmuc as the formal occupancy of the territory of Nort Virginia took place on solid land, on a peninsul: called a demi-island, by one of the old write and ‘‘presque-isle” by this ‘last. This soli foundation is enough for the purpose of the set tlement. Judge B. can take care of the legs question. “ He says we magnify ‘‘ the laws to be observ ‘*and kept” into ‘‘a Proclamation of the Lay ‘¢of England.” Well, what were they if not th Laws of England? Surely they were neith Indian nor French : not the Statutes of the Realz but Laws to regulate the Colony—English Laws in harmony with the Law of the Mother land, an appropriate to the action which a subsequen Patent refers to as an ‘‘ actual possession of t ‘¢ Continent.” " There are several remarks made as if disparag. ing to the persons who have taken part in commemorations. Richard Seymour must not be called by them ‘‘ Reverend,” because ‘littl ‘*more than a hoy,” as though all persons wh have just passed into manhood were not always little more than boys. a ‘‘The cabin where they met for religious ser ‘*vices becomes a Church ’—the very name which Strachey gives it. ‘‘Every hut is of course ‘a ‘* * house’”—‘* of course,” because Strachey says ‘‘ they built fifty howses and a store-howse; ” ar why should not others adopt his words ? 9 Of the imaginations about a Cathedral, a Episcopal Palace, and a Market-house, there i no need to say more than that they have the same degree of credibility as is due to the ‘ pena ‘‘colony,” and no more. All alike want prod which no well-appointed Library has ever yet sup- plied, to sustain any one of them, nor the addi tional charge that ‘‘a historical crime” has been committed by the ‘‘inscription attached to the ‘* walls” of Fort Popham. 4 Li “a | n qj VG
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1867.] oe HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 287 _ If the language of the writers in defence of the Colony seems ‘‘to swell beyond a legitimate ideali- _ “zation,” as your correspondent represents, we are consoled in the belief that our descriptions are _ warranted by the facts; and when he refers to _ “the more modest and rational views” of Doctor - Willis, the former President of the Historical Society, we can reply that he has never asserted _ the penal character of the Colony, and never will _ do what others have done ; and that is, to make an allegation unsustained by proof. Brunswick, Mn. B. _ 'YII.—SELECTIONS FROM PORTFOLIOS IN . VARIOUS LIBRARIES. —ContTinvuEpb. 77.—From Hon. ALEXANDER H. EVERETT TO Hon. Joun L. O’SuLLIvAN.* : Boston, March 21, 1843. _ Dear Sir. IT received yesterday a letter from your Pub- _ lishers on the subject of the account of the Engra- _ vers for my portrait. It would seem from the _ tenor of the letter that the Publishers ordered the workin my name. This was, perhaps, a little irregular, as the person who is made the subject _ of a portrait and biography is supposed, I pre- sume, pro forma, not to know anything about the matter. This, however, makes no difference in _ regard to the substance of the transaction. I have _ always wished and intended, as I wrote to you at the time, to pay for the engraving. At the pres- _ ent moment I regret to say, that it is not in my _ power to do this. Ido not mean merely that it _ would be inconvenient to me, but that I have not _ at my disposal the amount required for the pur- pose, and have no means of procuring it imme- _ diately. The payment of my salary at the Col- lege ceased, in consequence of tie embarrassments of the institution, about the time when this _ transaction took place. I have received nothing _ of any consequence from that or any other quar- _ ter. Iam now living without expence with my _ family connexions untill the result is known in _ regard to the future condition of the College: - and am, of course, in no condition to pay debts _ of any kind. _ I trouble you as a personal friend with these _ details, and will thank you to speak to your Pub- lishers on the subject and request them not to _ press the matter at this moment. I suggested to _ them in a late letter that they might consider the - amount due from me a lent account or balanced _ by that due to me from the establishment for con- tributions. I see no reasonable objection to this _ asa temporary settlement: but without regard to “egy From the Collection of the Long Island Historical Soci any such arrangement, I shall most cheerfully pay them the amount in cash, as soon as I have it at my disposition. In the mean time I am per- fectly willing to furnish an equivalent in contri- butions at any rate of compensation, which you or they may think reasonable. I remain, dear Sir, very truly yours, | A. H. EVERerr. [Addressed] J. L. O'Sunzrvan, Esq., New York. 78.—Masor Henry Lez To Roserrt MORE.* ALEx4 June 15th Gu- Sir. I called the other day at Baltimore on my way from Annapolis to see you & to place in your hands funds to meet my draft in case the note remitted to you was unproductive—But your ab- sence prevented your sons finding the note. I I shall be here again in a few days when I hope to meet your answer that I may save you farther trouble from your polite attention to my accomo- dation— Iam & ‘ Very respely Your ob. St. Henry LEE. . [ Addressed] RoBERT GILMORE Esq, Merchant BALTIMORE. 79.—Aaron Burr To Cu. Brpprez.+ N york 12 Dec 1802. My DEAR SIR I thank you for your politeness to Irving—on his return he will renew the acquaintance and bring you the news from Washington. He is really an amiable young man and possess- es honor, spirit and intelligence—Motives of interest had very little influence in making him an Editor— Seeing very oftenin your newspapers ground rents advertized for Sale, it has occurred to me that a prop- erty of that kind which Ihave might find a market with you—I never knewsuch athing bought orsold in this city: Having rented a number of my lots for long: terms, generally sixty years, I now find it convenient to sell 1000 or 1200 dolls per ann— of these rents—They are all payable quarterly, - * From the original in the collection of Charles I. Bush- nell, Esq., of New York. + From ‘the original belonging to John F, McCoy, Esq., of Brooklyn, New York.
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288 the lots lay contiguous to each other and houses are built on the greater’ part—The rents are at an average 80 dolls per lot. If you should be dis- posed to purchase, name your price and direct Hamilton, who knows the title, to see that all is right. If required, I would guarantee the punc- tual payment of the reuts for 3, 4 or 5 years— Tell me if Jas Greenleaf has come to town or be yet up at Allentown. I have a claim on him in which I shall probab- ly have occasion for the aid of your son Wm I wrote to J. G two or three weeks ago, but have received no answer Your affec Svt A Burr Cu Brppie Esq. 80.—From JAMES MonROE TO GEORGE GRA- HAM.* Oaxuith, Octr 8. 1825. DEAR Srp, 7 . Some months since at the request of Mr Bayly of this county, a neighbour whom I esteem re- quested me to make known to the Dept of War, his desire that his son Richard P. Bayly, should be considered a candidate for a place at the academy at W. Point, when the next vacancies are supplied. I wrote immediately to Mr Clay, who was then in the city, & requested him to have his name enrolled, with the assurance on my part that the youth had every fair & just pretention, founded on his previous studies & good qualities. I give this letter to the young man, to be presented to you by him, knowing that you are acquainted with his father, with a request that you will be so kind as to call with him on Colonel Barbour, & in case his name has not been enter’d, that you will have it done, with such representation, in his favor, in addition to what I have stated, as you may deem proper. I am . Dear Sir sincerely yours JAMES MONROE. [Addressed] : GEORGE GRATIAM Esq? WASHINGTON. 81.—HeENrRy CLAY To JoHN HowarpD Payne.+ WASHINGTON 9th Feb 1837, Dear Sir | I received your favor of the 6thinst. and feel obliged by the suggestions with which you have * From the original in the collection of Charles I. Bush- nell, Esq., «f New York. + From ‘the original in the collection of the Long Island Historical Society. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [November favored me, on the subject of Copyright. I fe that it will hardly be practicable to do anythi at this Session, or, if any: thing, more than t provide prospectively for the security of li property in such works as may hereafter be pub: lished by foreign authors. Perhaps that is as fai in regard to them, as we ought to go at ar time. a As to Dramatic works, there will be more diff culty. There is much equity in exacting fron the Managers of Theatres a fair compensation fe that publication of a play which takes place it its public exhibition; but, then, suppose the have purchased some half a dozen copies, charg with the Copy right, for recitation, preparation, &c. Can the law rightfully restrain the oral us which they may make of the property which the} have acquired in those Copies ? a I have not yet scen Mr. Bulwer's law, and wi endeavor to get a sight of it. Perhaps it ha justly reconciled the interests of Authors and th rights of the Theatre. a In great haste, but with high respect a Tam Your ob Servt — H. Cay. — JoHN Howarp Payng, Esq. , IX._THE FIGURE HEAD OF THE GBW BRAL ARMSTONG, PRIVATEER. (Str—Last year, the Naval Library and Institute, at rhe Navy Yard, Boston, Mass., had added to its Museum th veritable Figare Head of the famous Privateer, General Arm strony. It was acecmpanied by the following letter fron cur worthy and much respected Consul at Fayal, C. W. Dab ney, Esq., which I think has sufficient Historical interest t find a place in the columns of your Magazine. Pe CnHaRrLestown, Macs.] Fayau, April 10, 1867, — Dear Srr: 7 On the 6'h inst., Ihad the gratification of re- ceiving your letter of the 38rd January ult., in forming me that I had been unanimously electe¢ an honorary member of the Boston Naval Library and Institute. The nature of the Institute, anc the members that have hitherto and now compos it, are a warrant of my high appreciation of the honor thus conferred, and I pray you to convey to all those who have in any way cooperated it promoting-this agreeable event, the expression ©; my grateful sense thereof. ’ Having in my possession an object of histori¢ interest, connected with an event that shed so much lustre on our country, it affords me great pleasure to place it in the custody of the Faculty of the Boston Naval Library and Institute. It is a bust—the figure-head of the General Arm strong. The morning after the extracrdinary victory o Capt. Reid, officers and men, over the thirteen boats manned from the Plantagenet, Rata ¢
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_ 1867.) _ Carnation, having had their baggage and stores ~ landed, a nine-pounder was discharged down her main hatchway, and she was abandoned. - The water was so shallow that all above deck - was out of water. The Carnation, brig-of-war, had been brought close in, and was firing grape- _ shot at the A., when the boatgwain of that _ vessel deliberately walked down with his mate, _ to the beach, opposite to where the vessel was stranded, and declared that they (the then ene- - mies) ‘‘shouldn’t have the figure-head!” He _ came provided with a hatchet, swam off to the - vessel, (about fifteen feet) got on board, cut off _ the head, and brought it on shore! While he _ was doing it the mate waited on the beach, some- _ what screened from the shot by the hull of the _ vessel. On their return, when running along the _ beach to where I was—protected by an angle of _ the fort, with many others who had been watch- _ ing them—the mate was seen to fall, as if mortally - wounded.,. I immediately sent two men to con- _ vey him to the hospital, where it was ascertained _ that a grape shot had cut the muscnlar part of _ of the calf of one of his legs. Both were severe - wounds, but not dangerous. The bust was placed over one of my father’s tes, and on all subsequent Fourths of July it been decorated with flowers. The religious _ sentiment predominates here: after the installa- _ tion of the bust, the lower class inferred that as we had but one great holiday, it must be the _ representation of the corresponding saint ; and our _ domestics intuitively assumed the demonstrations _ of our regard. Actuated by a vainglorious feel- ing, the object has been left out in the cold too long. It has been subjected to some severe sur- - gical operations, evidently performed by ‘‘char- - **Jatans” unworthy of their profession. Confession and repentance are great extenua- _ tors; may they screen me from the censure I de- _ serve, and may those on whom will devolve the _ future care not have occasion to make such mor- _ tifying avowals! I offer sincere wishes for the _ prosperity of the Institute, and assure you that I _ am, 4 Respectfully and truly, Your most obedient servant, CHARLES W. DABNEY. Henry C. Keennesq., &e. &e. Secretary of the Boston Naval Library and. Institute, CHARLESTOWN. X.—HATFIELD BRIDGE. (We have received from our friend, Professor E. F. Rock- _ well, of Davidson College, North Carolina, the following 4 ct from a sermon preached on the occasion of the _ Opening of this bridge, on the twentieth of October, 1807. | Hist. Mac. Vou. um. 19 IISTORICAL MAGAZINE. eS Se oo one of his arms, and another had taken off part. 289 This sermon was preached by Rev. Josrru Lyman, D.D., Pastor of the church at Hatfield, from the following text: ‘Go through, go through the gates; prepare you the way of ‘the people: cast up, cast up the highway; gather out the ‘stones; lift up a standard for the people.” Isarau, Lxii, 10 A copy of this sermon was requested by the Proprietors of the Bridge;* and on their order it was subsequently printed by William Butler of Northampton. It forms a Sw of sixteen pages; and from a copy which has ound its way into the library of Davidson College, this ex- tract has been taken. : Professor Rockwell ve ad inguires concerning this Sermon, “ Where but in New England would a minister of ‘the Gospel be found to make the erection of a bridge, at ‘most a few hundred feet in length, a theme for a religioua * discourse ? ” Ep. Hist. Maa.) An intelligent friend} speaking of the uncom- mon zeal and activity of the people in opening canals, making roads, and establishing stages, said: ‘* This labor will not be lost; we are at ‘work for those who will live in the Millenium.” Could we all be persuaded to make our discover- ies, exertions, and enterprises useful to others ; did we calculate on a large scale for the comfort and preservation of life, and for the interest of future generations, we would have the satisfaction of an approving conscience as working for Christ and his kingdom; and then we might be as- sured that our labor would not be in vain in the Lord. My CaristrAN FrRmmNDS AND BRETHREN, ‘While we contemplate the wisdom and good- ness of our admirable Savior in directing the dispensations of Providence and the inventions and labors of men to the benevolent purposes of his moral government, and in preparing the world for the full participation of his promised grace, let us not pass unnoticed those wonderful im- provements and extensive enterprises which the present age has witnessed in the construction of numerous magnificent Bridges over our most rapid and dangerous rivers. The number, the strength, and security of these structures exceed. the most sanguine hopes and calculations of our fathers. Half a century passed, credulity itself would not have meditated these enterprises nor dreamed of their success. The throwing of Bridges across the Connecticut would, a few years since, have been treated as an ideal and romantic projection. But we are this day con- vened to acknowledge the goodness of Provi- dence in the finishing and opening of the * At a legal meeting of the Proprietors of Hatfield Bridge, holden ef adjournment, at the house of Dr. Daniel White, in Hatfield, on the 20th Oct., 1807, : Vorrp, That Samuel Dickinson, Esq., Mr. Nathaniel Smith, and Major Caleb Hubbard, be a Committee to return the thanks of this Corporation to the Rev. Dr. Lyman, for his elegant and appropriate sermon this day delivered, and to requsst a copy thereof for the press. Aitest: Carvin Merritt, Clerk. t The late pious and venerable Timothy Stone, of Lebanon onn.
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‘290 HISTORICAL fifteenth Bridge* crected over that magnificent and potent stream. | This is the happy event which has brought us into this house of God, to make our humble acknowledgements to him for succeeding this ex- pensive and beneficial work; to indulge our friendly feelings towards one another; to testify our cordial approbation of this laborious effort of human skill, perseverance and public spirit ; and to unite our sincere wishes and cordial pray- ers, that the benefits of this work may be per- manent and coextensive with the most sanguine expectations of the proprietors, patrons, and exe- cutors of this laudable enterprise. It is a good work—may the good Lord add his blessing to it, and preserve it, as one among his innumerable instruments of promoting the enjoy- ments, of exciting the thankfulness, and. increas- ing the filial dependence of his creatures upon his unerring wisdom and fatherly kindness. In recollecting the progress of this labor, we - should notice with submissive resignation, the many delays, embarrassments, and losses which have attended the execution of it. But all these embarrassments and. losses we should hold in small account, had not the inscrutable counsels of our Father in Heaven made this work the occasion of the sudden and disastrous death of our valuable friend, Mr. Sotomon Bottwoop. This active pa- tron and principal of the design, precious to his family and connexions, and a valuable member - of society, was here called to finish his earthly toils and go into the immediate presence of his God and Judge. Thus is the life of man endan- gered in his most useful employments; thus our pleasures are interspersed with griefs; thus would God teach us all that we have a work to do, in- finitely more important and interesting than any worldly project. It would be neither pious nor reasonable, that our grief at the losses and bereavements which have accompanied this labor of love, should stifle and suppress our temperate joys on the completion of a design of such public utility. We gratefully approve that constant persever- ance, active zeal, and expensive liberality which inspired the Proprietors of this structure to en- counter and surmount those various embarrass- ments and difficulties which threatened the abor- tion of their enterprise; and that enduring: pa- tience which enabled them to bring to maturity the object of their wishes. The Directors to whom the management of this concern was entrusted are for their fidelity entitled to the esteem and approbation of the public, and of their immediate constituents. The Contractors, Artificers, and Laborers who have jinished this work, have given lively speci- * Can any one tell where the other fourteen were? KE. F.R MAGAZINE. [November men of mechanical skill, of diligence, and 6 punctual honor and honesty in executing thei trust, and have merited and obtained the conf dence of those who had committed to them the important interests and their property. ; Iam warranted to tender the sincere thanks the Directors and Corporation to those nu : individuals, in this and the neighboring town who have gratuitously aided this weighty ent prise by pecuniary contributions and persona labors. To these pecuniary aids and persor labors are the public much indebted for their us ful accommodation. _ We, in particular and with gratitude, acknow ledge the generous and paternal interposition 6 the Legislature of this Commonwealth, by gran ing to the Corporation a Lottery for raising t thousand dollars to relieve the Proprietors, op pressed with their losses, and to ensure to th Community a most important benefit which w, in hazard of being lost. . ! May the liberal benefactors of this design, en joy the pleasing satisfaction of seeing all the benevolent wishes completely realized in the most durable and extensive advantages to society a individuals. a HATFIELD-BRIDGE, this day opened fe public use, may be viewed as a specimen of h man art and skill, of what great and noble pre jects may be accomplished by liberal zeal and constant, pertinacious perseverance. It is an orna mental monument of the public spirit of the pro jectors and of the talents and ingenuity of the who have executed the work. 4 This is not a monument to perpetuate the nar of some imperial butcher who has founded hi fame and his greatness on the bones of his subject and slaves; who claims rank in the page of his tory: for having trampled down authorities, sacket cities, impoverished and made desolate countries and kingdoms, once flourishing in peace, and jo Y, and plenty. This is not amonument raised att expence of the freedom and independence of natic and cemented with the tears and blood of men; a standing memento of past sufferings and of the present servitude and degradation of God’s ra. tional creatures. | No. This Bridge, erected under the fosterin care of Providence; is devoted to those benevolent purposes which accord with and promote the ¢ 2 signs of God’s love to men. It is erected to be: bond of friendly union to the citizens of neighbor. ing towns ; to facilitate and render safe and ex- peditious social intercourse ; to preserve valuable property from periland loss; to relieve from solici- tude, and apprehensions, and torturing fears, the minds of travellers and their friends; and to be the useful instrument of saving the lives of men and animals. a _ Under these views,-we may justly consider thi of ‘5
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_ 1867. ] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. . 291 _ structure, an essential public benefit. It is coinci- _ dent with the goodness of God to men. It is not _ a futile, vain effort of human pride. It isnotthe _ progeny of avarice. It isnot aninstrument of loss and suffering. It is to be reckoned among those - useful labors of men, and those kind events of _ Providence, by which the aggregate sum of hu- man felicity is increased and the subsistence and - numbers of mankind are multiplied. _ May the God of Heaven and the Redeemer of - men own, accept, and bless the labor of our hands and make this, one link of that golden chain _ which is suspended from his throne and reaches _ down to this footstool. May this be one of those numberless, effectual preparatory steps which shall lead on the auspicious day of man’s renova- tion and blessedness, of that day in. which all the - inventions and employments of men, all their facultiesand property, shall be Holiness to the Lord. - And now, my friends and fellow Christians, _ permit me to conclude this address with my fer- _ yent prayers to the God of all grace, that all you _ of thisassembly may beas a city, compact together which cannot be broken down; that you may be builded upon the foundation of the Apostles and _ Prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the . chief corner Stone: in whom all the building, being _ fitly framed together, groweth into a holy tem- _ ple in the Lord. _. And when the earthly house of this tabernacle shall be dissolved, may you have a building of _ God, a house not made with hands, eternal in the - heavens. Amen. NEW YORK REVIVED.—Con- q XxI.—OLD 3 TINUED. 21.—Tue ‘ Boz” Batu.—ConrinvuED. 4.—The Reception.* A few weeks ago the following editorial para- graph appeared in the LEADER : _. **When Charles Dickens visited this city, his _ * Reception Committee (with a red badge) were _ ‘Messrs. Philip Hone, Robert H. Morris, Charles A. Davis, D. C. Colden, William Kent, Thomas “J. Oakley, Wm. H. Maxwell, Valentine Mott, “John W. Francis, John C. Cheesman, and Prosper _*M. Wetmore. When he arrives he will be _ greeted by only one of them: all but General _ **Wetmore are dead. The General is like ‘kind _ **words’ which ‘never die’ (as the Sunday _ **scholars sing), and the General bestows kind _ * words alike on friend and foe.”—, Y. Leader. [Mr. WerrTMoreE’s REPLY. ] _ Thank you, Mr. Editor, for the pleasant words with which you have awakened some sleeping _ thoughts of five and twenty years ago. _ *From Lhe New York Leaders May not the last survivor of the little band who wore the ‘‘ red badge” be excused for calling up the living memories of an event which has scarcely yet lost its interest ? The censors of public taste in these later times must not be too severe on the enthusiastic crowds which welcomed Boz, in’Forty-two. <A live celeb- rity then had other proportions than are worn in *Sixty-seven. Mr. Dickens came to us in all the freshness and vigor of his great genius. Every household had become familiar with the creations of his won- drous power. The opulence of his mind was beyond all former example in walks of fiction. The productions which he poured upon the read- ing world, with the lavish hand of a master of his art, were of exhaustless interest and marvel- lous truth to nature. The generation of our people which had grown up with the progress of a severer and less exciting literature, opened its heart at once to an author in whose train followed Pickwick, and Nickleby, and sweet little Nell. Was it strange or unbefitting that such a writer, coming from a distant land, should receive a cor- dial welcome at the hands of those whose minds he had filled with delight, whose hearts he had warmed with the touching pathos of natural af- fection, and whose moral sense he had stimulated and enlarged by his faithful and instructive teach- ings ? Mr. Dickens at that period had not long passed the verge of early manhood ; and the lapse of five and twenty years has neither diminished the powers of his mind nor weakened the attractions of his pen. Each successive year of our lives has been made populous with new creations that have sprung from his teeming brain. Surely, then, the enthusiasm of his former reception has been vin- dicated by his subsequent career in a branch of literature where he has no superior. Can it reasonably be doubted that, when he comes to illustrate a new feature of his talents, he will be welcomed with equal cordiality by a new generation, which has learned to love truth and nature and instinctively admires and honors ge- nius ? I put aside altogether the question whether we can, as a people, afford to build a personal quar- rel on the words which an author may choose to utter in regard to our national peculiarities. I think we are a good deal above that weakness. There are other thoughts belonging to this sub- ject on which perhaps you will suffer me for a moment to dwell. Those who were designated to receive and welcome Mr. Dickens, and who have since departed from our midst, were among the most eminent and esteemed of our citizens of that day. In looking over the list reproduced by you, Mr. Editor, each one of the number seems to start up vividly before my mind, with all the freshnesg
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292 HISTORICAL of life and the deep interest of a strong friendship” for I knew them well. Will you permit me to pass in review, as briefly as possible, the names on that record ? Philip Hone was remarkable in many aspects of his character. A life devoted to the active pursuits of business as a merchant had yet af- forded him leisure and inclination for the cultiva- tion of a taste in letters and a love for art. Gen- erous and hospitable by nature, he delighted to welcome at his home ali who had become distin= guished in literature or other intellectual accom- plishments. The struggling artist whose pencil needed encouragement; the sculptor without a patron ; the author whose manuscript had found no publisher ; each was ever certain of a kind word of judicious advice, and frequently some- thing more substantial, from Mr. Hone. He rose, also, above the prejudices which some- times restrain the courtesies of society within very narrow limits. 'The actor who had adorned his profession by his genius without staining his per- sonal character, and the actress whose walk of life had not sullied the purity of her womanhood, had always a cordial appreciation in his consider- ate hospitality. Many a delightful entertainment has been enjoyed at his table in company with those who, having worn the honors of the green- room, could happily bring the charms of intellect, manners and conversation to embellish the circles of private life. Chief magistrate of the city for one short term, Mr. Hone left upon the duties of that office the impress of his integrity, intelligence and delicate sense of the proprieties of official station. It was his good fortune to hold office at the period of General Lafayette’s triumphal visit to our city. The superb hospitality extended by the Mayor of New York to the guest of the nation will not easily be forgotten by those who were permitted to witness its graceful completeness, and to hear the faltering accents of thankfulness which added. an enduring charm to the occasion. Robert H. Morris, one of a family closely con- nected with the events of the Revolutionary era, was better known while mingling with the stirring political events of his day than in any other rela- tion to the public. A member of the legal pro- fession, he was Mayor of the city at the time of - Mr. Dickens's visit, and had previously filled the office of Recorder with ability and credit. He was prompt and efficient in public business, im- pulsive in manner, warm in his attachments, and possessed in an eminent degree that rare power of extemporaneons eloquence which successfully holds an audience and goes far to sway a party. Few men have ever enjoyed more fully the confi- dence of his associates and friends, in public and private life, than did Robert H. Morris. He died in the maturity of his powers and usefulness, MAGAZINE. [November, Charles Augustus Davis was a merchant exten- sively engaged i in foreign commerce. His stand- ing on Change was among the first, but he had a soul above and beyond the boundaries of trade, Early in life, he discovered that his pen w adapted to other uses than to frame invoices or fc sign billsof exchange. The letters of Major Jack Downing at once attained a wide celebrity, and secured literary distinction for their authe Sharp and pungent criticism on public men and measures, written in a quaint style of co of aa y and expression, made up the substance of these . semi-anonymous publications ; and their effect ¥ frequently felt in the warm discussions of thei day. Itisnot known that Mr. Davis extended his writings beyond the range of these letters, He was prominent for many years in most of the active movements of the business community, during which his public spirit was frequently evinced. His polished deportment and genial manner made him an especial favorite in the business and social circles of the city. - Grandson of the old Colonial Lieutenant-gov- ernor, son of one of the most respected and hon ored of our elder citizens of a past era, Devi U. Colden was a man to be loved and remembere for qualities that adorn human nature. It woul be difficult to call to mind a more perfect gentle man—modest, accomplished, generous, and hon: orable. Mr. Colden mingled rarely in the me ‘ business concerns of life, but, with the advs tages of fortune and position, he was alive to he active influences which spring from a graceful recognition of what the community owes to talent, and genius, and personal distinction. Always ready and earnest in movements that called fort public spirit and awakened public appreciation, his influence was widely felt and acknowl It would be a difficult task to find another qual fied and worthy to fill the place left void by the death of David C. Colden. But how shall I presume to speak of Thomas : Oakley and William Kent? The one filling tl highest place in public estimation as an uprigh t and learned jurist: the other by his gentle de- meanor, polished manners; and large erudition, worthy to accept the mantle dropped by his ven erated ancestor. I must leave to your skilful an d more appropriate handling, Mr. Editor, the duty of depicting the characters of Judges Oakley An¢ Kent. Who that remembers the person of William H Maxwell, does not recall with pleasure the j soyotl U nature of that soul of wit? How he filled a com- pany with irrepressible hilarity ! While in the practice of the more serious duties of his profes sion at the bar, he was a staid and grave coun- sellor ; but in the companionship he loved, i exuberant humor was such that the preserva » of all power of face in his listeners was at an e
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1867.] HISTORICAL We have rarely known so effective a story-teller ; certainly not one who could so completely merge his identity in the narrative he was giving of the thoughts, words, and actions of another. ‘This peculiar gift rendered Colonel Maxwell a much- courted favorite in the society with which he lived. His loss was deeply felt, and has not been sup- plied. ‘‘Alas, poor Yorick!” Valentine Mott and John C. Cheesman, though not, strictly speaking, cotemporaries, yet both |. filledahigh position, side by side, in the ranks of science. Doctor Mott was by many years the elder, and was, beyond question, regarded, at home and abroad, as the most skillful operative surgeon of his time. But lately departed, at an advanced age, he left the example of a long life earnestly and steadily devoted to the best interests of humanity. Attached to the Society of Friends in his early youth, he was noted for the scrupu- lous and staid demeanor which distinctly marks its members. Doctor Mott, on his return from a tour in Europe, published an interesting account of his travels, which attracted a good deal of attention. Doctor Cheesman, at anearly age, became prom- inent as a skillful and popular surgeon, and during his not protracted life maintained a high reputation as an upright and useful citizen. The last of these notable men was so widely known, admired, and loved, that any effort of mine would vainly seek to add to the lustre of his name. John W. Francis was among the most distinguished of the physicians of our city, and held his place at the head of his profession to the end of his long and brilliant career. He had fol- lowed in the footsteps of that grand old class of doctors which comprised Hosack, Post, Kissam, and a few others of the same stamp, the reputa- tion of whose practice had come down to us through the traditions of almost a century. But it was in other relations that Francis enioyed an almost unequalled repute. He was the custodian of our local history, and his veneration for antiq-. uity was largely developed. His Sunday evening reunions collected together all that could interest and instruct those in search of knowledge or pur- suing the studies of science. The town has: not yet recovered its sober reason since Francis told us, at the Historical Society, all the musty legends and antiquarian stories of the last fifty years of its imposing career. The city and the country were alike ransacked for scrap prints and autograph letters to illustrate the pages of that marvellous work. The illustrating disease had, in fact, be- come an epidemic, which has scarcely yet abated of its virulence. Pictures of the men, and en- gravings of the places, mentioned by the good Doctor, have been sold at fabulous prices, and the demand remains unchecked. But, while we thus not irreverently applaud the labor of our city’s historiographer, we must not MAGAZINE. 293 in our lighter phrases undervalue the beneficent generosity of his nature or the expansive benevo- lence which marked his character through life. There were numerous episodes in the agreeable duty of welcoming Mr, Dickens. The ceremonies of reception were conducted at the Park Theatre, under the benign auspices of that most estimable of managers, Edmund Simpson. Peace to his manes and a kind word to his memory. Following the reception came the elaborate dinner at the City Hotel; and then ensued numer- ous private entertainments at the houses of prom- inent citizens, One of these latter, given at a. mansion on University-place, chiefly lives in my memory from the excitement produced by a. superb address from James T. Brady, in which he brought vividly before the company several of the most prominent characters portrayed by Mr. Dickens. We all know that Mr. Brady never fails to arrest the attention of his auditors, but it. may be doubted whether even he has ever excelled. the wondrous effect of that brilliant effort. But this tedious detail would still be incomplete without an illusion to something quite remarkable in its way. As soon as it became known that Mr. Dickens would visit us, a club was organized by the gentlemen who shone in that day as the rep- resentatives of the Press—in other words, the re- porters. With these were mingled several well- known men about town, a sprinkling of popular actors, and a few others with no special claim to such a distinction. The club numbered nearly or quite fifty members, and it bore the rather in- congruous name of ‘‘The Novelties.” Why, whence, or wherefore that became its designation, I never knew or succeeded in finding any person who did know. The ostensible object of the or- ganization was to render due honor to Mr. Dick- ens; and this was accomplished by giving him a pleasant entertainment in Park-row. I recall vividly the wonders of that society. After the first formation (and it was always amazing to me by what unmerited stoop of good fortune I was permitted to join its ranks) the principal duty of each successive meeting was to blackball every candidate presented for admission. Scores were rejected ignominiously every night, comprising among their number many who would have con- ferred credit on the concern. The prevalent idea | in the minds of the larger portion of the members seemed to be that the existing organization, though without special limitation as to numbers, was complete in itself, and contained all who could by any possibility be considered worthy of such an exalted association. These rigid notions became somewhat ameliorated after the departure of Mr. Dickens, and the club survived that event for a considerable time. When it expired or whether it lives to this day I am sadly ignorant, and would gladly repair the fault.
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294 And thus ends my story of the reception. If you can, amidst all your more serious avocations, find time to wade through this interminable re- cital, you certainly must be a man capable of bearing very trying inflictions. And with affec- tionate solicitude, therefore, in your behalf, I remain, P.M XIl.—NARRATIVE OF A FRENCH PROT- ESTANT REFUGEE IN BOSTON, IN 1687. (The following interesting paper was published, during last November, in The Liberal Christian, the widely known organ of the Unitarians in New York. rom the fact that the Rev. Doctor Bellows, one of the editors of Zhe Liberal Christian, was then on the Continent of Europe, it is notimprobable that the paper reached the United States through that gentleman; but of that we cannot speak with certainty since no other editorial notice accompanied it than the followiug: Bi “ The following narrative is to be found in the collection 4, 2 documents in the library of Geneva, and was first pub- - lished last February, by the French Protestant Historical Society, in their department of hitherto unpublished papers ee relating to the Reformation. The name of the author is se unknown. A phrase or two seem to indicate that he was «2 Dative of Languedoc. Having set out for America two «Jou after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, when a already numbers of emigrants were turning in the same ss direction, he was commissioned to collect on the spot such * advices as might serve to guide his comrades in the faith, (und facilitate their establishment in the land of exile. His (uulrative, divided into three parts, one of which is unfor- (, bunately lost, is nevertheless of the liveliest interest. It ousists of the simple, honest impressions of an intelligent pi observer, who notes everything in his —— omittin “gL useful hint, the route to be taken, the price of land, = the relative value of money, soil, climate, the various pro- a ductions, institutions alread established, complete statis- tics, both material and moral, of a dawning community.”] By the grace of God, I have been in these blessed regions, in perfect health, since the seven- teenth of the last month, after a passage of fifty- three days, reckoning from the Downs, which are _ twenty leagues from London, to Boston, and I may say there are few vessels which make the passage in so short a time. Our voyaging was most fortunate, and I can say that, excepting three days and three nights when we had a great storm, the entire remainder was only agreeable and delicious weather; for one and each brought Joy to our bark. Wives, daughters, and children came almost every day to enjoy themselves on the poop-deck. We had not the pleasure of fishing on the Banks, because we did not come upon them ; we passed them fifty leagues to the South ; our course was almost always from East to West. We passed in the latitude of the Fejalles, distant about sixty leagues; these are islands belonging to the Portuguese, and are four hundred leagues from England. If there were no fear of the the corsairs of Sales (sic), who often cruise about these islands, vessels would often come to anchor in these harbors ; but these pirates are the cause of vessels holding a course at a distance from the North shore. We met a number of ships at sea, some coming from the Banks fishing, others from HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [ November, the islands of America; among others we meta ship belonging in La Rochelle, which was coming from Martinique, laden with sugar, and which had previously made a voyage to Guinea, whence it had brought one hundred and fifty negroes, and two Capuchin fathers who had been obliged to abandon their post in Guinea, in view of the little progress they there made. Almost the entire crew and the Captain are Protestant. They came to our vessel in their launch, and promised 1 they would soon come to see us in Boston, in order to make reparation for having unluckily succumbed [at their post.| They told us, more over, that almost all the Protestant inhabitants of the French islands have gone ; we have severa here in Boston, with their whole families. Bya ship arrived from the islands we have news that the greater part of our poor brethren who had been conveyed to St. Martin island, have found refuge in St. Eustace island, which belongs to the Dutch, and there is hope that the rest will soon be there. You will have learned, no doubt, that one of the three ships that transported these poor brethren, was lost, and from her only the were saved. May God pardon these cruel men, who are the cause of these sorrows, and conyert them ! q By another ship arrived from New York, w have letters notifying us that the Governor [of Quebec] had written a highly indignant letter to the Governor of New York, the grievance being that he had supplied munitions to the Iroquois who are at war with the French, saying that, if he maintained his assistance of them, he should come and see them this winter. The Governor of New York made him such reply as he deserved ; anda the same time ordered a levy of three to four thousand men, all English (not being willing to draw off the French from their new settlements where they have need of great assiduity in their work), to go into camp this winter on the frontier and observe the movements of the French. The Governor of Virginia has orders to hold himself ready with as many men as he could raise, to come to his assistance, in case there should be need. I believe the same orders are here; Boston alone can furnish fifteen thousand fighting men, and if what is told me is reliable, she can furnish twenty thousand. If any other news transpires, I sh not fail to communicate it. I reply now concern: ing the matters with which you were pleased t charge me on my departure, at least, those about which I have already received information. q Firstly, to come into this country, you should embark at London, whence a ship sails every al- ternate month. The fittest season to embark i the end of March; or, the end of August and the beginning of September are the true seasons, mor especially because it is neither too warm nor too cold, and you are then no longer in the season of
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" 1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 295. calms, which are frequent in summer, and which _ €ause vessels to spend four months passing thence. Beyond the fact that the heats often occasion sick- ness on board, there are no fatigues to undergo, _ when one has by him good stores of refreshments, and of all kinds. It is well, too, to have a sur- -geon on the ship on which you take passage, as _wehad on ours. In regard to the dangers, care must be taken to embark on a good vessel, equipped with an ample crew and with cannon, and well provided with victual, above all, that bread and water are not lacking. As for the route, I have said sufficient above; there is no _ danger except in nearing the land, and on the banks of sand found on the way. We took _ soundings in two places, off Cape Sable, which is on the coast of Port-Royal or Acadia, where we found ninety fathom. At that time we were only _ twenty leagues from land; we stood off, and came _ upon St. George’s Bank, which is eighty leagues from Boston, and there found one hundred fathom. From that point, we took no more - soundings, for three days after we sighted Cape _ Cod, which is twenty leagues from Boston, on the southern shore; and the morrow, we arrived at Boston, after having fallen in with a number of _ very pretty islands that lie in front of Boston, ' most of them cultivated and inhabited, which _ form a very fine view. Boston is situated at the _ head of a bay, possibly three or four leagues in circumference, shut in by the islands of which I have told you. Whatever may be the weather, ~ vessels lie there in safety. The town is built on the slope of a little hill, and is as large as La - Rochelle. The town and the land outside are not more than three miles in circuit, for it is almost an island; it would only be necessary to tut through a width of three hundred paces, all sand, which, in less than twice twenty-four hours _ would make Boston an island washed on all sides by the sea. The town is almost wholly built of - wooden houses: but since there have been some _ ravages by fire, building of wood is no longer - allowed, so that at this present writing very hand- some houses of brick are going up. I ought to have told you, at the beginning of this article, _ that you pay in London for passage here twenty crowns, (2s. 6d.) and twenty-four if you prefer to pay in Boston, so that it is better to pay here than at London; you have one crown over, since one hundred pounds at London, are equal to one hun- dred and twenty-five here, so that the twenty _rowns one must pay at London are twenty-five _ here, by reason of the twenty-five per cent., and _ twenty-four is all one has to pay here; this in- crease in the value of money is a great help to the poor refugecs, considering the little they bring. , __ 2d. There is here no religion other than the Presbyterian, the Anglican, the Anabaptist, and our own. We have not any Papists, at least that are known to us. 8d. I will reply to the third Article touching the R. when I shall be better informed. 4th. Boston is situated in forty-two and a half degrees, North Latitude. At this writing, it is daylight at six o’clock in the morning, and night at six o’clock; I mean the break of day, there being nearly an hour of twilight till the rising of the sun. 5th. I make no reply to your fifth Article, not having as yet been through the country. In two days I am to set out for Noraganzet. On my. return, with God's help, I will tell you of the goodness and fertility of the soil and what grows thereon. 6th. In regard to acquiring land, that which is taken up in the Noraganzet country costs twenty pounds, sterling, per hundred acres, cash down, and twenty-five on terms in three years; but payment is not made because it is not known whether that country will remain in the hands of the proprietors, wrongly thus called, or belong to the King. Until this matter may be decided, no payment will be’made; in all cases one cannot be obliged to pay more than the price above men- tioned, and in accordance with the terms of con- tract approved before the town-mayors. We are even assured that if the King holds the land, the price will be nothing, or at least very little, the Crown contenting itself with a small reservation, provided that what one can sell and let will be one’s own property. The Nicmok country is the private property of the President, and land thera costs nothing. I do not yet know the quantity they give to each family ; some persons have told me, from fifty to one hundred [acres], according to families. 7th and 8th. To be answered. 9th. It rests with those who wish to take up land to take it in one of the two countries on the seashore, or in the interior. The Nicmok country is in the interior, and twenty leagues from Boston, and an equal distance from the sea, so that, when they wish to send or receive anything from Bos- ton, it must be carted. There are little rivers and ponds around this settlement, fruitful in fish, and woods full of game. M. Bondet is their Minister. The inhabitants are as yet only fifty-two persons. The Noraganzet country is four miles from the sea, and consequently it has more commerce with the sea islands, as Boston * * * [Zwo words il- legible], and the Island of Rodislan, which is only ten miles away. This island, they tell me, is well-settled, and with a great trade, which I know of my own knowledge.. There are at Noraganzet about one hundred persons [of the faith]; M. Carre is their minister. 10th. You can bring with you hired help in any vocation whatever; there is an absolute need
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296 of them to till the land. You may also own ne- groes and negresses ; there is not a house in Bos- ton, however small may be its means, that has not one or two. There are those that have five or six, and all make a good living. You employ sava- ges to work your fields, in consideration of one shilling and a half a day and board, which is eighteen pence ; it being always understood that you must provide them with beasts or utensils for labor. It is better to have hired men to till your land. Negroes cost from twenty to forty pistoles [the pistole was then worth about ten francs), provided they are skilful or robust; there is no _danger that they will leave you, nor hired help likewise, for the moment one is missing from the town, you have only to notify the savages, who, provided you promise them something, and de- scribe the man to them, ‘he js right soon found. But that happens rar ely, their quitting you, for they would know not where to go, having few trodden roads, and those which are trodden lead to English towns or villages, which, on your writing will immediately send back your men. There are ship captains who might take them off ; but that is open thievery and would be rigorously unished. Houses of brick and frame can be uilt cheaply, so far as there being materials, for the labor of workmen is very dear ; a man cannot be got to work for less than tw enty-four pence a day and found. lith, 12th, 18th. To be’answered. 14th. Pasturage abounds here. You can raise every kind of cattle, which sell very well. An ox costs from twelve to fifteen crowns; a cow, eight or ten; horses, from ten to fifty crowns, and in plenty. There are even wild ones in the woods, which are yours, if you can catch them... _ Foals are sometimes caught. Beef costs two pence the pound; mutton, two pence; pork, from two to three pence, according to the season; flour, fourteen shillings by the one hundred and twelye pound, all bolted; fish is very cheap; and vege- tables also; cabbage, turnips, onions, and carrots abound here. Moreover, there are quantities of nuts, chestnuts, and hazlenuts, wild. These nuts are small, but of wonderful flavor. Ihave been told that there are other sorts which we shall see in season. I am assured that the woods are full of strawberries in the season. I have seen quan- tities of wild grape-vines, and eatenraisins of very good flavor, cured by one of my friends. There is no doubt that the vine docs very well; there is some little planted i in the country, which has put forth. There is difficulty in getting the European vine. If some little could be had, much more would be planted. Those who mean to come over thence, should strive to bring with them of the best. 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th. To be answered. 19th. The rivers are very full of fish, and we HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [November, have so great a quantity of sea and river fish tl no account is made of them. There are h craftsmen of every kind, and above all carpente for the building of ships. The day after my ¢ val, I saw them put into the water, one of thr hundred tons, and since, they have launched others somewhat smaller. This town here carrie on a great trade with the islands of America ar with Spain. They carry to the islands flour, ss beef, salt pork, cod, casks, salt salmon, salt mac erel, onions, and oysters salted in barrels, grea quantities of which are taken here; and for hel i return they bring sugar, cotton cloth, molass indigo, sago (sie) and pieces of * * ee Int he trade with Spain, they carry only dried fish which is to be had here at eight to twelve shil lings the quintal, according to quality ; the r turn cargo is in oils, wine, and brandy, and oth merchandise which comes by way of London, ‘or nothing can be imported here, coming from 4 foreign port, unless it has first been to Londo and paid the duty, aftér which it can be trans ported here, where for all duty one-half per cen . is paid for importation, since merchandise for ex portation pays nothing at all. 4 20th. To be answered. ; 2ist. You niust disabuse yourself of the ir pression that advantages are here offered to reft gees. In truth, in the beginning, some subsist ence was furnished them, but at present there is § need of some for those who shall bring nothin At Nicmok, as I have before said, land is give for nothing, and at Noraganzet it must be bought at twenty to tw enty-five pounds sterling the hun: dred acres, so that whoever brings nothing here, finds nothing. It is very true that living is ex- ceedingly cheap, and that with a little, one can make a good settlement. <A family of three four persons can make with fifty pistoles a fine settlement; but it needs not less than that. who bring ‘much, do well in proportion. 22d and 23d. To be answ ered, 4 24th. One can come to this country, and retu the same as in Europe. There is the greats ib- erty, and you may live without any constr Those who desire to come to this country, shall ( get themselves naturalized (/ridanniser) in Lon don, in order to be free to carry on business in ¢ sort of merchandise, and to trade with the Englis | islands, without which they cannot do so. : 25th, 26th, 27th. To be answered. 4 The articles to which I fail to reply are those 0 which I cannot give any account, because it necessary to inform myself exactly, and to see fo myself. I have told youabove that the money of London gives a profit of twenty-five per cent Although this advantage is noted, it is neverth less better to bring merchandise upon which ther isa gain of one hundred per cent. including thi twenty-five exchange ; for merchandise is bought
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1867.) | here only by barter, and if you give money, it is _ in norespect to your advantage. - easion, I will give the prices of merchandise, and the kinds proper for this country here, a thing I - cannot do as yet, having only just arrived. had arrived a month or two earlier, I should have been able to see the crops of this country. Ihave _ been here long enough to have’seen a prodigious - quantity: of apples, from which they make a mar- - vellously good cider. - quarts cost only about eight shillings, and at the - inn it is sold two pence the quart, two pence the - quart, beer measure. - which costs only five or six shillings, one hundred. and twenty quarts. HISTORICAL * MAGAZINE. 297 On another oc- 1f..I One hundred and twenty There is an inferior quality Iam to take rooms with one of my friends, and have our meals in common, for the winter, which, they all tell me, is here _ very rough and long, and the summer extremely _ warm, a thing I shall make trial of, if God grants me the favor of passing it, and giving an exact account of all things. At Boston, the 15—25 of November, 1687, Til. _ Since my arrival only two vessels have left by which I did myself the honor to write to you. ' My first letter was dated the 15-25 November, 1687, in which I did reply to several Articles of your memorandum, and in this I will try to reply to some others. My second letter was of the 1st December, in which you will have had the exact narrative of my voyage made to Noraganzet, and the number of families who are there established. _ [have replied to the second Article of yourmem- orandum touching the religions ; but I did forget to tell you that there is here a temple of Anabap- tists, for as to the other sects of which I spoke in my narrative from Noraganzet, it is only for that country and not for Boston, for we have here no religion other than the Anglican, the Presbyte- rian, the Anabaptist, and our own. As for Pa- pists, I have discovered since being here, eight or ten, three of whom are French and come to our church, and the others are Irish ; with the excep- tion of the surgeon, who has a family, the others are here only in passage. 3d. Of this third Article I have as yet no good knowledge, although I have exact information of those persons who are in some sort distinguished from the others, and who I have thought ought to enlighten me. However, they know nothing, perhaps are designedly ignorant; at all events, there is no doubt that all is subject to the orders of H. B. M.. and that we refugees are here in en- tire security.. We have here no Court, except a _ Presidial one, which gives judgment in civil and criminal matters, composed of a President and twelve Councillors who have the same laws and customs they had heretofore. The only additional point is, that the Governor is present in Council whenever he pleases; and it is he who holds the casting vote. Within a short time they have in- creased the duties om wine; such as ordinarily paid only ten shillings the pipe, pays thirty at present ; and the tavern keepers who paid only fifty shillings a pipe for the wine they sold, pay at present one hundred and one hundred and twenty a gallon for brandy, thirty pence a barrel for cider, and thirty pence a barrel for beer. As for other merchandise, it pays as usual half per cent. Besides this Presidial [Court], there are eight Justices of the Peace who are for civil cases that come up in the town. Not that they can wholly settle any case; if the parties like litiga- tion they appeal to the Presidial, or to the Council of twenty-four which is assembled only in matters of the highest importance, 5th. I can reply to this Article only in part, not having yet seen fruit on the trees; but I know very well that for fig, orange, lime, olive, pome- granate, almond and mulberry trees, there are not any, the country being too cold.. Nevertheless, I can assure you that I have passed winters in Lan- guedoc more severe than this one. We have had but very little ice, and snow twice, a foot deep each time. It is also true that some English peo- ple have told me that it has been fifty years since they have seen a winter so mild ; but what I ad- mire in this country is, that it never rains more than three days of the month. Ever since I have arrived, I have remarked it; after which youhave clear days, a fine, fresh air, which causes one to see very little sickness, and many people of good appetite. The land here is of varying quality, as. Ihave already told you. There is some sandy (soil); all the rest produces very well. They gather here quantities of Indian corn, which is worth at present only sixteen pence the bushel; . they gather also wheat, corn and rye, but notin great quantity, and all these do very well; vege- tables also; as for the vine, it will do very well ; it has only to be planted. There is a barge arrived from Fayal which has brovght some plants. The French strive as far as they can to have it brought, some the black, others the yellowish, others the red, the sandy (colored) excepted. : 7th. The ground is tilled with the plough, and after the ground is well prepared, a hole is made in the ground with astake, and four or five grains of Indian corn are put in. The holes are equally distant from each other. When the corn is high, the ground at the foot is hilled as much as possi- ble, in order that the wind may not cut it (down), when it comes to be laden with ears. Other grain is sown as in Europe. 8th. Land here is charged with no tax, up to the present time. I told you of the manner it can be obtained, at Noraganzet. There are here | divers French families who have purchased Eng-
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298 HISTORICAL lish residences all built, and which they have got exceedingly cheap. M. de Bourepos, brother to our minister, has bought one fifteen miles from here, and at one league from a very pretty town, and where there isa great trade, which they call Salem, for sixty-eight pistoles, a pistole of ten pounds [the pound (livre) replaced by the franc was about twenty ceuts| French. The house is very pretty, and it never was builded for fifty pistoles. There are seventeen acres of land all cleared, and a littleorchard. M. Legau, a French merchant goldsmith, has bought one twelve miles from here toward the South, on the seashore, where he has a very pretty house and ten acres and a half of land for eighty pistoles, a pistole of ten pounds of France. He has also his share in the Commons, where he cansend his cattle to pas- ture, and cut wood for his needs, and for selling here, it being conveniently sent by sea. Similar chances offer every day ; and farms to be let on shares as many:as you will, and at a moderate price. M. Mousset, one of our French people, finding himself burdened with a family, is rent- ing one on shares which they gave him for. eight pistoles a year; there isa good house, and twenty acres of cleared land. He can make six or seven barrels of cider, and the owner gives him the profit of two cows. If our poor refugee brethren who understand tilling land, should come thence, they could not fail of living very comfortably and getting rich, for the English are very inefficient, and understand only their Indian corn and cattle. XI. —FLOTSAM. (These scraps have been “aca up in various places, and brought to this place, “as they are,” without any voucher for . their correctness and with no other object than to secure for them the attention of our readers. We invite discussion concerning each of them: and if any of them areincorrect or doubtful, we invite corrections.—Ep. T Mag.] _ .WasuineTon’s OPINION oF TALLEYRAND.—It is known to all that TALLEYRAND sojourned for a time in the United States, and during that period was honored by the acquaintance and friendship ofmany among the most eminent of our public men. Inillustration of this fact a correspondent has obligingly furnished us with a copy of a note, ' addressed by President Wasuineron to the Mar- quis of Lanspowng, who, it appears, had given to TALLEYRAND a letter of introduction to the latter. National Intelligencer. PHILADELPHIA, Aug. 80, 1795. . My Lorn: Ihave had the pleasure of receiv- ing your Lordship’s letter introducing to me M. ‘TALLEYRAND PERIGORD. _ Itismatter of nosmall regretto me that considera- tions of a public nature, which you will easily con- jecture, have not hitherto permitted me to manifest MAGAZINE. [ Novembel towards that gentleman the sense I entertain of hi personal character and of your Lordship's recom mendation. ButI am informed that the reception he has met with in general has been such as f console him, as far as the state of society here wi admit of it, for what he has relinquished in leay ing Europe. Time must naturally be favorabl to him everywhere, and may be expected to rai a man of his talents and merit above the temporat disadvantages which, in revolutions, result fro differences of political opinions. a It would be painful to me to anticipate that th misfortunes of Europe could be the cause of a event which, on every personal account, woul give me the truest satisfaction—the opportunity ©: welcoming you to a country to the esteem of whic you have so just a title, and of testifying to yc more particularly the sentiments of respect ané cordial regard with which I have the honor to be, Your Lordship’s most obedient servant, i GO WASHINGTON. — The Right Hon. Lord LANspowneE. ‘3 REPUBLICAN LETTERS FROM JOHN QUING Apams.—The Journal of Commerce published some years since, the following letters, receives from its Washington correspondent, to whom the were originally written : a WASHINGTON, Dec. 3, 1823. — R. Watsu, Esq., Philadelphia: g My Dear Str—Of the Cunningham correspond: ence, what can I with propriety say? That Iwa privy to no part of it?’—this is true. That m father’s letters are full of the tenderest affectior and parental partiality forme? Beitso. Thes expressions of his regard and sympathy were a much unknown to me as to the public, till after the death of W. CunnincHAM, last May. I had known WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM in my youth; bt since I went to Europe, in 1794, I had never ta my recollection seen him but once, and that was at my father’s house, in 1804. I had no co pondence with him ; and, although I have an ind tinct recollection of having heard thatin the winte of 1808-9, he was endeavoring, ineffectually, obtain the publication in the Boston Palladium, a Federal newspaper, of some essays in commen: dation of me, I neither desired nor thanked him for these favors, nor did I know the motive by which they were inspired at the time. The correspondence, as published, is garbled. sailed for Russia in 1809, on the fifth of August. There is a letter from CUNNINGHAM, written abou a fortnight before that time, in which, noticing my approaching departure, he hints a wish to gi with me. Neither his letter nor his wish was com municated to me; and that passage in his letter is omitted from the publication. — s
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1867.] _ There is omitted, also, a passage in my father’s dast letter to him, which discloses the cause of CUNNINGHAM’s treachery. It was because my father declined to recommend him to Mr. Manpr- ‘60N, for an appointment to office. The patriotism of the son flinched from the publication of these two passages. F - As to the publication itself, it is a very simple “ease of confidence betrayed; and as I attribute “much of WriiitAM CUNNINGHAM’S baseness to _ partial insanity, I have no doubt that hisson’s had the same’ source, with ‘the consent of Romeo’s ‘apothecary. The public sentiment appears to have done full justice to the dishonesty of the publication, but of what is public, electioneering “partizans will make what use they can, without “inquiring through what channels it became so. I am very much disposed to rely upon the sound sense and honest feeling of my countrymen. If their minds are susceptible of bemg prepossessed against me by the writings or acts of others to which I was not even knowing, how can I expect they would listen with favor to any thing that I or my friends could sayin my defence? The plea of not guilty is itself an absurdity when the charge against you is not for what you have done q a? but for what others, without your know- ledge, have said of you. I cannot believe it will have any permanent effect, but if it has, so much the worse perhaps for me—and it may be none the worse for the country—I am bound, at least, to hope so; and will do my best to perform my du- - ties. _ If there was anything in the correspondence which could bear with justice unfavorably upon my character, I should deem it no defence to say it was divulged by treachery. As respects me it ‘is immaterial how the facts became public, It is not my confidence that has been betrayed. I say there is nothing in the book for which I can justly be called to answer before any tribunal—even thatof Heaven. When charges have been brought against me, by responsible names, I have not stood ' mute—lI see now no cause to answer. — With my best thanks and acknowledgments for your friendly disposition and notices, I remain, ‘dear sir, you very humble and obedient servant. JOHN Qurncy ADAMS. P. §. I trust you will not take, as I am told some legislative statesmen have done, the pro- oo mentioned in the messages, for abol- Ashing private War upon the Seas, to be a mere offer to abolish privateering. You will under- stand it as it is meant-—a project for the universal exemption of private property upon the Ocean from depredation by a War. _ IThope to be gratified with your editorial re- ‘marks, upon the notification to the European powers, that the American Continents are not to HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. REE ASS ee RR Me te a oO REN SUR tae ek a a Ce RD SAN 299 be considered, hereafter, as subjects for Coloniza- tion. WasHIneton, May 14, 1827. RosBerT Watsu, JR. Esq., Philadelphia: My Dear Str—I am mortified at finding my- self obliged to send you an apology instead of a fulfilment of my promise. Every moment of my leisure, for more than a month, has been occupied upon the subject, and I have written an article containing as much manuscript as I had led you to expect. But you well know how all fruitful subjects swell under one’s hands ; and where I ex- pected to finish, I have not got half through. The article embraces a review of the policy and proceedings, both of Great Britain and the United States, relating to the Colonial trade, from the Pre- liminary Articles of Peace, in November, 1782, down to the present day. It is, of course, mere drudgery, but I have now brought it down to the Peace of Ghent. That period forms an epoch in the history, and it is only in the sequel from that to the present time that the great majority of your readers will take any interest. But this is a matter about which the squabbling between mother and daugh- ter has only begun, and we shall not soon see the last of it. I believe it will therefore be useful to travel back, a primordia rerum, and show the peo- ple of our country how it was in the beginning, is now, and I fear ever will be, in the purposes of our mother, as to the matter of Colonial trade, I had already some misgiving that I should be cut short for time, when I requested you to be provided with an article for your neat number, in the event of disappointment from me: I did hope, however, that I should be able to get through be- fore the twentieth. Iam now satisfied that it will be impossible, and must therefore ask your indul- gence to reserve the article for the number after next. If my health should hold out, you may be sure of receiving the article by the first of Au- gust, when I hope it may not be so unworthy of public inspection as it would be now. It will probably not be much longer for the delay ; which I shall employ to retrench and abridge as much as to enlarge. Yours truly, J.'Q. A WASHINGTON, Nov. 8, 1827. . Rozsr. WatsH, Esq., Philadelphia Dear Srr.—I must abandon the hope of being able to furnish you a continuation of the article upon the Colonial trade question, in time for the next number of the Review. The truth is, the question itself has changed its aspect. If the shuffling casuistry of Mr. Cannrne had not been sufficiently exposed while he lived, it would be utterly useless to chastise it now that his gibes and — his jeers are consigned to thesilence ofthe tomb. Itis
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300 HISTORICAL \ now, perhaps, a misfortune for us that he died as he did, for, in the last month of his life, while his difficulties at home were thickening upon him, his tone and his policy had undergone a change and his mind was running again upon the natural- ities of affection between the mother and daugh- ter. He continued, however, inflexible upon the Colonial trade question, and so do his successors. They are controled by the shipping interests, which will prevail until the interest of the plant- ers shall raise a counter clamor, or till some more absorbing interest shall agitate the public mind and leave them at liberty to act upon this subject more for their own real benefit and for ours, than they can at present. The second part of the article in your Review, if ever written, must treat the sub- ject differently 1 from what it should have done, if it had appeared with the first; or indeed at any time before the death of Mr. Canntne. It would answer no purpose now to put him in the wrong. No purpose here, because it has been done already by others. No purpose in Europe, because tram- elled as the new Ministry are and more likely within a year to shiver into atoms than to hold to- gether, they could not if they would trace back their steps again upon this point at present. - The sequel of your article would therefore be, perhaps, more seasonable the next summer than now. The consequences of Mr. Huskisson’s backward march are not yet fully developed. They are, however, and will be gradually disclos- ing themselves. The Governor of St. Kitts has already been forced to open, for three months, the poits of his islands, bya hurricane. Our trade with the West Indies has been very little dimin- ished by the interdiction ; our revenue not at all. Next summer, we shall be able to ar gue the ques- tion more avee connaisance de cause, and perhaps may have to address more listening ears. I give you, it may be, insufficient reasons for the post- ponement, which you may, if you think fit, hint at in a note to your next number—but the reason above all others is, that I cannot prepare the art- icle for you in svason. Yours, with great regard and esteem. J. Q. ADAMS. ‘¢OLup Time CuurcHEs” In MARYLAND.* Let our ‘‘ old time churches,” especially within the bounds of our first American Conferences, be cherished with precious and grateful recollections, Relics of former ages are almost universally re- garded with peculiar sanctity and interest. With what veneration and respect should the present class of Methodists contemplate those primitive churches, erected through the agency of Straw- * From the Christian Advocate. MAGAZINE. [Novembs bridge, Watters, and others, a few of which a still standing as the uniting link between the p and present? Maryland and Virginia have proportion of these ancient, antique edifices ; | it should be the purpose of our ministers a people to maintain the sacredness associated wil them, during the future of Methodism. Whe ‘‘time and chance” have so defaced these pet liar landmarks as to compel reconstruction: ! improvement, their primitive identity of nar and location should never pass from the mem of the people. | Among the oldest Methodist churches in t ‘ Baltimore Conference is ‘St. James's,” wi the ‘‘ old Montgomery Circuit,” erected about year 1785, but now one of the principal appoir ments in Patapsco Circuit, and for the secor time in its eventful history undergoing the mr thorough repairs. ‘ Montgomery Circuit” fi appears on the General Minutes in 1788, wi the names of Robert Green and John Allen as @ cuit Preachers, and Nelson Reed, Presiding Eld From the rapid growth of Methodism at t early day, necessity compelled the constant for tion of new fields, these often increasing y greater rapidity than men of the right che were raised up of God to supply and cultif them. From the ‘‘old Montgomery Ci cui have sprung an immense progeny, the nat uw outgrowth of that aggressive spirit which distinguishes the same Methodist Episco Church. In 1790, this ancient field reported membership of ‘six hundred and _ forty-eig whites and one hundred and three colored, sho ing most conclusive evidence of unexamy prosperity. At this early period, ‘‘ St. James’ Church had become one of our places of poy and strength ; and for more than eighty years, has been able to maintain with apostolic zeal at faith, its original prestige. This church buildi is thirty by forty feet, “and was constructed. hewn chestnut logs, painted with lime ceme with a gallery extending nearly half way thre the house, and seated with a rough, uncouth eli of_benches, peculiarly adapted to the and mental qualities of their rustic occupa’ For nearly thirty-six years, ‘‘ St. James's” stood its primitive roughness, its pulpit occupied ally by the most illustrious fathers in the ministi when God moved the hearts and hands oft people to cover its naked exterior, and add temporary improvements as comported with 4 more refined ideas of a subsequent generat Up to 1820, when the first repairs were mad this church, its pulpit had been regularly fill with seventy- one different preachers « of the Bal | more Conference, three of whom, Roberts, Ge and Waugh, were subsequently. elected Bishe Beside these stand the names of Garrettson, Jt and Wilson Lee, Draper, Griffith, Ryland,
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 301 son, and others, whose self-denying labors in behalf of the Church deserve a conspicuous niche in our ecclesiastical temple. From 1820 to 1867, a period of forty-seven years, Time had made his impress on this ancient structure ; and its moss- covered roof and dilapidated exterior plead most eloquently for the hand of reconstruction ; and, we rejoice to say, God put it into the hearts of its numerous friends to arise and rebuild. Dur- ing a period of eighty years, more than one hun- dred and sixty different preachers had’ regularly filled its pulpit, no doubt preaching over one hundred and fifty thousand sermons ; while the number of souls converted through their agency will only be manifest in the numbering of God’s elect people. The last discourse preached within its antiquated walls was by the writer; when the embarrassments under which Nehemiah reared the broken walls of Jerusalem, and the cheerfulness with which his co-laborers assisted in the work, were presented to the people as sufficient motives to inspire them with a determination to arise and adorn this house of God with more than its prim- eval glory. Since October last, the work of 7e- construction has been gradually progressing, and with no adverse providence the early spring will bring to us the season of dedication. ‘* Old St. ‘¢ James's” will enter upon its rejuvenated exist- ence with a large and united membership, and with an active and evangelical ministry, in con- nection with increasing facilities for mental and - moral improvement ; and ‘‘ the glory of this latter *“*house” shall by far exceed that of former years. — W. H. OsBorne. GENERAL Frrz-Jonn Porter’s Case. Letter from General Franklin to General Grant. Hartrorp, Conn., September 21, 1867. My Drar GRANT, Fitz-John Porter writes me to ask that I will do something to aid him in getting a rehearing of his case. All that I can do is to write you and give you the reasons why I think it will be an act of justice to give him the opportunity to clear - himself from the terrible imputation now resting upon him. | I saw Porter in Pope’s company the day after the latter’s defeat at Bull Run, and afterwards, un- til wearrived in frontof Washington. Iknow that they were on very cordial terms ; and that Pope on some occasions advised with him confidentially. I talked a good deal myself with Pope ; and Ithinkif he had had at that time any feeling that Porter had acted badly I would have learned it then, but I had nosuspicion that hefelt aggrieved by anything that Porter or any one who was then near him had done. At Fairfax Court House, the day that we arrived at Washington, I noticed that Pope was particularly in good spirits and cordial with Por- ter. I have, therefore, always thought that the attack upon Porter was the result of an after- thought ; and that the charges were not original with Pope. During the trial, I thought it proper to inform Porter that Generals J. F. Reynolds, George H. Thomas, and myself, would, if requested, go be- fore the Court and swear that we would not believe Pope or Roberts under oath. I had con- sulted General Reynolds before I made the pro- position. Heconsented to gohimself; and thought General Thomas would have no hesitation in giv- ing suchevidence. I wasmyself well convinced of General Thomas’s opinion of Pope’s veracity, from what I had often heard him say, before the war. Porter declined to call us up to give this evidence, on the ground that the Court appeared so well disposed towards him, and his case was going on so well, that he did not wish ‘to irritate the Court by an attempt to break down the evidence of the principal prosecutors. The sequence showed that he made a serious mistake. But I think that the most equitable reason for areview of Porter’s case is this: The Judge- advocate-general, Holt, was the Judge-advo- cate of the Court. That was right enough. But no one will deny that a Judge-advocate of a Military Court, when a prisoner in defended by able counsel, becomes to a great extent a prosecu- tdr, and as such necessarily biased against the prisoner. To say that General Holt was pre- judiced against Porter, is merely to say that he is like other men ; and that he was so prejudiced the whole proceeding shows. Whether it is better or worse for the course of justice that the Judge- advocate should be prejudiced has nothing to do with the question. ‘ But an abstract of the proceedings, and finding, and sentence of the Court had to be made by the Judge-advocate-general for presentation to the Pres- dentof the United States, upon which (for he necessa- rily could not read the evidence) he was to make up his mind as to the guilt or innocence of the accused. Wasit right, proper, or decent, that this abstract should be made up by the very man who had done his best to convict the prisoner? Did not such a proceeding prevent the President from learning any extenuating circumstances, or find- ing out anything weak in the evidence, if any such there were? Did it not, in fact, take away any chance from Porter which he might have had, had a cool, unbiased person of knowledge made this abstract instead of General Holt? The whole business seems to me like a prosecu- ting Attorney passing sentence upon a prisoner in a civil Court, immediately after the speeches of Counsel. I think the fact that Mr. Lincoln had only General Holt’s abstract to guide him in mak-
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302 HISTORICAL ing up an opinion on the proceedings of that Court is enough to invalidate the whole thing. It has been said, and perhaps with truth, that there is no precedent to guide in this matter. It may be said with equal truth, that never since the trial of Admiral Byng was injustice so without precedent done. I think that there never was a more appropriate opportunity for going beyond precedent, and establishing the fact that no matter how or by whom flagrant injustice is done, you, when the power is in your hands, will see the right done. For my part, I know that Porter was as loyal as the most loyal soldier now dead; and that no thought of treason or disaffection entered his brain. He was a victim to Pope’s failure in Vir- ginia, and it seems to me he has been a victim long enough. You will, in my opinion, do an act which will not be the least among those which will make up your fame, if you will lend your weight towards giving Porter the opportunity to retrieve his character as a citizen and soldier. I am truly your friend, W. B. FRANKLIN. General U. 8S. Grant, Commanding Army of the United States. THE BoaARDMAN Famity,—In a retired part of Skowhegan, Maine, previously forming the town of Bloomfield, and bordering upon the Fairfield line, is situated the old homestead of the Boardman family. Itis located upon the South-eastern de- chivity of Bigelow Hill, and commands a fine view of an extensive portion of the country. The farm is now owned by Mr. Abraham Adams, and to him the Boardman family are indebted for many kind attentions during their recent visit to its old home. This gathering of the children, grand-children, and great-grand-children of the late Samuel L. Boardman, took place on Saturday, the thirty- first of August; and although the notice of the meeting was not as extended as could have been desired, a large’ company gathered at the old homestead and spent the day in festivities appro- priate to the occasion. The familiar spots were all visited, recalling recollections alike pleasantand sad. The company present divided into little groups; and while some proceeded to the favorite trees in the orchard, others visited the spring where -in childhood they went to get water, or by the side of some large rock that served as a childish play- house. Young ladies gathered moss upon rocks where their mothers played when children, to pre- serve as a memento of the visit. Mr. Adams kindly threw open his house for the reception of the visitors ; and room after room was entered, in each of which a thousand recollections rushed upon the mind, After the party had visited all MAGAZINE. ¥ [Novemb points of interest upon the farm, they sat dow a sumptuous collation served in an naljoin grove, to which Mr. Adams and his family w invited. Among the grand-children ee one, Mrs. Mattie J. Bixby, who arrived witl little boy, six years of age, from Pike’s Pe just in time to be present on the interesting o¢ sion. She came across the Plains, was unaccol panied by any acquaintance or friend save little boy, and brought her revolver upon person, to the depot at Skowhegan. | William Boardman came from Martha’s Vi yard, and settled in New Market, N. H. married Sarah, a daughter of Deacon Sam Lane, of Stratham, N. H.; and was for mai years, a Selectman and Collector of the town. : children were, Samuel L., Stephen, Willial Martha, Mary, and Betsey. "Samuel L. me Mehitable, daughter of General James Till, New Market, N. A. General Hill was a pre nent citizen of that State ; and during the Revo tionary war, raised and equipped at his own exper a Battalion of men, and marched with them Saratoga, to aidin the engagement with Burge but did not reach there until after the su enc of that officer. Stephen married a Blightentay i of Durham, N. H. William became a law considerable eminence, but died, unmarried, a comparatively early age. Martha . married § Shackford, of New Market, N. H. Mary marr Daniel Thompson, of Sanbornton, N. H. Bets died young. . Samuel L. Boardman came into Maine, in18 and settled in Bloomtield. He was for m a years, keeper of the Skowhegan Bridge, was:a ma of estimable social qualities, beloved for his goo nature, and honored for his integrity. He d suddenly, on the twentieth of March, — seventy-five years. His widow is now livi the age of eighty-two. Their family are thi ta children, eight of whom are now living. T other descendants of the family are thirty gra children and seventeen great-grand-childre These descendants are now widely scattered ¢ Maine, New Hampshire, anc Massachusetts, m have gone West, and one is residing with | family in Australia. # It is the intention of the family to compile genealogy of the descendants of William Be man, also tracing his ancestry as far back - possible ; and any one who can furnish inform tion towards making it complete, will receive # thanks of the family. Such letters may be set to Mr. SamueL L. BoarpMaAN, Augusta, Me, — A GLANCE AT THE CAPTURE OF Fort Pt LASKI. The following letter, from Major-ga eral Benham, of the Engineers, was doubtless n tended for publication (says Z’he New Yor in
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1867.) - more familiar): _ that after Gillmore had published his Pulaski re- ports, I could not but say to General Hunter, that heand I ‘‘would have to get certificates that we _ **were there,” as I repeated in fact to Gillmore himself, who had already heard it. _ tobe the casenow. A man who is getting up a record of officers—a personal enemy of mine, by _ the by,—refuses to receive or recognize any testi- _ mony that I was anywhere near at the capture of _ Pulaski, or gave any order there. _ fact, printed the record, notwithstanding the - evidence given, with an entire omission of that - section in my record. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 808 oY ' Citizen), but as we know many reasons why it should be published, and none why it should not, we have concluded to give it, even at the risk of causing some slight momentary shock to __ our old friend’s ideas of military etiquette: Boston, Mass., August 11, 1867. My Drar GeneraL.—(though ‘‘ Miles” sounds You, perhaps, may have known This seems He has, in Now, as you were present some portion of the * time, as I distinctly recollect, when I gave orders _ to Gillmore there—and, if I recollect aright, you, _ with others, accompanied me in my visits of in- _ spection through all the batteries on the first day of - that bombardment, when we were constantly fired at from the fort, as we passed between or through _ the intervals of the batteries—I should be glad if _ you would give me, as early as convenient, any ' recollections that you have, of this or other mat- ters, that you have noticed, relating to the duties _ Iperformed there; and, especially, what you rec- ollect of the following, of which my recollection is perfect: of the second day, I was at a sand-hill, close in rear _ of the three ten-inch gun battery, and with Gill- _ more was examining the fort through the large _ tripod telescope fixed in the hill, when a storm of _ the Blakely shell passed closely over us; and * yourself, with one or two others, were in that At between twelve and one o’clock arte sds After some minutes examination, I said to : ~Gillmore, ‘‘ We must aim our guns at the angle _ **of the back of the mask-wall to peel it from that - whole face, and that will make a breach too wide ‘for that small garrison” (whose numbers we _ knew) ‘“‘to defend.” AndI added, ‘* If that is “done, we will storm the fort to-morrow night.” You immediately asked who was going to com- - mand the storming column? and I replied that I . - should command it myself. You then told me q you should like to lead it with two Irish com- _ panies that were there ; and I replied to you that _ you should do it. _ directed him to have scaling ladders prepared, I then turned to Gillmore and _ specifying generally the different lengths that I _ thought it would be best to have made. Gillmore soon after left, and within one anda half to two hours the flag of Pulaski fell. I watched anxiously for the same ten or fifteen minutes that they took to get it down: and then, as Gillmore was not to be found in the batteries, I sent Lieutenant-colonel Hall, of Serrell’s regiment, on a horse, through the batteries, to stop the firing; and I followed rapidly to the upper batteries, with my Adjutant-general, Ely, and ordered a boat from the creek to send him over. During the time they were launching the boat, you came up; and I then requested you, as Adjutant-general to General Hunter, who was in chief command, to go over and receive the surrender, stating to you the term on which the fort was to be received. : Some fifteen or twenty minutes after, though you had not gone far in consequence of the high wind and tide against you, Gillmore came up in a great flurry from the light-house, three miles off, as I understood, where he had been eating his dinner; and I authorized him to go over to the fort also, where he, in connection with yourself and Captain Ely, the Adjutant-generals of his superior General officers, arranged, as I understood it, the terms of surrender, as had been directed. Now, General, will you give me your recollec- tions on any of the above matters, or any other such that I was concerned in, in connection with the capture of that work, and oblige, Yours, very truly, Henry W. BENHAM. Gen. Cuartes G. HALPrNe. y ‘ [REMARKS OF GENERAL HALPINE ON THE ABOVE. | The foregoing, in so far as it relates to General Benham, is correct in all its main particulars,— the order to receive the surrender of the fort, however, on no other terms than ‘‘ unconditional ‘*surrender,” having been given to Major Halpine by Major-general David Hunter, who was present and in chief command during the whole bombard- ment,—his headquarters being at the brass tripod- telescope, to which General. Benham has above re- ferred. And here, perhaps, a few words about the seige of Fort Pulaski and its surrender might not be out of place: For the success of that enterprise General Gill- more has arrogated an amount of credit to which he certainly was not entitled. When operations for the seige commenced, he was Captain of Engineers, and Chief-engineer on the staff of General Timothy W. Sherman, now in command at Newport; and during the later preparations for the bombardment and the bombardment it- self, he was simply the directing Engineer Officer of the works, under the command of Major-gen- eral Hunter. For him, therefore, to assume, as. he has done, all credit for that important siege and its success, is nothing buta false pretence. — As well might the Chief-engineer on the staff of General Grant have suppressed General Grant’s
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304 . HISTORICAL name altogether, and only given his own in re- porting the sieges and surrenders of Fort Donel- son and Vicksburg. But still less than this was General Gillmore en- titled to the whole credit, or any great part-of the credit, for the capture of Pulaski. Had his origi- nal plans been carried out, we might have been firing ten-inch solid shot from Columbiads and thirteen-inch shell from mortars, from the day the bombardment commenced until now, without having caused any serious discomfort to the men and officers of the opposing garrison. Gillmore’s original plan only contemplated a bombardment from the upper sand-hills of Tybee Island, with Columbiads and mortars—his nearest batteries be- ing about two thousand, six hundred yards, and his farthest batteries fully three thousand, seven hundred yards, from the work to be assailed. Out of this ineffectual scheme he was reluc- tantly but effectually derided and argued—but chiefly derided—by Lieutenant Horace Porter, of the Ordnance Corps, new General-in-chief of Ord- nance, on the staff of Grant; Lieutenant J. H. Wilson of the Topographical Engineers, since heard of as Major-general Wilson of the Cavalry, who committed the blunder of capturing Jeff Davis; and Lieutenant Patrick J. O'Rourke of the regular Engineers, subsequently killed while commanding a New York Brigade of Infantry at the battle,of Gettysburgh. They laughed at the fears which Gillmore expressed, that ordnance and ordnance stores in any sufficient quantity could not be moved across the open place on Tybee Is- land, called ‘‘ the jaws of death,”—a place clearly under the fire of, and without any protection from, Fort Pulaski’s barbette guns; and having at last obtained the doubting Captain’s consent to this experiment, it was by the inspiration and under the guidance of these young officers, that the lower and only effective batteries of the siege, were erected. It was, we say, by the request, and still more by the ridicule of these young officers, that the then Captain Gillmore was compelled—sorely against his own judgment and protest—to consent tothe erection of batteries at Goat’s Point, on Tybee Island, distant only seventeen hundred yards from Fort Pulaski; and to the armament of these, under the special direction of the then Lieutenant Horace Porter, of the Ordnance Corps, with thirty-pounder Parrot guns, and some eight- inch Columbiads throwing the James projectile. ‘All know the result. It was by the Parrott and James projectiles that the face of the point coupee was breached after about thirty hours of fire; and the surrender was then precipitated by the fact that projectiles passing through these breaches began to strike the magazines on the other side of the Fort, threatening a general blow-up of the garrison,—and to this, as one of the advantages [November, a MAGAZINE. of breaching at that point, we very distinctly re member General Benham’s having called atten- tion, before the bombardment began, he havir been one of the Engineer Officers engaged in th construction of Fort Pulaski, and consequenth knowing where its magazines were located ant how they could be reached. - General Benham, during the siege, and fo some weeks preceding, was. Chief-of-staff an¢ Chief-of-engineers, on the staff of Major-genera Hunter, and had certainly ordered the erection 0 some batteries on Dawfuskie Island, to assist in th bombardment. It is true, these batteries proved t be out of range and accomplished nothing; b we distinctly affirm that they. accomplished jus as much as could have been accomplished by th ten-inch. Columbiads and thirteen-inch morta batteries, originally designed and erected by Ge eral Gillmore as his only agencies for conductir the attack.—_V. Y. Citizen. q SoutH CAROLINA MAIDS OF THE OLDEN TIMES. —In turning over the leaves of a very delightfu book, published some years since, our eye chances to fall on the following Petition, signed by sixtee maids of Charleston, and presented to the Goy ernor of that Province, on the first of March, 1748 To His Hucellency Governor Johnson: The humble petition of all the maids whos names are underwritten: ; 2 Whereas, we humbly petitioners, are at present in a very melancholy disposition of mind, consid ering how all the bachelors are blindly captivatec by widows, and our youthful charms thereby neg: lected: the consequence of this our request i that your Excellency will, for the future, orde that no widow shall for the future presume f marry any young man till the maids are providet for; or else pay each of them a fine for satisfac tion for invading our liberties; and likewise ¢ fine to be laid on all such bachelors as shall t married to widows. The great disadvantage it to us old maids is, that the widows, by their for. ward carriages, do snap up the young men, an have the vanity to think their merits beyond ours, which is a great imposition on us who ought t have the preference. This is humbly recommended to your Exce lency’s consideration, and we hope you will preven any further insults. : And we poor maids, asin duty bound, will eve pray. $ P. §.—I being the oldest maid, and thereb most concerned, do think it proper to be the mes- senger to your Excellency in behalf of my fellow- subscribers. —Savannah Georgian and Journal, — Sanpy Hoox Licur-Hovse.—In 1762, Jonn
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Boston. - 1867.) HISTORICAL _ Crucer, Patuie Livineston, LEONARD LISPEN- _ ARD, and WILLIAM Bayarp, by direction of the _' Legislature of the Colony of New York, and as _ Trustees for the Government, purchased four acres _ of ground on the point of Sandy Hook, and there . erected a light-house and out-buildings. There. had, we believe, been a beacon-light displayed _ there before, but this was the first permanent - light-house built. During the early part of the Revolution, the light was extinguished by order of _ the Government; and, in1790, the grounds, build- ings, &c., were ceded by the People of the State _ of New York to the United States of America. _ This seems to dispose of all the pretensions of _ New Jersey, to interfere with that property. _ A Love Arrarr or Benepict ARNOLD’s.—The following is a veritable letter, written by General _ Benedict Arnold, inclosing one to Miss Deblois of | It was addressed to Mrs. General Knox, _ who was then residing in Boston, and was a friend _ of Arnold’s lady love, who was, as we understand _ from one of her few surviving cotemporaries, ~ quite a belle in Boston, a lady of most respectable _ standing in society, and of fortune. Whether she _ reciprocated Arnold’s passion we cannot learn. _ Whether she did or did not, however, it is certain _ that the parties were never united and the lady _ was never married. Tradition says that some time _ subsequently to the date of this letter, she went so far as to enter the church for the purpose of being _ Married to a Boston gentleman; and that there _ the marriage was forbidden by her own mother, _ for what reason is not now known. -__ Miss Deblois lived and died in Boston, in single _ blessedness and high respectability. It will be _ seen by the impassioned language of Arnold’s letter that he made love even as he fought and - did everything else,—with all his might and main. And one cannot help reflecting how very * different might have been the history of this brave but passionate and ill-principled man, had he succeeded in this love affair. _ At the time he wrote this letter he was perhaps _ at the zenith of his fame. It was just subsequent _ to his brilliant career in Canada and along the lakes. The original letter, in Arnold’s own hand _ writing, was recently discovered among the __ papers of General Knox. It is written in a hand- ~ some, free, and unaffected hand. The Boston _ Traveller which publishes this letter, gives the _ spelling and capitalizing as in the original.—J. _ Y. Tribune. ‘¢ WATERTOWN, March, 1777. _ ‘*Dear Mapame: I have taken the liberty of '**Inclosing A Letter for the Heavenly Miss *Deblos, which beg the favor of your delivering, with the Trunk of Gowns, &c., which Mrs. Hist. Mac. Vou. um. 20 305 os MAGAZINE. ‘¢Colburn promis’d me to Send to your House. ‘**T hope she will make no objections against re- ‘*ceiving them. I made no doubt you will soon ‘‘have the pleasure seeing the Charming Mrs. ‘¢Kmery, and have it in your power to give me ‘*some favourable Intelligence. I shall remain ‘* Under the most Anxious Suspense until I have ‘*the favour of a line from you, who (if I may ‘¢ Judge) will from your own experience, conceive ‘the fond Anxiety, the Glowing hopes, and Chill- ‘ting fears, that Alternately possess the breast of ‘¢ Dear Madame, ‘*Your Obed’t & most Humble Serv’t, ‘*B. ARNOLD. ‘¢ Mrs. Knox, Boston.” THE First SILK MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED. Srates.—Mr. T. Kohn, a merchant of this city, who deals in ribbons, fringes, &c., has put up some valuable machinery in Mr. Thrall’s building, near the railroad station, for weaving silk. He showed us a piece of silk, yesterday, containing. twelve yards, which was made by this machinery, and which he claims is the first piece of silk ever made in this country. It is very heavy, made of double thread, and is a plaid of five colors. It is certainly*a successful experiment. Mr. Kohn has machinery for producing six hundred differ- ent patterns of figured silks ; and he intends to do a good business at silk making. He also intends: to make ribbons. Mr. Albert Sugden, who su- perintends the work, is an experienced and com-- petent weaver ; and he has procured from England certain portions of the machinery used, and di- - rected the work in putting it up. The piece of silk shown us isseven-eighths of a yard wide ; and. it is thought to be worth two dollars a yard, though it can probably be sold for less.—Hart- Jord Times. [REPLY TO THE ABOVE. } To THE Eprror oF THE N. Y. TRIBUNE. Sm: I cut the above slip from The Tribune of Dec. 21. On reading it, I called a witness to the stand—my mother—who, though verging toward fourscore years, has an eye still undimmed, anda natural force but little abated. She is a grand- daughter of Colonel Jedediah Elderkin, who, with his compeer, Colone] Eliphalet Dyer, were prominent lawyers at Windham, Connecticut, during most of the last half of the eighteenth century. Colonel Elderkin took a great interest in the manufacture of silk. He had a farm a few miles from Windham, where he grew the mulberry, and had quite an extensive cocoonery. He procured a loom and a weaver from Europe ; and my mother distinctly remembers seeing pieces of silk made, more than sixty years ago. Colonel Elderkin had the silk made into dresses for his
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806. HISTORICAL daughters. Silk handkerchiefs were made in considerable numbers. From causes not now known to me, the manu- facture was discontinued; but to this day, silk thread is made, I think, at Mansfield, in Connec- ticut. I was, myself, at the house of my maternal grandfather at Windham, twenty-five years ago, and then examined many of the papers of Colonel Elderkin, and selected out portions of his correspondence with different persons in refer- ence to the silk culture and manufacture. In my removal from New-York, the papers have been mislaid, but the subject interested me at the time : and the article from The Hartford Times brought it again vividly to my recollection. It is greatly to be hoped that this enterprise of Mr. Kohn may be successful. If he may not claim the honor of having woven the first web, he may still have claim to the greater honor of being the first suc- cessful pioneer in an enterprise which may in some degree relieve us from our dependence on the silk-looms of Europe. Very truly your friend, Wiii1aAM W. CAMPBELL. CHERRY VALLEY, Dec. 25, 1857. A VENERABLE Bru or Costs. —There is in the ‘possession of B. H. Jarvis, Esq., formerly Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, quite a literary and legal curiosity. We subjoin a copy: cpp Hazarp Mayor's Covnt, Corne ius EwEtTst. April 1st, 1746. Mayor’s CHAMBERS. £s. d. iene action ANG SUMMONS. ......seeeeeeeeeeeeeees 2 3 BOG. TORUTM, 6.oo5c cnn slsdise cenccpecesetenevs ces 19 Filin GOCTALO ON ii.0 csc ciksec ates dees vines ope sk oe 1 0 Entering return Of SUMMODS,.........eeeeceeeeeeeees 1 0 SANGIN iu. 0 sk. ons o)n'adn'on 6b 00 0 cane bees haees neg 9 MIP COMILINURMOG, «0. 5 dese cet ev cs seecebivceceecs¥e 9 Entering judgment by default...........ceeseeeeeeees 2 0 Entering judgment confessed........ceeeerseceeeeeces 2 0 NOE EF IS bao 5 bon, 0:0 00,04 06 6b vee ees San A aos 2 ees 6 0 ee and Counsel. . Sp eirkape os es eo MA MOON. 560 287 1USAMcnida dd vi08> Buti 9 0 ser pits eG” a oe Ts we 00'ehite ae 1 9. MIE & 5 Gnaa + 0 6c 004s bse 5 bd Fhe 0 0 405, FeS cosas sense 1 6 Seoart WAGE BOG CONF ois sso 'cSis cee Seca bec stbicies 1 6 COCR ok sbiidie ve ik bev sweden thvinbeeig te ebve's sp hios 1 0 Dam....£5 0s. 6d. 212 8 Costs... 212 8 | Poundage....ccccccccccccrcccs 8 10 Total.. 712 9 £216 1 New York, April 1st, 1746. I Do Tax this Bill at two Pounds Sixteen Shillings and one Penny, poundage included. Dan. HorsMANDER. Tue First WESTERN STEAMBOAT.—The New- port (Ky.) News has the annexed interesting ac-. count of the first steamboat on the Western waters: The first steamboat that ever run on the Western waters, was built under the superintendence of —.—; | and the old building purchased by the City Gi a MAGAZINE. [November, Mr. Robson, who spent his old age with his son William, two miles back of Newport, Kentucky. He was employed by Fulton, Livingston, & Co., of New York. Theboat was launched at i rg, Pennsylvania, on the seventeenth day of Ma 18ii, and called the New Orleans. She was oral nt with a bluish colored paint. She passed Nev W Madrid, Missouri, at the time of the earthquakeil December, 1811. Mr. Scowls, now living i Covington, a wealthy man, was Cabin-boy 0 her; Andrew Jack was Pilot; and a Mr. Baker wa was Engineer. She carried General Coffee an Don Carl from Natchez with their troops down t New Orleans, in 1814, at the time General Jae son was defending that city against the Britis Tue First Stare Prison.—Few of our readet probably know that there is yet standing witl the city of New York, the first ‘‘State Prison ever erected in the State of N ew-York, and 1 of the first built in the United States. This old State Prison still stands in the Nint Ward, on the block bounded by Washingte Amos, West, and Charles-streets; and is now o cupied.as a brewery. It was erected in the th village of Greenwich, in the years 1794 and 1G and was opened for the reception of pris from the entire State, in 1796. It was a three-story, stone building, having all its wo shops in the rear. The space was inclosed by strong stone wall, fourteen feet high in front a twenty-three in the rear, within which s the Prison and its appendages. The wholeil closure comprised about four acres, and includ the three blocks of ground on Washington @ West-streets, between Christopher and Perry. — This Prison continued the only receptacle f persons convicted of felonies in this State, ul 1816, when the western regions having becot populous, the State Prison at Auburn was c¢ menced, and completed in 1818. ; The New York Prison was, however, kept: until about 1828, when the new one at Mo Pleasant, commonly called Sing Sing, having b completed, the prisoners were transferred thit ernment. In the early history of this Prison, revolts 1 quite frequent. In 1808, one occurred, which y not suppressed until three prisoners were kil and several wounded. <A strong guard was ¢ stantly kept up, composed of a Captain, two C porals, a drummer, a fifer, and twenty privg Besides these there was one Principal, one De and fifteen Assictant-keepers. iq The Prison was under the govern 4 Board of Seven Inspectors, appointed by the @ ernor, by and with the advice and consent of Senate. This Board made the necessary rules
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1867.] HISTORICAL _ the government of the Prison, appointed the offi- _ cers, purchased supplies, etc. _ The old building, as it now stands, half sur- _ rounded by other edifices, is an interesting me- _ mento of the past.—lV. Y. Times. _ Tse First Duet IN THE UNITED STATES.— _ Many of our readers will be surprised to learn _ that the first duel in the now United States, was fought at Plymouth in 1621, the year succeeding _ the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers, Sabine in his Notes, says: ‘‘ The parties were Edward Doty _ “and Edward Leister, servants of Stephen Hop- _ ‘kins. and, having a dispute, they settled it— _ **gentlemen-like—with a sword and dagger. _ “Both were wounded. Without a statute law on _ “**the subject, the whole company of Puritans as- _ “fsembled to consider and punish the offence. - **The decision was the wisest that could have - “*been made. Doty and Leister, were ordered to _ “be tied together, heads and feet for twenty- “four hours, without food or drink; but the **intercession of their master, their own human- _ **ity and promises, procured a speedy release.” _ Massacnuserts Seventy Years A@o. — An _ exchange in some well considered comments on _ ‘**the progress of the world,” remarks: In our _ own country, the signs of progress and improve- - ment arenumerous. The arts of peace were never - more sedulously cultivated, and changes for the better are constantly taking place, changes in _ which the nobler and purer spint of our nature is _ made distinct and apparent, and a deeper degree _ of interest is manifested for the unfortunate and _ suffering, Look, for example, at the following _ paragraphs, descriptive of the condition of the _ affairs in Massachusetts, seventy years ago: ~ THe PILLoRY In STATE StTREET.—Fifty years _ ago, criminals were often sentenced to exposure _ on the pillory, which sentence was thus accom- _ plished : In the jail yard, then located in Court- _ square, was kept a gallows on wheels, which, on an occasion for its services, was rolled down State- _ street, East of the old City-hall, and on this the _ ¢riminals were exhibited to the gaze of the assem- dled crowd, who-generally confined themselves to _ ‘derisive remarks and shouts ; but once in a while --amischievous urchin would throw a rotten egg, _ or some other missile, at the head of the pilloried prisoner. At one time,- four persons named _ Southack, Pierpont, Stover, and Hall, were placed in the pillory' for swindling. They stood facing _ each point of the compass, and each hour were _ changed, so that in four hours they had all faced _ the four points of the compass. Another punish- _ ment was to place a man on the gallows with a rope around his neck. On one occasion, a pris- MAGAZINE. 807 oner so punished, camenear being actually hanged, after which the practice was abandoned. Public whipping for theft was also in vogue about the same period; and there are persons now living who have seen men, and even a woman, publicly whipped on a gallows in State-street. MoreE OF THE Goop OLD Times.—The follow- ing memorandum have been discovered in the ar- chives of Hampshire County. From the cool, business-like style in which he mentions it, hang- ing people must have been a pleasure to Sheriff Porter. The style in which a memorandum is made of such little matters as hanging and whip- ping, and this on a piece of paper devoted to another purpose, as if to sacrifice a clean sheet were a clean waste, is admirable :— SENTENOZS AT THE SupremME Court, April, 1768, Abijah Converse to be hanged. Asa Hopkins to stand in the pillory one hour, be whipped twenty stripes and pay costs—standing committed. COGS aids 6s Kedah wih oens’cene ine 10 6 18 6 4 Abraham Parkhurst to be whipped ten stripes and pay costs, standing committed, &c. Extract from the sentences, Aitest, E. Porrrn, Sheriff. History OF WHEAT IN AMERICA.— Wheat was first introduced in the North American Colonies, in 1595, on the Elizabeth Islands, in Massa- chusetts, by Gosnold, at the time he explored that coast. That has been upwards of two hun- dred and fifty years ago, and since that time, so great has been the increase of that cereal, that in the year 1849, according to the census of 1850, the product amounted to 160,503,809 bushels. Up to 1610, and perhaps later, England supplied the Colonies with the greater part of their bread- stuffs. : Tae First TEA DestroyeD.—The Newbury- port Herald has published some very interesting revolutionary reminiscences. We make the fol-. lowing extract from one of the series of papers, as it relates to a subject which will never lose its interest. After mentioning the excise laws of 1754, and the troubles respecting the Stamp act, The Herald says ;—‘‘ Next came the tea difficulty; ‘fand all have heard what was done by the ‘¢ ‘Mohawks’ of Boston with the tea at that port: ‘** but as yet none of our historians have given the ‘*fact that, before Boston acted in the disguise ‘* of Indians, the ship-carpenters of Newburyport ‘** publicly and openly burned up the tea in Mar- ‘*ket-square. How this well-authenticated fact ‘escaped, that the first defiant resistance to tea ‘imposition in this country was in Newburyport, ‘*we cannot tell. But twice was this resistance ‘*made, once by burning it in Federal Street, and.
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808 HISTORICAL ‘‘ again in the Market. The tea was stored in the ‘‘powder-house for safe keeping. Ebenezer ‘¢ Johnson, standing one day upon the timber of ‘this yard, called his men about him, and after a ‘¢ few patriotic words, gave the order: ‘ All who ‘‘ “are ready to join, knock your adzes from their ‘¢ “handles, shoulder their handles, and follow ‘¢¢me.’ Every adze in the yard was knocked off; ‘¢and that stout, athletic man, who would have ‘¢marched through a regiment of ‘red-coats,’ ‘had they then’stood in his way, taking his ‘*broad-axe as an emblem of leadership and for ‘¢use, marched at the head of the company to ‘the powder-house. There that well-tried axe *- opened a way through the door, and each man ‘¢ shouldering his chest of tea, again fell into line. ‘¢They marched direct to the Market, and then ‘tin single file around the old meeting-house, ‘¢where the pump now is, when Johnson's axe ‘¢ opened his chest, and box and tea were on the ‘* sround together. Each man as he came up did ‘¢the same, when, with his own hand, Johnson *‘ lighted the pile and burned it to ashes; andon ‘*that spot, without disguise, the ship-carpenters ‘¢ of Newburyport destroyed the first tea that was ‘¢ destroyed in America.” What will Boston say to this ? Bass-woop Parer.—Several papers refer to this article, as a recent invention. It is not so. As early as 1796, a newspaper prepared from bass-wood, was printed in Vermont, by the cele- brated Matthew Lyon, bearing the title of The Scourge of Aristocracy, and Repository of Im- portant Political Truth. It was in this paper that Lyon published the libel for which he was tried and convicted under the famous Sedition law. He was sentenced to an imprisonment in jail for four months, and the payment of a fine of One thousand dollars, and costs. Lyon died in 1822, and repeated attempts were made, after his decease, to obtain from Congress a remission of the fine and costs, but without success, till 1840; when it was voted to refund the amount, with interest, to his legal representatives.—Salem Ga- zette. AN INTERESTING LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. —KEvery reader, we doubt not, will agree with us that the subjoined letter is not only an interesting one, but that the concluding sentence of it makes _it a remarkable one. It is an exact eopy of a let- ter written by General Winfield Scott, then a Captain in the army, during a sojourn at his home in Petersburg, Virginia, on the 18th of June, 1811,just one year before the Declaration of War. The letter was addressed to an old friend in this MAGAZINE. [November, city, and is now in possession of his son, J.i Edwards, Esq.—Zhe National Intelligencer. — ‘¢ PETERSBURG, JUNE, 1811. — ‘‘T believe we have very little village news to ‘* sive you, nor do I know what would please you ‘*in that way. % ‘‘Of myself—that personage who fills so larg ‘*a space in every man’s own imagination, and s ‘¢small a one in the imagination of every other— ‘‘T can say but little; perhaps less would pleas ‘‘you more. Since my return to Virginia, m ‘‘time has been passed in easy transitions fron ‘¢ pleasure to study, from study to pleasure; : ‘‘my gayety forgetting the student, in the st ‘‘dent forgetting my gayety. I have gene ‘¢heen in the office of my friend, Mr. Leigh ‘¢though not unmindful of the studies connect ‘¢with my present profession; but you will easil ‘conceive my military ardor has suffered abate ‘¢ment. Indeed, it is my design. as soon as Cit ‘‘cumstances will permit, to throw the feath ‘¢out of my cap and resume it in my hand. Ye ‘¢ should war come at last, my enthusiasm will h ‘rekindled ; and then who knows but that Im ‘‘ vet write my history with my sword?” ‘¢ Yours, truly, . ‘¢ WINFIELD ScoTT, ‘Lewis Epwarps, Esq., Washington.” WINTER PERILS OF Otp.—Looking throug a copy of The Boston Post Boy and Advertise dated Feb. 8, 1768—only a hundred years ag —we find, under the date of ‘‘ New York, ‘¢ 25,” the following : & ‘¢ A letter from Montreal dated Dec. 27, 1 ‘Cadvises that it is feared the couriers witht ‘¢mail from New York for that place are b ‘¢drowned in attempting to cross the river, [i Lawrence.|] ‘‘ They were spoke with by a mi ‘¢who came afterward to Montreal, who says th ‘‘three days after he saw them, he was informe ‘¢that they, with two countrymen, took a cam ‘¢to cross at the Falls of St. Louis, three les ‘‘above Montreal, and that soon after there car ‘Con thick Weather, and a heavy Fall of Snow, ‘‘ which he imagines that the Canoe was overs ‘by the Ice, and the People drowned, and t ‘‘have heard nothing of them since. Ther ‘‘not the smallest Chance of ever finding 1 ‘¢ Mail, as the River is very broad, full of float ‘‘Ice, and the Current exceedingly strong *‘many Miles down. : a ‘¢Another Letter from Skenesborough,” [n Whitehall] ‘‘of the 14th of January, confin ‘the above account, and says, it is the. ‘¢ which left New York the latter end of Nove “ber: Tis added that twenty-four Persons hi ‘suffered the same Fate within a Month past, ‘¢a Thaw, that brought great Quantities of |
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 309 **down that rapid River—such as had not been **known at that Season in the Memory of Man. **Lake George has not been passable by Ice this ** Season, though the Route to Crown Point has **bheen good ever since November.” The mail now goes through from New York to Montreal in fewer hours than the days required for the same service a hundred years ago, and that without drowning the carriers. THe GRAVE OF JEFFERSON.—'‘‘I ascended, - (writes one who some time since visited Mon- - ticello,) ‘‘the winding road which leads from ** Charlottesville to Monticello. The path leads **a circuitous ascent of about two miles up a ** miniature mountain, to the farm and the grave “‘of Jefferson. On entering the gate which opens **into the enclosure, numerous paths diverge in ** various directions, winding through beautiful “* groves to the summit of the hill. From the **peak on which the house stands, a grand and “‘nearly unlimited view opens to the thickly ** wooded hills and fertile valleys which stretch “fout on either side. The University, with its **dome, porticoes, and colonnade, looks like a **fair city in the plain; Charlottesville seems to **be directly beneath. No spot. can be imagined “fas combining greater advantages of grandeur, **healthfulness, and seclusion. The house is noble “in its appearance: two large columns support a “* portico which extends from the wings, and into “which the front door opens. The apartments “fare neatly furnished and embellished with **statues, busts, portraits, and natural curiosities. ** The grounds and outhouses have heen neglected, “*Mr. Jefferson's attention being absorbed from *‘such personal concerns by the cares attendant ** on thesuperintendence of the University, which, ** when in health, he visited daily since its erection *““commenced. At a short distance, behind the **mansion, in a quiet, shady spot, the visitor sees “fa square enclosure, surrounded by a low, un- **mortared stone wall, which he enters by a neat **wooden gate. This is the family burying- **eround, containing ten or fifteen graves, none “fof them marked by epitaphs, and only a few ** distinguished by any memorial. WhenTI saw “it, the vault was just arched, and in readiness ** for the plain stone which is to cover it. May it *fever continue, like Washington’s, without any “fadventitious attraction of conspicuousness, for ** when we or our posterity need any other me- **mento of our debt of honor to those names than *‘their simple inscriptions on paper, wood, or **stone, gorgeous tombs would be a mockery to ‘their memories. When gratitude shall cease to — ** consecrate their remembrances in the hearts of “our citizens, no cenotaph will inspire the rever- _ **ence we owe to them.” An AccIpENTAL RESEMBLANCE.—The Wash- ington Star says: The original rough draft of the Declaration of Independence, in the hand- writings of Mr. Jefferson, Dr. Franklin, and the elder Adams, is preserved in the State Depart- ment with great care. It has been framed and placed in a box of black walnut, hung against the wall, the door of which is of one piece about two feet square. At certain angles of the room, the grain and natural marks of which the door is fabricated, present a singular appearance. With- out the exercise of any great fancy, a representa- tion of the battle of Bunker Hill can be dis- covered, though some contend it has a great resemblance to the storming of Stony Point, or the attack on King’s Mountain. It is quite a curiosity. A Sryeunar Historicau Facr.—Alluding to the Battle of Bunker's Hill, which occurred on the seventeenth of June, the Boston Post remarks: It isa singular fact, that on the eighteenth of June, 1775, there were few who would have cared to claim a share in the transactions of the previous day. The attempt to occupy so exposed a place as Breed's Hill was pronounced rash in the conception and discreditable in the ex- ecution; there was a deep feeling of disappoint- ment and mortification in the Colonies at the result, and the complaints were loud and many at the lack of good conduct evinced somewhere. Years elapsed before any one claimed for him- self, or fora friend, the honor of having com- manded on the occasion; and other years elapsed before there wag a general notice of the anniver- sary. Yet the bravery of its chief actors was so conspicuous as to elicit the warmest tributes ; and intelligent sympathizers with the causeof freedom looked deeper than the outward sign of defeat. One of them, Governor Johnson, in a truly elo- quent speech in the House of Commons, on the thirtieth of October, 1775, delivered the judg- ment of posterity. ‘‘To a mind” hesaid, ‘*‘ who ‘*loves to contemplate the glorious spirit of free- ‘¢dom, no spectacle can be more affecting than ‘the action at Bunker’s Hill. To see an irregu- . ‘lar peasantry, commanded by a physician, in- ‘‘ferior in numbers, opposed by every circum- ‘* stance of cannon and bombs that could terrify ‘“‘timid minds, calmly wait the attack of the ‘‘ oallant Howe, leading on the best troops in the ‘¢world, with an excellent train of artillery, and ‘*twice repulsing those very troops who had often ‘‘ chased the chosen battalions of France, and at ‘last retiring for want of ammunition, but in so ‘respectable a manner that they were not even ‘‘ nursued—who can reflect on such scenes and ‘*not adore the constitution of Government that ‘** could breed such men.” : ~
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310 HISTORICAL WASHINGTON’s FAREWELL. —The following ex- tract, says the Washington National Intelligencer, is from a letter written by a lady upward of cighty years old, residing in Philadelphia, to her grand- son, in Washington, District of Columbia: ‘¢When GrorGE WASHINGTON delivered his ‘¢¢ Warewell Address,’ in the room at the South- * east corner of Chestnut and Sixth-streets, I sat ‘‘immediately in front of him. It was in the ‘‘room Congress occupied. The table of the ‘¢ Speaker was between the two windows on Sixth- ' “street. The daughter of Dr. C. of Alexandria, *¢the physician and intimate friend.of WasHrine- ‘‘ pon, Mrs. H., whose husband was the Auditor, ‘‘was a very dear friend of mine. Her brother ‘¢ WASHINGTON was one of the Secretaries of Gen- ‘‘eral WasniINeron. Young DANDRIDGE, a ‘‘nephew of Mrs. WASHINGTON, was the other. I ‘¢was included in Mrs. H.’s party to witness the ‘august, the solemn scene. Mr. H. declined ‘going with Mrs. H. as she had determined to ‘* 90 early, so as to secure the front bench. It ‘¢was fortunate for Mrs. C. afterwards Mrs, L. ‘¢that she could not trust herself to be so near ‘her honored grandfather. My dear father stood ‘¢very near her. She was terribly agitated. ‘¢There was a narrow passage from the door of ‘¢ the entrance to the room, which was on the East, ‘¢ dividing the rows of benches. General Wasu- ‘INGTON stopped at the end to let Mr. ApAms ‘pass to the chair. The latter always wore a ‘full suit of bright drab, with lash or loose ‘‘cuffs to his coat. He always wore wrist rufiles. ‘¢ He had not changed his fashions. He was a ‘¢short man with a good head. With his family ‘she attended our church twice a day.—General ‘“ WasHINGTON’s dress was a full suit of black. ‘*His military hat had the black cockade. There ‘‘stood the ‘Father of his Country,’ acknow- ‘‘ledged by the nation—the first in war, first in ‘peace, and first in the hearts of his Countrymen. ‘¢No marshall, with gold colored scarfs, attended ‘¢him—there was no checring—no noise. The ‘most profound silence grected him, as if the ‘« oreat assembly desired to hear him breath, and ‘¢ catch his breath inhomage of their hearts. | Mr, ‘‘Apams covered his face with both his hands; ‘‘ the sleevesof his coat and his hands were covered ‘¢ with tears. Every now and then, there was a ‘‘suppressed sob. I cannot describe WasnHine- ‘¢ron’s apperrance as I felt it—perfectly com- ‘nosed and self-possessed till the close of his ‘‘address, then, when strong nervous sobs broke ‘¢ loose—when tears covered the face—then the ‘* oreat man was shaken. Inever took my eyes ‘‘from. his face. Large drops came from his. “eyes. He looked to the youthful children, ‘¢ who were parting with their fathe’, their friend, ‘tas if his heart was with them, and would be to **the end.” MAGAZINE. (November, JEFF. DAvIs IN THE UNITED STATES ARMY.— Jeff. Davis's appointment and commission as Firs! Lieutenant of United States Dragoons, was found among his private papers, at his residence, near Jackson, Mississippi, on the eleventh of July 1863, by J. H. Goldsmith, Company B. Four teenth Regiment of Illinois Volunteer Infantry, _ The appointment is simply a partly printed an¢ partly written letter-sheet, with the blanks fillec It is dated June the fifth, 1834, andsigned ‘F.C ‘¢ Jones,” or ‘‘H. Jones,” [ Roger Jones, probably, as nearly as I can make out. The commission i on parchment, dated May the tenth, 1884, 1 signed ‘‘ Andrew Jackson, President,” in a bol hand, and countersigned ‘‘ Lewis Cass, Secret: ‘Cof War.” The commission is much defac by time and water. Mu.p Winters.—The following is copi from the fly-leaf of a book in my _ possession written, I believe, by the late John Targee, esq. Ps ‘¢ JANUARY, 1824, — ‘¢ JANUARY 15.—This day arrived from Troy: ‘sloop, and the steamboat James Kent. arrive ‘last evening from Coxsackie—the Kent havin ‘been caught in the ice in the early part of th ‘season. The river had been closed as far dow ‘fas Poughkeepsie, but owing to the uncom ‘‘mildness of the season the ice gave way, an ‘*the above ve: sels came down to the city. Yes: ‘*terday, the fourteenth, the weather was uncol ‘¢mon windy and cold. Fifteenth, in the mo ‘¢mild; afternoon, more cold—thermomenter 3] ‘‘ Norr.—The river closed again, and openet ‘on or about the eigthh of March, when the # ‘¢ Fy steamboat arrived on the tenth of Marg ‘*¢from Albany.” New York Tribune. * y INCIDENTS IN THE SETTLEMENT OF MAINE.* Messrs. Eprrors :—I wish to offer for pub cation some account of the first settlement 6 China, which commenced about ninety years ag in the time of the Revolutionary war, by som people from Massachusetts, when this part 0 Maine was almost entirely an unbroken wile ness. The incidents I am about to relate I heard the mouths of those people, some seventy yeal ago—being now nearly eighty years of ag They settled on the easterly shore of the Twelt Mile pond, on a fine tract of land sloping westerl to the pond. Their nearest. neighbors were | * From The Maine Farmer. 3 q
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 811 Vassalboro’, (Getchell’s Corner, ) ten miles distant. They passed the first winter, with which for se- verity our winters now would hardly begin to compare, in which they suffered extremely from want and co!d. In the spring following, the men having planted some potatoes on a piece of burnt land, started off in quest of food. They pro- ceecled down the pond, seven miles, to the outlet. Leaving their canoe, they proceeded four miles by spotted trees to Getchell’s Corner ; thence in a canoe eighteen miles down the Kennebec to Cob- bossee Contee, where was then the only grist mill in the region, built by Dr. Gardiner in 1760. The corn was then all brought from Boston in _ vessels. Here they expected to get employment enough. to buy a few bushels, get it ground, and return to their starving families ; but to their dreadful disappointment the corn had been all sold, and they set out with heavy hearts for home, with their empty bags. After they got above tide water at Augusta, they had to pole their canoe up the rapids, twelve miles, to Getchell’s - Corner, thence homeward the way they came, having been gonea week. Their half-famished families saw them at a distance on the pond, and immediately put on their kettles with water to cook some pudding as soon as they should arrive. Their little ones ran down to the shore to greet them. They walked into their desolate homes, looking at each other in mute despair. Nota word was spoken for half an hour—their little ones crying with hunger. But how did they make out to live after this? is the natural inquiry. Well, they had to dig up the potatoes they had planted—perhaps not all of them—the fish, shad, and alewives, in the spring ran up to the outlet in such vast numbers that I have heard the old people say that they could have walked over the stream on the backs of them on snow-shoes. Then the moose were very abundant. They would wade into the pond in the night, and brouse among the lilies and water grass. The people would watch for them and go out in canoes and kill them with clubs. ‘Then they got to keeping a cow or two, pasturing them in the woods and meadow, and cutting hay for them in the meadow. ‘Thus they got along, placing their reliance upon a kind Providence, until the wilder- ness blossomed like a rose. There were fine farms, stocks of cattle, and diaries, more than sixty years ago, all in sight of the now pleasant Village of China. Many a traveller has been charmed with the sight of these farms and of the beautiful sheet of water below them, now called China lake. Such were the hardships suffered by the pioneers of China, (formerly Harlem) but they have long since passed away. FARMINGTON, Mz. DANIEL SEWALL. XIV.—NOTES. THE MonuMENT or Burrows.—In the year 1815, an ‘‘OLD New-YorkER” (Matthew L. Davis, Esq.) was travelling through the town of Portland, Maine, where he discovered the grave of the gallant Captain William Burrows, of the U. §S. Brig Hnterprize—who was mortally wounded on the fifth of September, 1813, in a severe but successful contest with the English Brig Boxver—was without a head stone. Mr. Davis’s patriotic liberality on this occasion was. thus noticed by The Portland Argus :— ; ‘‘A gentleman from New York, Matthew L. ‘* Davis, Esq., while passing through town a few ‘“days since, on a tour to the Eastward, had ac- ‘*cidentally taken a walk into our burying ‘‘oround. His attention was attracted to the ‘*neglected grave of the late gallant Captain ‘*Burrows. The only guide to the spot, where is ** deposited the remains of one who had so much ‘*heroic merit and who deserved so much of his ‘‘country, was the toml stone of his deceased ‘*competitor, the British Captain, Blythe. This ‘‘was erected two years since by the surviving ‘¢ officers of the Borer. The thought was in- ‘stant. Mr. Davis immediately gave orders for ‘an elegant marble monument to be erected over ‘‘the grave of Burrows, to be finished by his ‘‘return, and without the sparing of labor or ‘Cexpense. It is now completed and putup. Its ‘‘style of execution does much credit to the ir- ‘‘oenious artist, Mr. Bartlett Adams, of this ‘*town ; and the inscription is highly creditable ‘¢to the taste, judgment, and modesty of the ‘¢ senerous donor, and worthy the hero, whom it ‘¢is designed to commemorate.” The following is the memorial inscribed on the Monunient :-— BENEATH THIS STONE moulders THE BODY OF WILLIAM BURROWS, LATE COMMANDER Or THES UNITED STATES BRIG ENTERPRISE, who was mortally wounded on the fifth of September, 18138, IN AN ACTION WHICH CONTRIBUTED TO INCREASH THE FAME OF AMERICAN VALOUR, BY CAP- TURING HIS oe BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S BRIG BOXER, AFTER A SEVERE CONTEST OF Forty-five minutes.
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312 —— A passing stranger has erected this monument of respect to the manes of a Patriot, who in the hour of peril, obeyed the loud summons of an injured country, and who gallantly met, fought, and conquered the foeman. New York CIty. Ta. D. ¥; A Srient Dirrerence.— The State of New York has for many years had in its employ, as custodian of its archives, that eminent scholar and archzxologist, Doctor E. B. O’CatnacHan. All the earlier manuscripts are in the Dutch language. Many years ago these manuscripts were translated into English, and last summer the Doctor had occasion to verify some of the papers. In one, it was stated that the Directors at Amsterdam, in sending to this country a lot of emigrants, had supplied each one with a codfish hook. By refer- ence to the original, Dr. O’CALLAGHAN found that it meant each a pea-jacket. — Grand Rapids (Mich.) Democrat, Nov. 12, 1867. Punninc TRADES TOKENS.—Will. Rose, a » publican, of Coleraine, in Ireland, issued trades tokens with a Bear, passant, on the reverse—Ex- CHANGE. For. A. Can. (i.¢., of Beer!), and as if the pun was not ridiculous enough, there was a Rose AS A REBUS FOR HIS NAME. Thomas Dawson, of Leeds, perpetrated a sim- ilar pun on his token, dated 1670. It says,— Beware. Or. Y=. Beare, evidently alluding to the strength of his beer.—Boynes and Aker- man’s Trades Tokens of the Seventeenth Century. W.J. F. REMAINS OF EARTH-workS.—In Smith’s Dic- tionary of Greek and Roman Geography, ii., 1256, in regard to the wall of Severus, across England, from the Solway Frith to the mouth of the Tyne, it is said that ‘‘ Hodgson, in his His- “tory of Northumberland, (iii. 276) states a fact ‘*curious if true. ‘A little West of Portgate, the ** “earth taken out of the fosse lies spread abroad ***to the North in lines, just as the workmen ‘** wheeled it out and left it. The tracks of **¢ their barrows, with a slight mound on each ** «side, remain unaltered in form.’ It is scarcely ‘‘credible, however, that slight elevations of *fearth, and superficial traces in it, should, for ‘more than a thousand years, have successfully ‘tresisted the constant operation of the natural **agencies, which are sufficient to i aan the «hardest rock.” So says the writer in the Dictionary. But, after reading this, we were walking across what is called in Carolina, an ‘Sold field,” grown over and swarded down with the hard rooted and _ tough stemmed broom-grass so common in this HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. | Saintclaires Defeat, purporting to have been "IN ovember, country, which had been last planted in corn,” and ploughed deep, before being thrown out | of cultivation. And we noticed, as often is the ce that the ridges will retain their height indefinite a long. When once coated over with roots and the growth of the grass, it is difficult to see how they can he levelled down as long as the grass live: Wefind these ridges remaining even when the “‘ol¢ “field” has been grown over with the pines tha ub so commonly return, with other trees, in old fields that are not under cultivation; and then fallen leaves will help to preserve "the ridges. And doubtless we may find, along the lines of railroads, just such banks of earth wheeled out; and remaining just as left by the workmen. so they will remain, as the turf is unbroken. Davipson Cotece, N. C. E. F. R. QUERIES. KNICKERBOCKERS. — Dickens’ Uncommerei ‘ Traveller, after describing his lodgings in Bon¢ street, says that the hatter's young man, when he ‘oot his Knickerbockers on, was even cheerful.” Does he refer to Boots or Breeches? New York. K:5 Sr. CLarr’s DerEat.—Stone, in his Life of Brant, ii., App. vii., gives a Ballad, entitled written ‘‘On Occasion of the Victory of ‘¢ Indians over that Officer, in 1791.” : Can any of the readers of Tue HrstToricat. MaGazinE inform me who was the author of tha Ballad? Mr. Stone does not give the name ¢ the writer. Aupany, N. Y. W. REPLIES. Logpsters AND New Yorx.—[H. M.,IL, ii 182.| The story is not true. We did not nee¢ lobster planting here, for this favorite of the ol Dutch aldermen is a native of the waters of Ney York. Vanderdonck, writing in 1642, says, ‘‘ Lobsters are plenty. Some of these are ve ry ‘large, being from five to-six feet in length; “« others again are from a foot to a foot and a hali ‘long, which are the best for the table.” If ‘*Sons of Rhode Island” can furnish specimer larger than these we will agree to eat them. __ Will Prawn be kind enough to give the name and Cate of the old New York newspaper referret to in his communication ? SHRIMP, —
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867.] HISTORICAL -XVII.—BOOKS. 1.—REcENT PUBLICATIONS. {Publishers and others sending Books or Pamphlets for the Editor of Tur Histortoan Mag@aztnr, are respectfully re- quested to forward the same, either direct to “ Henny B. Dawson, Morzisania, N. y” or to Messrs. Cnar.zs - Sortsner & Co., Booksellers, 654 Broadway, New York City, as shall be most convenient for them.] 1—Terra Marie; or Threads of Maryland Colonial His- tory. By Edward D. Neill. Phila: J. B. Lippencott & Co. 1867. Duodecimo, pp. 260. _ Ifwe do not mistake, the writer of this little ‘volume was recently the Secretary of the State Historical Society of Minnesota, and author of a standard History of that State, He is now one of the Secretaries of President Johnson; and he ‘tells us, in his Preface, that this is the result of his recreation, when not officially employed at the “White House, while visiting the Congressional ‘Library and rummaging the treasures of that fine collection. In his treatment of the Colonial history of Maryland, he devotes Chapters, respectively, to George and Cecilius, first and second Lords Balti- ‘more, the difficulties with Virginia, the advent of the Quakers and their influence, the disputes concerning boundaries, the Revolution.of 1689, causes which led to the Declaration of Indepen- ‘dence, and to the various Proprictaries. _ Inthe treatment of his subjects, Mr. Neill has employed an easy, flowing style without wasting words for mere effect; and it will be readily seen, by the most casual reader, that, although the author does not pretend to be an expert in the History of Maryland, he knows where to look for the material, and how to employ it. _ We have not seen any work, concerning the settlement and progress of Maryland, which, within the same space, contains so much substan- tial information on the subject; and, for that reason, we are glad to call the attention of our readers to its merits. __ The publishers have issued it in a very neat "dress; and it will form a very acceptable addition to the local History of Maryland. _ %—Meditations on the actual state of Christianity, and _ on the attack, which are now being made upon it. By M. _ Guizot. - New York: C. Scribner & Co., Sine’anno, Crown ' Octave, pp. 390. Price $1.75. _ Two years since, .the great French philosopher published his volume of Meditations concerning the essence of Christianity; we have now, those “concerning the actual state of the Christian religion, its internal and external condition, the _ elements which are actively adverse and antago- nistic to it, and the impulse imparted to it by that antagonism. society during the Eighteenth Century, and the |. _K. Paulding. Edited by William I. Paulding. MAGAZINE. 813 It is not the province of this work to make an extended examination of the various important subjects to which this volume is devoted; but we cannot lay aside a volume from the pen of M. -Guizot without reminding our readers that the great ability and high character of its distin- guished author commend it to their highest re- spect. s 3 8—Language and the study of Language. Twelve Lectures on the principles of-Linguistic Science. By Wil- liam Dwight Whitney. New York: C. Scribner & Co., 1867. Crown octavo, pp. x!, 489. Price $2.50. Professor Whitney, the learned author of this work, has attempted to place before his readers all the facts regarding Language, which are most important. Among these he places its nature and origin, its growth and classifications, its ethnolog- ical bearing, its value to man, etc,; and in as simple terms as possible, avoiding as far as he can do so, all technical and metaphysical phraseol- ogy, he has executed his task with great ability. The volume will find a hearty welcome among students and instructors ; and its handsome dress will secure for it a place in every well-balanced library. 4.—Tales of the Good Woman. By a Conbtful Gentleman, otherwise, James K. Paulding. Edited by WilliamI. Pauld-. ing. In one volume. k: C. Scribner & Co., 1867. New Yor Crown octavo, pp. 402. Price $2.50. 5.—The Bulls and the Jonathans; comprising John Bull and Brother Jonathan and John Bullin America. we ames n one volume. New York: C. Scribner & Co., 1867. Crown octavo, pp. 378. Price $2.50. It is an injunction of the Almighty to ‘‘ honor ‘¢thy father and thy mcther ;” and Mr. Paulding, the industrious Editor of these volumes, has earned for himself many blessings for the fidelity with which he has obeyed this heavenly law, in the work which is before us. The first of the two volumes which we have named is a collection of several of the minor papers of Mr. Paulding; the latter embraces two works, responsive to the slanders against the United States in which various English visitors indulged, about that period; and both will be welcomed, especially by those who, thirty years ago, entered into the passing excitements of the day. These excitements and their attendant bitterness have been forgotten, except by the more venerable of our contemporaries, if they have ever been known to any others who now live —and it is well. therefore to revive such works. as these, abounding as they do with that sturdy love of country and unmistakeable earnestness of expression which characterized that period more than this, in order that those who shall come after us may learn some of, the influences which con- trolled the affairs of the Union at that time and
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314 HISTORICAL be enabled to contrast them with the prevailing ideas of our own day. ‘The Editor has faithfully carried the different works through the Press, with carefully prepared Introductions and illustrative Notes; and we hope that his labors will be rewarded with a generous support. 6.—Prayers from Plymouth Pulpit. By Henry Ward Beecher. Phonographically reported. New York: Charles Scribner & Co. 1867. Duodecimo, pp. viii, 332. Price $1.75. Prayers to God considered as merchandise, and sold as such! Who but the late Secretary of the American Temperance Union, (so called,) would have entertained such an idea, even if two demons instead of one had prompted it? The fact exists, however, that for ‘‘ several years,” a grave and venerable Doctor in Divinity has listened, and thought of the ‘‘ great loss” which he was ex- periencing in allowing so much ministerial sup- plication to run to waste, and employed, as a commercial speculation, an experienced phono- grapher to gather them, drop by drop, as_ they have fallen from Mr. Beccher’s lips; that these Prayers to the Almighty, thus picked up, i transitu, have been subsequently peddled in the ‘New York market; and that they are here, printed, at fourtecn shillings per copy. It is creditable to Mr. Beecher that he is nota party to so unholy a transaction ; and we regret that such a house as our own honored publishers has so far violated all that is decent by allowing its imprint to appear on the title page of such a work—even to gratify ‘‘the Reverend Doctor ** John Marsh.” : T.—Genealogy of the Van Brunt Family, 1653-1867. By Teunis G. Bergen. Albany: Joel Munsell. 1867. Octavo, pp. viii, 79. Rutger Joesten Van Brunt, a solid Dutch farmer, emigrated to New Netherland, in 1653, and was among the first setflers in New Utrecht, on Long Island. Like most other Dutchmen, he had a family ; and his descendants are now widely scattered over the country, under the well-known names of Van Dyck, Pollock, Hegeman, Petersen, Ditmas, Vanderbilt, Stymets, Hendrickson, Winant, Stillwell, Denyse, Rapalje, Lott, Lefferts, Cowenhoven, Benson, Preste, Boice, Nafius, Voorhies, Bergen, Van Brunt, etc. The vo'ume before us, from the pen of one of our contributors who is well versed in such|: matters, contains the Genealogy of this widely- spread family, from its foundation in America until the present time; and it will prove very useful to the student and very interesting to those who now represent the original Rutger. The labor which is necessary for the production of such a volume is very little understood by MAGAZINE. [November those who have never attempted such a work; and we can very readily understand why, by reason of its details, it may be unduly neglected by the merely casual collector. It is, however, worthy of a better fate; and we earnestly hope ii may have a renumerative circulation. 7 8.—Mental Arithmetic; or, oral exercises in Abstract an Commercial Arithmetic, with first lessons in written Arith- metic, for the use of Schools, By Charles 8. Venable, Pro- fessor of Mathematics in the University of Virginia. Ney bye Speman & Co. 1867. Duodecimo, pp. 176. F cents, 9.—Arithmetic, Pure and Commercial, For the use of Schools. By Charles S. Venable. New York: Richardso & Co. 1868, Octavo, pp. 261. Price $1. 10.—An Elementary Grammar of the English Le quag By Geo. F. Holmes, LL. D. Professor of History, Gen Literature, and Rhetoric, in the University of Virginia, f York: Richardson & Co. 1868. Octavo, pp. 238. . 11.—The Southern Pictorial Fourth Reader. Schools and Families. By Geo. F. Holmes, LL. D. York: Richardson & Co. Duodecimo, pp. 276. 12.— Holmes’ Southern Fifth Reader for Schools @ Families. By Geo. F. Holmes, LL. D. New Yor Richardson & Co, 1867. Octavo, pp. 408. The above form portions of a series of text- books prepared for schools in the Southern States by Southern scholars, at the instance of a New York publisher, Mr. Richardson, who is known t many of our readers as the founder, and, for manj years, the publisher, of Tae Hisrortcan Mae ZINE. ; ¥ It has been the purpose of the authors of these works to exclude from their pages whatever is calculated to keep alive the existing sectiona animosities, either by invidious comparisons oP partizan statements; and as the ablest mindsoi the South are engaged in the preparations ¢ these the importance of the undertaking canne¢ be too highly regarded. a The series is intended to embrace, when com- plete, nine Readers, three Grammais, eight vol umes of Mathematics, five on Geography and Astronomy, five on the French, and three on the Latin Language, etc., and it has been welcom throughout the South, in the most flattering x ner. The several volumes are well printed, on fair paper, and substantially bound ; and we commend them to those of our readers, North and South, who are interested in the education of the rising generation. . t 13.— Hysteria. Remote Causes of Diseases in gene! Treatment of Diseases by Tonic Agency ; Local or Surgical Forms of Hysteria, etc. Six Lectures delivered to the Stu. dents of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, 1866. By F. C, Skey F. R. 8., late President of the Royal College of Surgeons England, Consulting Surgeon to St. Bartholomew’s Hospi tal, ete. New York: A. Simpson & Co. 1867. Duodecimo pp. viii, 103. ¥ This book is more especially interesting to our
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1867.) HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 815 - medical friends; but it contains so much sound sense, and is withal so free from the technicalities that usually abound in medical works, that the _ general reader may profit by its perusal. _ Mr. Skey is an advocate of the rational treat- ment of discase, i. e., that plan which makes nutrition and tonic medicaments the basis of the management of disease. ‘spoliative and reducing system which so long held sway over the Medical profession, is bitter and undisguised; and founded as it is upon a right appreciation of the nature of disease, can- not fail to do good, while his immense experience _ gives to his opinions an almost judicial aspect _ that merely theoretical views cannot possess. The _ American publishers have done a good service by - placing this little book within the reach of the reading public, and they have earned for them- _ selves credit by the admirable typographical exe- cution of the same. _ 14.—Proceedings of the Meeting held at the Inauguration of Rutgers Female College, April 25,1867. New York: thynian Press. 1867. Octavo, pp. 59. With all the elegance of tinted laid paper and _ rubricated title-pages, Doctor Pierce has here re- corded the inaugural services with which the Rut- gers Female Institute was introduced into the - charmed circle of American Colleges. — <Asamatter of local interest, it will commend itself to the attention of Collectors; und the young _ house which printed need not be ashamed of its - handiwork, in producing it, even when compared _ with the work of other and older offices. . _ .—An Harly New England Marriage Dower, with _ Notes on the Lineage of Richard Scott of Providence. By Martin B. Scott. Boston: 1867. Octavo. pp. 9. _. A private reprint, in separate form, of a paper _ which appeared in a recent number of The New | England Historical aud Genealogical Register, _ from the pen of M. B. Scott, Esq., a descendant of Richard. _ This Richard Scott was a brother-in-law of Anne Hutchinson, and among the earliest settlers - of Rhode Island; and the leading paper in this _ tract is a deed of conveyance to his son-in-law, _ Christopher Holder, of the Island of Patience, - in Narragansett Bay. This deed is followed with acertificate of Roger Williams; and the Notes of _ the Editor conclude the volume. _ We have gone over these ‘‘Notes” with some _ care, and we find them to be just what the editor _ promised in his title-page—they are notes on the - family of Richard Scott, the Quaker, who died - in Providence, in 1681-2, embracing notices of _ his own life and character; corrections of errors into which Capron fell, while on the same subject, in 1817; a brief view of the persecutions to His opposition to the which his wife, Katharine Marbury, was subjected by the Puritans in Massachusetts, because of her sympathy with the Friends and the sympathy of her persecutors with barbarism and monarchy, ete. We are glad to perceive that, even in the West, the taste for historical studies is growing; and that private gentlemen—business men and busy men—do not think it is necessary to let their legers and their counting-rooms employ all their energies or command all their sympathies. 16.—No. I. Indian Bulletin for 1867, containing a brief account of the North American Indians, and the interpreta~. tion of many Indian names. By Rev. N. W. Jones. New York: C, A. Alvord. 1867. Octavo. pp. 16. We are informed by the author that ‘this ‘¢ pamphlet has been issued to subscribers, for the ‘purpose of defraying in part the expense of an ‘‘ effort to establish a National Professorship of ‘Indian Languages and Archeology ;” but as the reader is not told any other particulars concerning this ‘‘ effort,” we suspect that it has been issued. in order that its author may be the better enabled to get a living while he continues to spend,—as he must ‘‘ often” have spent before, else he would not have been able to speak so positively of what is *‘ often required” in that undertaking— ‘months of labor” to ensure ‘‘ the correct inter- ‘* pretation of a single Indian name.” We do not object to such an employmcnt of the proceeds. of the sale of this tract ; we only take the liberty of suggesting that there can be no necessity for a Christian minister to spend, ‘‘ often,” ‘‘months ‘*of labor,” in ascertaining ‘‘ the correct interpre- ‘tation of a single Indian name,” under the very queer supposition that he is thus engaged in an ‘* effort to establish a National Professorship of ‘‘Indian Languages and Archeology ;” and it is still more singular, that even after having thus ‘* often” spent ‘‘ months of labor” in interpreting ‘ta single Indian name,” there are still doubts, even in his own mind, concerning the correctness, of the interpretations of ‘‘a few” of the names which he has introduced into this work. With this confession of the author's ignorance of his subject, staring us in the face in his Prefa- tory Note, we have little prospect of entire satis- faction with the Bulletin itself. On the fifth line of the first page of the text of the work, the reader is introduced to ‘‘the beau- ‘‘tiful Pocahontas,” and to her salvation of Captain Smith, evidently in open defiar.c2 of our friend, Mr. Charles Deane, of Cambridge; and in the same paragraph, the Indian is said to have ‘¢ furnished food, shelter, land, trade, and wealth ‘¢*to hurdreds and thousands;” to have been a ‘*skillful mechanic, a successful physician, a ‘*practical farmer ;”? and to have ‘‘ left a liter- ‘*ature far more copious than the Hebrew ”—very
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316 HISTORICAL much of which will be news to our readers, espe- cially since the ministerial character of the relator seems to furnish a guarantee of the correctness of the statements. 17.—A Discource preached in Warren at the completion of the first Century of the Warren Association, September, 11, " by Samuel L. Caldwell. Providence: 1867. Octavo, pp. Ly. The ‘‘ Warren Association” is one of the oldest of the Baptist Associations in the country, and one of the most influential. It was the Centennial birth-day of this venerable body which called the Pastor of the First Church, in Providence, to deliver the address which is now before us. In 1734, there were only fifteen Baptist Churches in New England; in 1767, seventy- nine; in 1784, a hundred and and fifty ; in 1796, three hundred and twenty-five; in 1860, twelve hundred and ninety-one—such has been the pro- gress of the denomination, during the past Cent- ury and a third. Doctor Caldwell boldly confronts the testi- mony of modern, so-called, historians; and he tells us that this steady march to power by the Baptists of New England, during the eighteenth Century, was only because ‘*the Truth was ‘‘mightier than the Law, than majorities, than ** social customs and traditional education, than **all social forces against it;” and he does not hesitate to assert, in the most emphatic terms, that the Pnritans were ‘‘ intolerant” where they were in authority, and ‘‘inhospitable” to those who were unlike themselves. The Browns’ unsuccess- ful attempt to use the Prayer-book, the refusal of the Elders tu tolerate-Presbyterianism, the Antino- mian persecutions, the exile of Roger Williams, and the whipping of Obadiah Holmes, are among the instances referred to, to support this aver- ment; and he very aptly cites Presidents Dunster and Chauncey of Harvard, Lady Deborah Moody, and Hansard Knollys, as early Baptists. | The early struggle with Puritan intolerance is also made the subject of a careful and elaborate survey. He also relates the origin of the Associa- tion at Warren, its progress to power, and its sub- sequent divisions for greater convenience; and he closes with a very excellent retrospect of the past Century. We observe that Doctor Caldwell alludes to the Confession of Faith of the English Baptists, in 1643; we shall be glad to learn where it may be found. There are some persons who are not sat- isfied with the genuineness of a/J the Confessions of the Early Baptists in England, which the Hansard Knollys Society has issued; and we are quite sure that the particular Confession which possesses the greatest historical interest—the jirst —has not been truly presented in the Society’s Volume. We happen to own a perfect copy of the original edition ; and we speak by the book. MAGAZINE. (Noyember, 18—T7he General Association of Massachusetts, 1867 Minutes of the Sixty-fifth Annual Meeting Greenfield, J 25-27, with the Narrative of the State of Religion, and Sta. tistics of the Ministers and Churches, Boston: Congreg tional Board of Publication. 1867. Octavo. : The title-page furnishes a complete description of this pamphlet, aud a most useful work it is t those who are interested in the local history oj Massachusetts, The Editor—probably Doctor A. H. Quint o New Bedford—has done his work with abilit and good judgment; but we are not quite sun that the Minutes of the Maine Association, re. ferred to in our last, are not more complete therefore more useful. . There is, in this tract, a paper of considerabl interest, because of its novelty—we refer to the ‘* Report of the Committee on the administratio: ‘‘of Baptism in connection with admissions te ‘* the Church.” a Itseems thatthe Pastors of some of the Churches in Massachusetts baptize persons ‘‘ before assen ‘*is given” [by the baptized] *‘to the Covenant,’ while others require a previous confession ‘“‘avouching Personal faith and consecration t ‘*God and Christ ;” and the object of this Re port is to determine which of these practices is th best ; whether an unbeliever—in which class w recognize all who have made no Profession 6 their faith—is at any time entitled to Baptism 01 may properly be Baptised, under any circur stances. In the solution of such a question, on would suppose no. Orthodox Christian, nor eve an Heterodox Infidel, could possibly differ in conclusion from every one of his neighbors, if h has read and recognizes the binding obligation © the original commission to baptize or believes t narrative of its meaning as illustrated by the p tice of the primitive Christians—that, for instance of Philip, when the eunuch indicated his desire t be Baptized. | ‘* In this, however, notwithstanding its simplicity, it seems there 1s a difference; and the Report after a roundabout story, without turning to th Commission or quoting a primitive authority determines, very sensibly, we think, that ‘* hi ‘* practice which has crept in of baptizing th ‘*candidate before the covenant, that is, befor ‘any confession of his PERSONAL repentant ‘* faith, and obedience, and after simple assent 6 ‘*his part to a mere statement of doctrinal belief ‘was AN INNOVATION UPON CHRISTIAN USAC ‘* fromthe days of the Apostles ”—a determinatia which is perfectly in accord withthe Bible. Would it not be well for the Committee to tend its inquiry during the current year, and te us, in the next issue of the Minutes, how it with the ‘‘ Baptism” of those persons who, wi yet more grave impropriety, it seems to us, ha neither ‘‘ assented” ‘‘ to a mere statement of de ‘ trinal belief,” nor ‘‘ confessed” their ‘‘ pe
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_ 1867.] _ **repentance, faith, and obedience,” as required _ by the Committee ? Of those, many are said to be _ baptised in Massachusetts every year—nine hun- - dred and eighty-seven, in 1866, and eleven hun- _ dred and sixty-eight, in 1867, are reported on - page 55 of this very tract;—and it seems to us that this intelligent Committee might reasonably inquire by whose authority they were ‘‘ Baptized” atall; and just what difference there is between - the so-called ‘‘ Baptisms,” thus administered to unbelievers and without even an ‘‘assent to a mere ‘¢ statement of doctrinal belief,” much more with- out ‘‘any confession of their personal repent- ‘*ance,” etc.,and that lawless ‘‘ innovation upon “CHRISTIAN usage from the days of the Apos- ‘*tles,” of which the Committee has made men- tion. _ Wetrust Dr. Quint will promote the extended ~ ingiiry, thus invited. 19.—Communication from the Counsel of the Corporation in reply to Resolution of Inquiry in relation to the powers of the Corporation of the City of New York to issue Tavern and Excise Licenses. Board of Aldermen, October 7, 1867. New York: E. Jones & Co. 1867. Octavo, pp. 22. We do not generally notice the papers published by the Corporation of New York, but this seems to demand a more careful consideration since it is mainly a historical and legal discussiom concern- ing the ancient Charters of the city and the rights of the Common Council, under their provisions. The learned Counsel of the Corporation traces from the days of the Dutch, more than two hun- dred years, the vested right of the city to license Taverns and collect excise duties; and he cites the Charters, subsequently granted by British au- thorities in confirmation of that ‘‘ ancient right,” and the decisions of the Courts, in the earlier days, on the inviolability of the Charter, to prove that the right to issue Licenses for Taverns and to collect Excise, is vested only the Mayor. We have read the argument with considerable attention; and, in view of the incompleteness of his material, Mr. O’Gorman has done well. There is, however, very much more to be said on this subject of the right of the Legislature to inter- fere with the local concerns of New York; and we are looking forward to the Reports of the seven gentlemen to whom the Corporate authori- ties, last spring, appealed for information on that subject, to clear away the rubbish and establish the Truth—a result which will confirm to New York all the rights of self-government, without interference from abroad. 20.—Forty-sixth Annual Report of the Board of Direct- ors of the Mercantile Library Association of the City of New York. May, 1866—April, 1867. New York, 1867. Oc- tavo, pp. 48. It seems that on the first. of May, 1867, there HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 817 were Ten thousand five hundred and thirty-one members in this Association ; that its yearly re- ceipts were $40,692 07; that Ten thousand and ninety volumes were added to the library during the year preceding that date, and Three thousand and four duplicates sold; and that it possessed. ‘* about Ninety thousand volumes,” a fine Read- ing-room, etc. It- is gratifying to know that the Society is highly prosperous; and we trust that its prosper- ity will never be retarded by injudicious manage- ment, 21.—Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America: with an Appen- dix. Vol. XIV. A. D. 1867. New York, Presbyterian Publi- cation Committee. 1867. Octavo, pp. 458—693. We are indebted to our valued friend, Rev. Doctor Hatfield, for a copy of this volume, in which, carefully and judiciously arranged, are the statistics of the great denomination of New- School Presbyterians, scattered throughout our country. The completeness of the record, in view of the wide extent of the Assembly’s jurisdiction and the negligence of mankind wherein its interest is not apparent, is a monument to the industry, and methodical training, and businesslike habits of Dr. Hatfield, and may usefully serve as a model for those who shall come after him, in any de- partment. 22.—Insanity in its Medico-Legal Relations. Opinion relative to the testamentary capacity of the late James C, Johnston, of Chowan County, North Carolina, by William A. Hsmmond, M. D. Second edition. New York: Baker, Voorhis, & Co., 1867. Octavo, pp. 81. This notable case of monomania has been so. fiercely contested on either side that it is already known to both the medical and legal professions throught the country; and to no others, except the parties directly in interest, is it of any impor- tance whatever. The Opinion of Doctor Hammond, adverse to the capacity of the testator, is very elaborate and very conclusive; and we know of no reason for discrediting his conclusions. We commend the work to those who are interested in such subjects. 23.— Catalogue of the Officers and Students in Yale Cols lege, with a statement of the course of instruction in the: yarigne departments. 1867-68, New York: 1867. Octavo, pp- The Annual Catalogue of Yale College presents,. in its five Departments, a noble array of Instruc- tors, with a hundred and twenty-two students in Philosphy and Arts; one hundred and seven in the Senior Class, one hundred and twenty-eight. Juniors, one hundred and thirty-two Sophomores, and one hundred and thirty-eight Freshmen, and.
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818 ample means for the efficient discharge of the duties devolving on the institution. 24.—Colion’s Journal of Geogra phy and collateral Sciences: a record of discovery, me re and survey, mapas oe uarterly. New York: Colton & Co. 1867 Ctavo, pp. 16. Price $1. rod vie Although the primary object of this work may have been to advertise the husiness of its Pub- lishers, we hope it will be made as useful as pos- sible to students and others who take an interest in this very interesting subject. The number before us is well-printed and con- tains a paper on Alaska and one, by Professor Dana, on the Geological History of North America. 25.—The Atlantic Almanac, 1868, Edited by Oliver Wen- dell Holmes and Donald G. Mitchell. Boston: Ticknor and Fields. 1867. Royal Octavo, pp. 76. Price 50 cents. This work has been prepared upon a plan and in a style entirely new in its country. It contains sixty-four royal octavo, double-column pages, over fifty of which are filled with originalmatter. The literary character of the Almanac is altogether superior to that of any similar Almanac ever before published, as will be seen from the tellowing list of authors who have contributed to its pages: O. W. Houmes, ALFRED TENNYSON, DoNALD G. Mitcu- ELL, ALice Cary, the Author of The Man Without a Country, R. W. Emerson, JAMEs RussELL LowELL, Gam, Hamivron, NaTHANreEL Haw- THORNE, ELIZABETH AKERS ALLEN, CHARLES Dickens, Witi1aAM CvuLLEN Bryant, OWEN MEREDITH, GEORGE WILLIAM Curtis, Mrs. Agassiz, Tuomas BainkEy ALDRICH, THOMAS Hoop, W. M. TuHackeray, and J. G. WaHITTiEer. It contains four full-page Illustrations, in colors, of The Seasons, reproduced from paint- ings by Mr. A. F. Bettows, and in addition to these, the text is profusely illustrated by the most skilful artists of the country. In the general character of its literature, the Atlantic Almanac may be regarded as a Christ- mas number of the Atlantic Monthly; and a beautiful colored Cover adds to its attractive- ness. 2.—MISCELLANY. MAINE IN THE War.—The Lewiston Journal ‘says, Hon. J. L. Hodston, late Adjutant-general of this State, published during his term of office, six annual reports to the Legislature, averaging one thousand octavo pages each. Together they em- brace a mass of statistical and biographical facts that can be found in no other State documents. The last volume of the series is in the hands of _the binder, and will be ready for delivery to the — at its meeting. From it we learn that HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. | ‘* For the ereater part of the statements of t [November Maine sent to war, seventy-two thousand, eig hundred and forty-five men. The total number deceased in the service was seven thousand, thret hundred and twenty-two. There were five thor 18 and three hundred and eighty-seven substitutes a1 representative recruits furnished by drafted a enrolled men, and men not liable to ¢ ft During the war, the State furnished one millio ” nine hundred and sixty thousand, eight hundre and one dollars and ninety-nine cents, in aid t needy families of soldiers and seamen, This wa distributed among forty-nine thousand and thirty four families, consisting of one_ hundred E: twenty-two thousand, one hundred and ninet three persons. Forrest's CAMPAIGN.—General Forrest pu b. lishes the following card: E ‘*Mempnis, TENN., October 3, 1867. —In t ‘* work now in course of preparation by the pub- ‘¢]ishers, will be found an authentic account of ‘*the campaigns and operations in which I tool ‘*part during the war for the independence 0 ‘¢the Confederate States. Believing it to be ‘‘proper that there should be a timely ar ‘« Jasting record of the deeds and services of tho: ‘*whom I have been so fortunate as to command, vig placed all the facts and papers in my pos ‘‘session, or available to me, in the hands of ‘accomplished writers, who have done theit ‘* part with close and conscientious research, an ‘¢ have endeavored to make up a chronicle neither ‘* over-wrought nor over-colored, as I can testi y ‘narrative I am responsible ; and all facts ar “incidents derived from other sources are prop: ‘erly credited in the foot-notes. It is hope ‘‘that justice will be found done in some degre ‘*to the courage, zeal, fortitude, and other sold- ‘*iery qualities of the men of ‘ Forrest’s © ‘¢alry,’ for that has been the main purposes ‘* of the work. N. B. Forrest.” — PEALE’S PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON.—Mes Ball & Black have issued a circular announcing that they have for sale one hundred copies 0 Rembrandt Peale’s portrait of Washington, drawt on stone by the artist, and carefully retouched b hisown hand. Since Mr. Peale’s death, the stoneor which this drawing was made has been destroyed, and consequently these hundred copies, witht few that the artist himself disposed of, are a that can ever be offered to the public. More ; over, Messrs. Ball & Black declare that if at end of ninety days—the circular bears no date— any of the prints should be unsold, they Mi taken to Europe, and disposed of there. We a assured by several cotemporaries of Washington
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_ 1867.) WMISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 819 in a series of extracts from letters, written by _ them, and published at the end of the circular, that the likeness is a very faithful one. Chief- _ justice Marshall writes: ‘‘I have never seen a - portrait of that great man which exhibited so _ *perfect a resemblance of him.” _ Judge Wash- - ington, ditto. Judge Cranch, ditto. Charles - Carroll, of Carrollton: ‘‘It brought to my recol- - **lection his countenance such as it was at the **commencement of the Revolution ;” and Wil- _ liam Rush writes: ‘‘I have been in battle under his command, have viewed him frequently on ** horseback and on foot, walking, standing, and ** sitting. I have modeled him in wood and clay **repeatedly, and I consider your portrait the best ** likeness of him in the vigor of life, I have ever **seen on canvass.” These witnesses are not to be disregarded, and there is no doubt that the draw- ing is valuable. But Peale was a very indifferent artist—a mere mechanic—and the portrait has about as much look of the living man as Mr. William Rush’s models in wood probably had. It is impossible for us to agree with the extrava- gant estimate that Messrs. Ball & Black place upon this lithograph.—Zzchange. Scraps.—Whitelaw Reid, once AGATE of the Cincinnati Gazette, is writing a History of Ohio Volunteers. —NMarshall, the artist, has nearly completed his engraving of Grant. It is of the same size and form as that best of portraits of Mr. Lincoln ote is so well known as the work of Mr. Mar- —We learn from the Newark Courier that the historical record of New Jersey in the war for the Union, authorized by the Legislature of 1866, and prepared by John Y. Foster, of that city, is now _ passing through the press, and the first edition _ will appear about Christmas time. For the sake _ of convenience in handling, the work is confined to asingle volume of seven hundred and fifty royal octavo pages, and will be handsomely printed on heavy white paper, in large, clear type, and embellished-—in addition to a superb steel portrait of General Philip Kearney—with numerous maps of the more important battle-fields of the war. —We regret to state thatit was a necessary act of the last Legislature, punishiug by fine any wilful writing upon, injuring, defacing, or destroying, any book, picture or statute belonging to any law, town, city, or other public library.—Boston Transcript. _ —Barnes’ History of the Thirty-ninth Congress is to be published by Harper & Brothers, who will bring out a new and enlarged edition of the work, splendidly illustrated, in a few days. —The late Col. Alfred Mills, of the Chicago Tribune, left a manuscript history of McClellan's Peninsular Campaign, which contained so much that was startling, that the author did not deem it expedient to publish it at present; but it should see light ere long, as a valuable contribution to the history of the late war. —Mr. J. Fletcher Williams, one of the editors of the Saint Paul Pioneer and the Secretary of the Minnesota Historical Society, is soon to pub- lish a History of St. Paul, on which he has been at work for many years, and for which a large portion of his material has been collected through © nearly eleven years of editorial life in the city of which he writes. —The Astor Library has been in existence four- teen years, and now possesses one hundred and. thirty-five thousand volumes, while the capacities of the present buildings are equal to the accommo- dation of three hundred and fifty thousand. Four thousand volumes were added in 1867, and addi- tions are constantly being made; but great care is exercised in the present purchases so as not to fill up the library too rapidly. During the past year there have been about twenty-five thousand read- ers in the two halls, and about fifty thousand volumes read. Besides these, large numbers have been admitted to the alcoves ~ authors, statistical writers, members of the press, etc. Francis Schroeder, formerly American Minister to Sweden, and one of the most distinguished bibliopolists of the country ; is the present Superintendent, and E. R. Straznicky, Frederic Saunders, F. A. Wood, and John Ebbets, are Librarians. — —J. §. C. Abbott, the author of the Life of Napoleon, is engaged ona Life of Gen. Grant. More’s the pity. —Thurlow Weed promises to write a book of Political Reminiscences after the next Presidential election, with the assistance of some two thousand letters which have been preserved and indorsed by his daughter. These letters are from all the leading Whig statesmen and Republican politi- cians of the last thirty or forty years. —The editor of the Supreme Court Reports, Oliver H. Barbour, had, years ago, a contract with Gould, Banks & Co., to furnish them to that firm, receiving one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars per volume. About the time of the completion of Volume XXIV, a change was made in the firm, the old firm assign- ing to the new this contract. Mr. Barbour de- clined to go on with the new firm, and made a contract with Little of Albany. The firm com- menced an action against Mr. Barbour, claiming that the contract was assignable, and that Mr. Barbour had by his acts assented to the assign- ment. The case was referred, and the Referee found for the Defendant. The Plaintiffs appealed ; and the case turns mainly on the question whether a contract for personal services is assignable. It
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320 — HISTORICAL was recently argued, and the Court reserved its decision. . —The Rebellion Record, will be completed on the first of March next, by the publication of the twelfth volume. Persons having valuable mate- rial not already published in the work, will do well to inclose such to Mr. Frank Moore, the Edi- tor, at the Bible-House, New York City. .XVIII.—CURRENT EVENTS. Empury Monument.—A project is on foot to erect a monument over the ashes of Philip Em- ury. When Mr. Embury died, in 1775, he was buried in a retired place on a neighboring farm in Cam- den, Washington county, New York, where his remains slept till 1832; they were then removed to the old Ashgrove burying-ground. There they remained till 1866, when the church having been removed to Cambridge (about two miles), the old burial place falling into decay and disuse, and many bodies being removed, it was thought best that the remains of the founder of American Methodism should be again removed. This was done during the Session of the Troy Conference, in Cambridge, April, 1866, Bishop Janes and Rey- erend 8. D. Brown at the time delivering appro- priate and eloquent addresses. These sacred relics now liein Woodland Cemetery, near Cambridge, ina lot generously donated by the Cemetery Asso- ciation for that purpose. The lot is one of the most eligible and beautiful in the large Cemetery, and is situated upon an eminence looking out upon one of the finest landscapes in the country. What is new needed is an appropriate monument —such an one as the Methodist Church is able and ready to erect over the dust of her God- honored founder. The Troy Conference has appointed a Com- mittee to secure, if possible, the erection of such @ monument. Scraps.—The death, at the age of eighty-seven, of the celebrated bibliographer, Jacques Charles Brunet, is announced. The son of a bookseller, born at Paris in 1780, he commenced his biblio- graphical labors at a very early age ; and lived to witness the completion, in 1864, ofa fifth aad much-improved edition of the opus magnum, the Manuel de Libraire, which for more than twenty years has been the leading bibliography of the world, Eloquent orations were pronounced at his interment. M. Paul Lacroix quoted M. Charles Nodier as saying of Brunet: ‘‘ Here is our *‘ sreat teacher, who has written, and will write, ‘« but one book; but to that he will devote his ‘<Jife, and it will be a masterpiece.” The pro- hhecy has been amply fulfilled. M. Lacroix MAGAZINE. [November, 186? made but a brief allusion to the fine cabinet | books possessed by M. Brunet, the treasu of which he was at all times pleased to show any one competent to appreciate them. had some fine speciments of the bindings so mt coveted by collectors; and his library, rich other respects also, will, if it comes to the har mer, excite the most lively interest and m eager competition. E —An effort is being made among the friends Fitz-Greene Halleck to raise an amount suffici to erect a monument in Guilford to the p e memory. James G. Wilson, Esq., of New Yo is engaged in collecting materials of Mr. Hallec life, for a Memoir of him. 4 —A bundle of shingles taken from the wreck: a British transport that went ashore at Castine, 1779, was as sound throughout as when it y shipped in England, although it has laid int wreck nearly a hundred years. 4 —The State Historical Society of Wisconsin recommended that statues of the late ex-Ge ernors Dodge and Doty, of that State, be pla in the niche assigned Wisconsin in the Natic Gallery at the Capitol, at Washington. ; —The Vermont Senate has authorized ¢ State Librarian to purchase portraits of all f Governors, paying not more than fifty dollars eat —A number of fossil and other fish of @ ante-carboniferous period have recently been ¢ up near Columbus, Ohio. a —The New Orleans Republican learns that Go ernor Flanders has applied to the Secretary of Interior for the return to that.State of Hin Powers’s statue of Washington, which was tak from Baton Rouge by General Butler, in 1862, a sent North. This work of art was sent to N York ; but the ship on which it was placed beea disabled at sea, and put into Chesapeake Bi The statue was finally sent to the Patent Offi where it has been kept ever since. a —It is stated that Captain G. P. Cochrane— Augusta, Me. has one of the largest and m valuable private collections of minerals, Indi relics, coins, &c., in the State. The collection minerals not only comprises all that are to found in Maine, but contains many Southern @ Western specimens of great rariety. The Ind relics consist of stone adzes, gouges, pestles, other utensils, as well as arrow heads and vari other implements of war'ave; and were mos obtained in Monmouth, Wayne, and neighbori towns, once in habitation of portions of the A droscoggin family of Indians. 4 —Itis said that the British War Office h decided in future to include the subject of Milite History by the creation of a special Lectureship 1 the Royal Military Academy, some other study ig importance being discontinued to make ro¢ or it. x