The Historical Magazine, and Notes & Queries Concerning the Antiquities, History and Biography of America (September, 1867)
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HISTORICAL Vol. II. Srconp Serizs. ] _ L—A LETTER FROM NEAR FORT POP- SMALL Pornt, NEAR Fort PopPHam, August 30, 1867. EDITOR OF THE HistToricAL MAGAZINE : Looking down, this bright morning, from the summit of Mount Morse (so-called), which, though comparatively high ground, is hardly entitled to the name of ‘‘ mountain,” the ancient province of ** Sabino” was spread before me like a map. I had with me, as guide and interpreter, one of the ‘oldest inhabitants,” familiar with the region from childhood, intelligent and well informed respecting its history and archeology. We could see the rising structure of the new fort, and the green slope of Horsecatch Point, where the re- mains of the primitive Colony are found. The general name of the little peninsula, or presqueisle, which is claimed to be the seat of the earliest New England settlement, is ‘‘ Hunniwell’s Point.” We could distinguish the country people, in their holiday clothes, wending their way thither, cross- ing arms of the sea in boats, and picking their steps over the marshes ; but the assembled wisdom of The Maine Historical Society was nowhere visible. Thetwenty-ninth instant was the appointed time of their meeting, and the commemoration, which could not then take place on account of the rain, was expected to be observed on the first fair day. Finding that our anticipations, and those of the scanty population of the neighborhood, were doomed to disappointment, I contented myself with a study of the geographical features of the scene, and the relation of these outlying, and almost insulated, patches of rock to the mainland. Fort Popham is entirely surrounded by water in high tides; and the owner of the intervening marsh has contemplated making a permanent water communication through it for the passage of gondolas (gundalows) and floating timber. By this boggy marsh the fort is connected with another piece of rocky land which hangs by a slender neck to the township of Phipsburg. This township itself hangs by a slender neck to the township of Bath ; and Bath hangs by a slender HIST. MAG., VOL. W. 9 SEPTEMBER, 1867. THE MAGAZINE. [No. 3 neck to the mainland. There is a tradition that the water formerly flowed between Bath and Topsham and New Brunswick; and a canal has existed across the sandy marsh, once doubtless the bed of the sea, which the quicksands have now destroyed. One might suppose that so much ‘‘ hanging by ‘‘a neck” would have suggested unpleasant asso- ciations among convict Colonists who had barely escaped a similar condition in their own persons. There was, however, a present security in occupy- ing places easily defended, which probably in- fluenced their choice of a site for habitation. The region here consists of an archipelago of rocky knolls, separated from one another by arms. of the ocean and salt marshes, and projecting about twenty miles from the mainland proper. The sandy basis of the marshes is thought to indi- cate that soil and vegetation have gradually accu- mulated where the sea once had full possession, rather than that the marshes have resulted from the erasion of harder soil above them. In the July number of Tue Histortcan Maaa- ZINE, the President of the Maine Society enunci- ates two propositions. The first is, ‘‘ that one of ‘*the material attributes of Truth is sharpness, and ‘*that when coming in contact with Error its pun- ‘*gency should be felt.” The other, that it is. among ‘‘ the first principles of National and In- ‘*ternational Law,” that ‘‘any action on any ‘*island is entirely irrelevant” to the question of possession of the mainland of New England, ‘*as much so as if it were situated on the coast of ‘England or France.” . I have no objection to the pungency of Truth. The second proposition, however, if a truth, ap- pears to need elucidation, and perhaps qualifica- tion. ‘‘ Suppose,” he says, ‘‘ that De Monts did **occupy Neutral Island, and continued to occupy ‘‘it year after year: that his Company planted ‘*orain, built houses, erected a fort, and also a ‘*Church for the worship of God, what had all ‘*this to do with the shore or mainland?” ‘‘ Or ‘**suppose that George Popham, Gosnold, Wey- ‘*mouth, or any English navigator, on the Eliza- ‘beth Islands, George’s Island, Boon Island, or ‘*the Isle of Shoals, had done the same things ‘under British authority ; or suppose, as: at Sa-
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1380 HISTORICAL ‘¢*bino, or either of those Islands, they had built ‘* fifty houses, a stone house, a strong fortifica- ‘tion, a pinnace, and also a chapel for the wor- ‘*ship of God, and at the beginning proclaimed ‘the laws of England for the government of the ‘* people—under what law, or what theory of ‘right, could such action have been made to at- ‘*tach to the mainland or shores of New Eng- 66 land ? 99) The statement of the learned President, and equally learned Judge, is a broad one. His words are ‘‘any island ;”’ and he declares that ‘‘the possession of an island never draws with it *¢the shore: but by the comity of nations the ** converse of the position is so far admitted that ‘‘the shore draws to it the adjacent islands.” It is to be regretted that the exact meaning of the phrase ‘‘ any island,” as used in this import- ant dictum, was not more clearly defined. Judge Sullivan, whose specialty was ‘‘ Land Titles, ” supposed the Popham settlement to have been on _ Parker’s Island, and says: ‘‘ Upon this island the ‘* Kuropeans who first. colonized to New England “*made their landing. Virginia was planted in ‘“‘the year 1606, but the Colony of Parker’s “* Island, which has since been called Sagadahoc, *“ was but one year behind her. Had the leaders “* of this little Colony survived the severity of the *¢ winter next after their landing, Plymouth might **have been deprived of the honor of being the *¢mother of New England.” It is plain that he did not regard the fact that the colonists were on an island as affecting the validity of their claims to a prior settlement of the country if they had only remained long enough. This was the com- mon impression during “all the period when the Popham attempt at settlement was believed to have been on an island. What kind of island would satisfy the condi- tions of Judge Bourne’s obiter dictum? Is it enough to say that any land entirely surrounded by water is such an island? That definition would include Cape An and Boston, taking into account the creeks that once completed the circuit of the waters. At all events, it would include the original ‘‘ Rhode Island,” as distinguished from “The Providence Plantations.” Is not something more required to fulfil the necessary insular con- ditions? Must there not be a considerable dis- tance from the shore, and a decided independence of it? And are not the legal principles governing the possession of islands as incident to the posses- sion of the shore also applicable to the converse of the proposition? I think Chancellor Kent con- sidered that all islands necessary or convenient for ~ purposes connected with revenue or defence were to be regarded as part of the main land; and. by way of illustration referred to the islands within a line drawn from Cape Cod to Nantucket, and thence to Montauk Point, as constituting part of MAGAZINE. * [September, the continent. It is probable that he would haye held that a discoverer who had followed the coast of a new country for many degrees, landing here and there, and giving permanent names to prominent points, and, finally, building, for se curity’s sake, on a piece of land detached from_ the shore, did not fail to take possession of the country because the location he fortified happened to be surrounded by water. If the declaration gf your correspondent is correct, then an occupatiofi of Long Island, or Staten Island, or Manhattan, or all of them, however protracted, by discoverers and colonists, ‘would give them no more possession or title to these western shores than if those islands were ‘‘ situated on the coast of England ‘‘or France.” ‘There is evidently something wrong here, in principle or in statement, and the learned lawyer’s declaration apparently needs to be amended. It seems reasonable to presume that an island, so situated in regard to the shore as to forma part of its configuration, commanding it and being commanded by it, is politically identical with it, and logically and legally a part of the continent, as fully as if the island were in an in terior lake. It is claimed by legal authorities that the basis of law is common sense; and ce ’ tainly International Law has no other criterion ot sanction, as it consists of the opinions of publi cists founded upon the reasonableness of thi and commended by their good sense to the genera understanding of mankind. The little string of islands called Elizabeth n Islands, in the shallow waters of Vineyard Sound, constitutes the eastern boundary of Buzzard’s Bay, an important harbor for vessels of ven draft. It is, as the map shows, part of a cape o promontory, projecting from the town of Fs mouth, which has been cut up and divided by the action of the waves. If the isles and presi isles of Sagadahoc have any advantage over these detached fragments of soil as parts of the continent, in a political sense, or according to the principles of International Law, then a natural o artificial creek, or the division of a stream, maj carve the face of a country into numberless na I- rally distinct dominions. For an arm of the sea is no more a natural boundary than a river, or a range of mountains: and are not these minor features always disregarded in determining the right of possession to a newly-discovered country t The Popham claims, to whose support The Maine Historical Society has had the misfortune to be committed by a portion of its meni , seem to me to be dependent upon an undue mag nifying of minor and unimportant considerations while under-estimating others of a higher che ter and greater consequence. The simple state ment of the historian, that ‘‘ the President’s com: ‘* mission was read, with the laws to be observet Cc
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‘ a HISTORICAL “and kept”—that is, their own Company regula- Dione is magnified into a Proclamation of ‘‘ the “Laws of England,” as if it were part of a cere- “monial procedure for taking possession of the _ country asrepresentatives of England’ssovereignty. “The acting Chaplain of the Company, who, by the “ealculations, intended to display his possible high ‘e nections, is proved to have been little more than a boy, is always referred to with studied re- Spect as ‘‘the Reverend Richard Seymour,” a as dignitary of the Church of England, an exercise of the imagination suggested by a very small basis a fact. The cabin where they met for religious “services becomes a Church. Every hut is in : Bourse a house, and the rude encampment is village. I have heard it mentioned as pivhbuibie hat the streets were paved, because flagging 5 ones, apparently laid together, have been found in the earth where the encampment stood. As ome leaden weights were disinterred at the same place, why not presume that the Market House “was erected on that spot, while the Cathedral and ‘the Episcopal Palace could not have been far dis- tant? This tendency to exaggeration, a disposi- ‘tion to swell beyond the limits of a legitimate ‘idealization, somewhat characterizes the proceed- ings recorded i in the famous ‘‘ Memorial Volume.” It would, perhaps, be wiser for the Society to ‘drop the unsound and the unsavory points in- -yolved in their original pretensions, and to fall back upon the more modest and rational views of their former President, Mr. Willis. They have preferred, under the elation of a combative im- pulse, to be aggressive in matter and manner, and stand ready to do battle for the merits of their -eause, without abatement or qualification, against ; comers, after the fashion of a dogged knight € pold, asserting the superior charms of an ideal 4 ni x It was not a bad joke, to begin with, that such ajubilation should have been held over the ad- y ent of a penal colony to the shores of Maine. But the jest grew serious when it was attempted © trace to that circumstance the beginning of D few England civilization, and the establishment of title to the country. ‘A sentiment bordering Ipon indignation was naturally excited among Yt re sons who do not fancy such a national origin. es a little asif The Historical Society of Botany ay, now the seat of a respectable and flourishing ‘ ommunity, should be seized with an insane de- sire to commemorate the twentieth of January, 1788, the date of the landing of Captain Phillip and his company of felons in that country, before unoccupied by white men; and to perpetuate the : emory of that event as the glorious beginning of sivilization on their continent. Like Popham, Captain Phillip carried with him a commission as Governor or President, which, after the landing, s doubtless read to the convicts, together with MAGAZINE. 181 the rules to which they were expected to submit. Probably religious services were had, and an or- ganization commenced by assigning officers, pre- viously selected, to their proper duties. Like the Popham colony, these ‘‘illustrious” men aban- doned the place they had chosen for a habitation; but, instead of leaving the country, only removed to a more favorable location, and. really secured to England the possession of the continent of New Holland. - Unlike their prototypes in Maine, the Australian Society might not find among the Judges who promoted this original settlement one sufficiently prominent to be made the hero of the occasion; but then the historical claims of the celebration in general could be more satisfactorily maintained ; if that could be called satisfactory which we should expect to find distasteful to the honester emigrants of a later period. | If the name of the fort, whose cannon are des- tined to repel the invader from the Kennebec, should at some future time be written Pop ’em, instead of Popham, that appellation would sug- gest unpleasant reflections only to a foe within range of the guns. There would still remain a historical crime to be atoned for by removing the erroneous inscription which United States officers heedlessly permitted to be attached to the walls. H. Il.—SELECTIONS FROM THE PAPERS OF MAJOR-GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE. COMMUNICATED BY HIS GRANDSON, GEORGE WASHINGTON GREENWICH, R. I.* PROFESSOR GREENE, OF East 1.—From Davin HUMPHREYS. Nrw HAVEN 10th April 1780. DEAR SIR The ill-state of health which has presented our old friend the General (with whom I had the honor of serving) from returning to Camp; has likewise subjected me, to a state of inactivity and rustication for several months past; this, I should. have littlereason toregret from the manner inwhichI have spent the time, during the inactive season of the year: but the idea of its being protracted into the active parts of the Campaign, might be rather irksome & disagreeable. However I shall not make myself, or friends anxious about my situa- tion, for if my Country should have no farther occasion for my services, I shall be perfectly will- * Our readers will be glad to learn that our friend, Profes- sor Greene, has acceded to our invitation to make this work the medium of publication of some of the most important papers of his distinguished grandfather; and in those which " now presented they have the first instalment.—Ep. Hist. a.
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132 HISTORICAL ing to retire, if otherwise I make no doubt of being permitted to serve it, in such a manner as will be most conducive to the public good ; which is the utmost limit of my ambition— In the interim, whilst I am amusing myself with subjects of Literature & Belle Lettres; I have pre- sumed, upon the knowledge of your fondness for Letters, to trouble you with a small spicimen of my attempts in Poetry—The Elegy on the burning of Fairfield, which is herewith transmitted was suggested (not inspired according to poetic cus- tom), by a view of the ruins of that once beautiful Town; and was written to indulge, a pleasing kind of melancholly, and while away a vacant hour the other morning—Should it afford you a moments Amusement, it will be an additional -gratification—And indeed, since I have proceeded so far in confessing my weaknesses ; I may as well go on to acknowledge, some other of my poetical sins, & in the true style of a Penitent confess, that being instigated by the Devil & a certain Jere Wadsworth, I have some time since written & consented to publish a Peice in verse, Addressed. to the Army, on the Subject of the present War, the prospects before us, And the future felicity, grandeur population & glory of the Country for which wearenow contending— When the afores’4 Poem makes its appearance, a Copy of it will not fail of waiting upon you with the writers sincerest respects; unless you should have a surfeit of the enclosure; which being duly notifyed, will pre- clude any future efforts of presumption & vanity from the same quarter. Now what could induce me to turn Scribbler, whether my own Sins, or those of my Parents (as Pope says) must be left to farther discussion ; tho I rather imagine the mischief, like a thousand others, will be found, to have originated, in a great measure, from keeping ill Company; such as the beforementioned Col° Wadsworth, a cer- tain Mt Trumbull, a Mt Dwight, a Doct Styles, & some other similar Characters, of smaller noto- riety—These men are enough to corrupt half the youth of the State, and introduce them to the same evil practices—For instance, there is a hope- fnl Genius, of their fostering & cultivation in this Town, who is so far gone in Poetry, that there is no hope of reclaiming, & making him at- tentive to any thing else—to be more serious about the matter—The person intended, is a young Gentleman by the name of Barlow; whoI could wish was introduced to your notice—He is cer- tainly a very great Genius, and has undertaken a work, which I am persuaded, will do honor to himself, & his Country, if he is enabled to pro- secute it, in the manner he has proposed—lIt is entitled. the Vision of Columbus, and in the course of the Poem will bring into view, upon a large scale, all the great events that have, or will take place on the Continent : from a sight of the first MAGAZINE. [September, | Book which he has nearly finish’d, I have con-— ceived an exceeding high idea of the performance —But the difficulty is, it will be a labour of three years at least; And his patrimony which consisted in Continental Bills, is by no means sufficient to— support him—However a number of Gentlemen have undertaken to patronize him, and I hope will not relinquish the plan on account of the ex- pence—Should they, he proposes to set out for the Southward & see*what encouragement he can obtain there— a My friend Trumbull is in Town & informs me, — he has had the pleasure of receiving a Letter from you; to which he wrote an answer by an Officer, © who has not yet gone to Camp; And therefore he presumes it will reach you, in a very depreciated — state, which depreciation, he engages to make good, provided it is not more than forty for one —I shall spend next week with him at Westbury, — & will put him often in mind of his promise—I have just Recd a Line from Majt Putnam, who acquaints me, that the General is better & pro- poses making a visit to Camp in May— I am with great respect & esteem your most Obedt & very Hble Servant ; ; Davin HumMPHRYs. [Addressed. To Mason GENERAL GREENE ~ Head Quarters] 2,— From Davip HuMPHRYS. HartFrorD May 234 1780 I will not undertake to describe to you, My Dear Sir, the pleasing and even exquisite Senss tions which your most obliging Letter of the 29th Ult® occasioned—It would indeed be an effort of more magnanimity than I am possessed of, anda Sacrifice of more value than I can possibly afford to suppress all the agreeable feelings which are excited by the approbation (I should say) the too favourable opinion, and partial commendation, of such a character as General Greene. That this is fully sufficient to make any mortal under my cir cumstances insufferably vain for his whole life must also be confessed, & shall be my only apol- ogy in future—For I can never induce myself to believe, that the man who writes so exceedingly well himself, can have but an indifferent taste, and be an ill judge of the writings of others: And I confess I am very far from imagining thata person of so much candor and liberality would wish to abuse one, at such a remove from himi every point of view, by making him believe he was much better esteemed and regarded, than he is in reality— 4 However diffident I may formerly have been of my own productions, I assure you I find myself in danger after all that has been said, of having my vanity get the ascendency over my judgment, for I am now taking the liberty you was please to give me of exposing myself still farther, b
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5 See = YY ‘tom a) a > - 1867.] ‘ DEAR Sm taht we as a S } HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 133 presenting you with a Copy of the Address to the Army which I mentioned in my last: All that I - could presume to say in its favour, you will find recorded (as the Parsons say by way of introduc- tion) in the Advertisement prefixed to the Poem. - §o far as an honest intention, and a zeal for my _ country can be urged an excuse for indifferent _ Poetry, I am determined to claim the indulgence _ of the Public in general, and the patronage of my friends in particular—But pray dont you think I have been guilty of an instance of impertinence, if _ nothing worse, by addressing a Copy of it to his _ Excellency the Commander in Chief without his _ permission or knowledge? I cannot but feel my- _ self under very great obligations to you, for the erous Concern you are pleased to take in Mr. low’s affairs—There is one way in which I _ think he might be Serv’d effectually, and that in - @ manner reputable to himself & beneficial to _ the Public. _ Chaplain to some vacant Brigade: for tho’ he is - not in orders at present, he would I am well as- _ sured, from his character and some other circum- _ stances, qualify himself for the office immediately, accept the appointment with chearfulness, perform: _ the duty with dignity, and have leisure enough to I mean by having him appointed a prosecute his favourite pursuits.—The Rhode _ Island & 4th Massachusetts Brigades I am informed. are vacant— Wo are this moment made happy by the arrival of the News from your quarter that a french fleet _ will be on the Coast ina few days; this, with - many other things will induce me probably, to - accept of the kind offer of coming into your family, in the manner you propose; for which & every other instance of your friendship, you will _ ever receive my most grateful acknowledgements _ —tITam this day setting out to pay a visit to my venerable and honest friend General Putnam— _ §$hall stay but a short time with him, as I wish to _ be present at more active and important scenes, _ tho’ I know it will be with reluctance that we _ shall part with each other— Iam with great respect & esteem Your most oblig’d & Hble serv’t D HumpPHrys G’N GREENE 7 | {Addressed. Masor GENERAL GREENE Q MG Head Quarters] 3.—From Davin HuMPpHRYS. New Haven May 30th 1780. Ibeg pardon for troubling you with another 3 Letter upon the back of my last; and scarcely _ know of any better excuse for it, than the invinci- ble propensity I have to write to, and about the objects of which I am thinking, continually: did not your candor & liberality of sentiment and be- haviour inspire me with almost unbounded confi- dence in your friendship, I should not have writ- ten with the same freedom I have already done.— And indeed I can hardly tell, what it is except this, which now prompts me to unbosom myself with so little reserve. I wish however it may not rather be considered as an argument of my pre- sumption than a proff of my attachment & sin- cere affection. The present moment, which is certainly big with great events; appears to me to be the most important as well as the most critical one, that has ever happened since the commencement of the war.—On the one: hand, every prospect from abroad looks exceedingly favourable.—And every thing, except what depends on ourselves, & our own exertions, wears the most flattering aspect— On the other the ill state of our finances, the total want of credit, the impracticability of calling forth the resources of the Country in the ordinary mode, the stupidity & negligence of the people at large to their own interest, the knavery of some, and the want of ability in others, who are con- cerned in the administration of public affairs, and especially the unbounded, uncontroulable spirit of dissipation, licentiousness, & avarice, which predominates thro every rank and order of men, so far as they have any opportunity for its gratifi- cation; afford the most gloomy presage of what the event would be, if Providence should only leave us to ourselves or (as they commonly say) to our own destruction.—In the midst of this em- barras’d & destressing state of affairs, when we can neither assemble any conside- force; or support and keep together the shattered remains of the Army now in the field, for want of sup- plies, while the disposition of the Country is so unfavourable to every exertion: it seems to me that the certain prospect, of the immediate arrival of a formidable land and naval armament to co- operate with us, can serve only to augment and increase the perplexity and embarrasment.— Heaven be thanked I am not a General, and never shall be, for my own sake !—for that of the Public ’tis most auspicious that they who have the management of our military affairs, have more ability, fortitude, perseverance and integrity than ever mortals had before. —You will pardon me for the boldness of the assertion, and allow this to be the case, with our glorious Commander in Chief, tho you may have more diffidence, and less justice, than posterity will inevitably have, in coupling your name with his—Good God! what must the feelings of that great & good man be, to find himself so ill seconded by his Country at such a crisis ! As to the plan of operations for the Campaign, I suppose it is determin’d upon before this time, and that it will be difficult, if not disgraceful to recede from the measures concerted in conjunction
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184 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, — with our allies—so that I presume all that is now necessary, is for the Country to be roused from its lethargy, to make those great efforts, of which we all believe it is capable—for my own part, to assist in effecting so important a purpose, I could wish to be invested with power, not inferior to be sure, to ‘that which Milton bestows upon his’ Devils, to tear up Mountains by the roots, or wield some of these elements; at least I should want, for a little while, to be possessed of a voice of thunder, so that I might stand some chance to awaken those, who I fear nothing will except the last Trumpet. — Apropos of the last Trumpet—You have un- doubtedly heard of the dark day with us. the speculations on it were curious, and would, I dare say, be amusing to you, but time would fail me to innumerate them—Many who apprehended the last day was at hand, began to think of repenting. Othersturn’d outas Volunteers to preach, and pray, and prophesy, and help their neighbours out at a dead lift—Itissaid the Assemblybroke up not with- out some precipitation & indications of terror, that they might be sent for before they were quite ready, or had got their business in such forward- ness, as thatthey could possibly leave it—Amongst the ‘rest, there was a certain fat old Gentleman, known by thename of Col® Deavenport, who hay- ing wrapped himself up in his corpulency and in- tegrity, behaved with very great composure & firmness: observing, ‘‘that it was best for the ‘¢ Sheriff to order Candles, that they might go on ‘¢ with their business, that if they should be called ‘for, they might be found in the way of their ‘¢ duty °—But [imagine the greater part of the Multitude, begun to think, that the Prince of the Regions of darkness, who is sometimes styled, the Prince of the Power of the air, was about uniting both his kingdoms into one, in the same manner as England & Scotland: were formerly incorpo- rated—And altho they had been his most faithful adherents & humble Servants, (as it was well known, that like other Monarchs, he was rather apt to be ungrateful to his best friends & benefac- tors) they were not without fear that it might be a dark day with them in more senses than one, *tho they could not be under any apprehensions of being treated as Rebels, as being conscious they never had forfeitted their allegiance & fidel- ity to his infernal Majesty— Ihave just return’d from my visit to General Putnam, & left him in good spirits, & very cleverly in every respect, but his lameness—I have a Letter from him, to you, which I hope to have the honor of delivering with my own hand, soon after the arrival of this— Iam Dear Sir Your most Obedt Hble Servt D Humpurys— .turning to his wife, remarked : .—A MEMOIR OF THE PINCKNEY FAM. ILY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. DRAWN FROM THE FAamity RECORDS, AND CoM- MUNICATED BY WILLIAM GILMORE SIMMS, ~ LL.D., or SoutH CAROLINA. Thomas Pinckney, the grandfather of the — Generals Pinckney, was the first of the name in — Carolina. He came over in the year 1692. His © wife was Mary, daughter of Charles Cotesworth ; — and his three sons were Thomas (who died young), — Charles, commonly known as Chief-justice Pinck- — ney, and William. ; Thomas Pinckney was a man of independent, — fortune and resided on the Bay, in a house which — afterward belonged to General T. Pinckney. : An anecdote is told of him that, looking out — on the Bay, which was not then disfigured by — wharves or long rows of storehouses, he observed — a vessel, just arrived from the West Indies, landing — her passengers ; and as they walked up the street, he was particularly attracted by the appearance of } a very handsome stranger, gaily dressed, and — ‘*'That handsome — ‘* West Indian will marry some poor fellow’s — ‘¢ widow, break her heart, and ruin her children.” — His words were in part prophetic, for, dying shortly after, his widow married the gay West — Indian, George Evans; and though he did not — break her heart, as she lived to marry a third — husband, he often gave her the heart-ache by his extravagance, and squandered the patrimony of — her children. A sufficiency, however, was saved, — to enable them to have liberal educations. | Chief-justice Pinckney was educated in Eng- — land, and married there Elizabeth, daughter of — Captain Lamb, of Devonshire Square, London. — He returned to Carolina and practiced law, was made Chief Justice of the Province, and King’s Counsellor. Having made an ample fortune by © his profession, as is seen by the rent-roll, in his — own handwriting, and having been many years married without children, he took his brother — William’s eldest son, Charles, to live with him, — intending to make him his heir. ; In the year 1743, Eliza Lucas, daughter of — George Lucas, a Colonel in the British army, and — Governor of Antigua, came shortly after her arri- — val from England ona tour of pleasure with some — friends to Carolina. The young stranger attracted — universal attention; but by none was she more — admired than by the wife of Chief-justice Pinck- ney, who declared that, rather than Miss Lucas — should return to Antigua, she would herself step — out of the way and let her take her place; which — kind intention she actually executed the following ; | year, and at no distant time Chief-justice Pinck- — ney married the lady his wife was so solicitous — should succeed her.
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1867.) - _ West Indies were educated. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 135 _ Eliza Lucas had been sent very young to Eng- land for her education, her father having a great dislike to the manner in which the ladies of the Passing a great _ part of their time in needle-work, their minds were consequently vacant and uninformed. He had a great aversion to the sight of a needle, and _ used to say he never saw women at work but he _ imagined they were plotting mischief. lant a supposition would not have been adverted _ to by one of his descendants but to show that it was partly owing to this circumstance that the fine mind of his daughter was so highly cultivated. Incompliance with her father’s wishes, she never engaged in any of the feminine accomplishments _ of the needle, but spent the greatest part of her time in reading, and as. there were no Reviews in _ those days to save the labor of thinking, to be _ well informed it was necessary to read deeply and think for oneself. Latin except the Latin Grammar, which she had Jearnt as a foundation for Grammar in general ; _ but she was well versed in the French language and its literature, and spoke it correctly and So ungal- She had no knowledge of fluently. She had been taught music, as it was an accomplishment as indispensable at that day _ as it is now; but as she did not possess the organ of tune, she was not a proficient in it, and amused q herself in gardening, planting out trees, and agri- culture. It was from her experiments in tropical ; _ fruits and plants that Carolina was indebted for one of its staples, in 1748. She was eminently pious, strongly attached to her own Church (that of England), but her under- standing made her tolerant of others. __-not consider religion as distinct from morality, but as it was the source of her motives it influenced __allher actions. Had she lived at a period when She did ‘‘benevolent societies,” and all the other philan- ’ . thropic societies were the fashion, she would not have supposed that a strict attention to these and _ the mere outward forms of religion would have entitled her to the name of Christian, had she not exhibited the fruits of Christianity by her self- 4 control, forgetfulness of self, charity toward others, and humility of deportment. No spurious _ Christianity found favor in her sight. She was a constant attendant on church, and she at stated times gave a public testimony of her having em- _ braced the faith of Christ by partaking of the Eucharist, but she did not commune every month. _ She always obliged the young people of her fam- ily to recollect the text of the sermon they had heard at church, and search for it in the Bible as soon as they came home, when she explained to them those parts they did not understand or had forgotten. the Collect for the day, which they considered a She also made them learn by heart great task ; but she neverimposed on them a Jewish Sabbath. Addison’s beautiful hymn on Gratitude, ‘¢ When all thy mercies, oh my God, ‘* My rising soul surveys,” was a great favorite of hers, and she used fre- quently to make them repeat it, dwelling on those lines : ‘Nor is the least a cheerful heart » ‘* That tastes those gifts with joy.” She did not believe that a moderate participa- tion in the recreations and amusements of civilized society was contrary to the precepts or spirit of the Gospel, that the relinquishing the ball-room or the drama, was a proof of the spirituality of any one’s state; or that there were more dangers to be resisted than amidst the temptations, busi- ness scenes and every-day trials of life. She al- ways spoke with pleasure of the gaieties in which she had participated during her second visit to England ; of the celebrated actors and actresses she had seen; and that she had never missed a single day when Garrick was to act. Respected, admired, at the head of society in Carolina, all that she thought and said and did was right; but this generation is wise in its own conceit, and Eliza Lucas, with all her acquire- ments and virtues and unaffected piety, might now be regarded as a light not sufficiently bright for the illumination of the times. The happiness of Chief-justice Pinckney was completed by the birth of a son, which put an end to the hopes of his nephew Charles; but though it put an end to his hopes it did not di- minish his affection for his uncle, or his love for his young cousin, whom he always treated as a younger brother. Nor did his uncle remit his care and attention to him. He continued to live with him, he educated him for the law, and sent him to England for five years, for the completion of his education. The Generals Pinckney and their sister were accustomed to speak of him with great affection, always designating him by the title of ‘‘My Cousin.” He was the father of Charles Pinckney, one of the framers of the Con- stitution. Chief-justice Pinckney had four children, Charles Cotesworth, born on the twenty-fifth of February, 1746; George Lucas, who, his father said, died of a clean room, his nurse choosing to perform her ablutions in it when he was only a fortnight old; Harriett, afterward Mrs. Horry ; and Thomas, born on the twenty-second of October, 1750. It may be imagined that a child so ardently wished for as was General Pinckney, would not only have every care and attention bestowed on him, but unremitted pains taken with him. Ac- cordingly, he knew all his letters before he could speak—that is, if the letter was named and he was asked to point it out, he immediately put his finger on it—but he never in after life approved of such precocious accomplishments, and used to
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136 HISTORICAL dissuade all those over whom he had any influence from the premature instruction of their children saying that from an over-anxiety to make him a clever fellow, he had run the risk of being a very stupid one. Of that firmness of character which he exhibited through life he gave a specimen when only three years old, in suffering himself to be whipped rather than betray a little companion. Of his strict regard for truth, several anecdotes are told of him before he was seven years old, at which age his father carried him to England with his mother, sister and brother, then three years old, in the year 1753. Upon his going to England, Chief-justice Pinckney rented what he called his ‘* Mansion House,” on the Bay, to Mr. Glen, who was then Governor; and from that time, and during the minority of his son, it was the resi- dence of all the Governors of the Province. Chief-justice Pinckney resided, when he was not in London, at a house he purchased in Surrey, called Ripley. On account of the war between France and England, he returned with his wife and daughter to Carolina in 1758, leaving his two sons at Westminster school, the one twelve and the other eight years old. He was taken ill immediately on his coming home, and died in a short time, leaving directions that his sons should have the most liberal education, and if, from the uncertainty of crops, the income should be inade- quate, part of his estate should be sold, always reserving Pinckney Island. General Pinckney had a most exalted opinion of his father, not from his recollection, for he was only twelve years old when he last saw him, but from the reflections and notes in his own hand- writing, that he found dispersed through his books. Those books are no longer in being. At the commencement of the war between England and the Colonies, the greatest part of the library, papers of consequence, and everything that was valuable in the family, were sent to Ashepoo, to a place belonging to General Tom Pinckney, sup- posing it to be sufficiently remote to be ont of danger; but the house was at length burnt, with everything in it except what had been plundered and carried off. The only memorial, therefore, of Chief-justice Pinckney is his last will, which, in the language of one fully competent to judge, ‘* will be read with delight by the patriot, the ‘* philanthropist, the parent and the Christian.” Such was the fascination of his manner, as de- scribed by his wife, the moment his footstep was heard before he entered the drawing-room, every eye glistened with expectation and pleasure. He was idolized by her, and a nervous illness of many months followed her bereavement; but she at length remembered she was a mother, and -- roused herself to direct the education of her absent sons and devote herself to that of her daughter ; « MAGAZINE. [September, and never was there a daughter that more fully repaid the thousand cares bestowed on her. She was everything that the fondest parent could hope or desire. Nor were her anxieties for her sons unrewarded. She was constantly informed of the progress they were making in classical attain- ments. The strict discipline of Westminster could not fail to bring forth every intellectual power. She had herself planted the seeds of religion and virtue in their hearts, and the friend, Mrs. Evans, - under whose guardianship they were placed, did not spoil them. The penances she sometimes pre- scribed were rather uncommon. One that she im- posed on General Pinckney he never forgot. She obliged him to sit down and unpick a quilted silk petticoat, which gave him as great an aversion to a pin as his grandfather had to a needle. There was also another friend who interested himself for them. George Keate, a literary man of fine taste, author of the Pelew Islands. Of this gentleman their mother thus writes to her eldest son: ‘‘ Had ‘‘there been anything wanting to convince me of ‘‘his friendship and kind remembrance of your ‘*dear father, the trouble he has taken, his so ‘* kindly interesting himself in those most dear to ‘‘me, and his last long and friendly letter, would ‘*be a sufficient proof.” The Generals Pinckney passed regularly through Westminster school with great honor to themselves, not only on account of their classical acquirements, but also for the strictness of their principles. The elder brother, in accordance with his seniority, preceded the younger by four years at college. General Pinckney entered Christ Church College, Oxford, and had for his private tutor, Cyril Jack- son, a man of profound learning, who was after- ward the Dean of Christ Church. At Oxford he pursued his studies with great zeal, and quitted it at the age of eighteen, with the reputation of an accomplished scholar. This was an early age to leave college in England ; but he had been qualified to enter it sooner than young men in general, from his assiduity while at Westminster. From Oxford he entered the Society of the Middle Temple, and here also he was indefatiga- ble in studying, as may be seen by the following letter from his mother : ‘‘T am alarmed, my dear child, by an account ‘of your being extremely thin, it is said owing ‘*to intense study, and I apprehend your consti- ‘tution may be hurt, which affects me very ‘¢*much, conscious as Iam how much and how ‘‘often I have urged you from your childhood, ‘*to a close application to your studies. But how ‘*short-sighted are poor mortals! Should I, by ‘‘over-solicitude for your passing through life ‘* with every advantage, have been the means of ‘‘injuring your constitution, and depriving you
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_ **must be of consequence. — 1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 137 _ of that invaluable blessing, health, how shall I _ answer to myself the hurting a child so truly ‘dear to me, and deservedly so, and who has _ lived to near twenty-three years of age without _ *having once offended me. Let me beg of you, _ "my dear Charles, for my sake as well as your - “own, and that of your near connexions, to ‘take care of yourself, and consider how small _ ‘will be the advantage of learning, where health _ ‘is wanting.” _ General Pinckney spent the last year he re- _ mained in Europe at the Royal Military Academy _ at Caen, Normandy, and in travelling on the _ Continent. _ His brother pursued the same course of studies. _ Asevere illness when at Oxford obliged him to _ suspend them, and a letter from his mother shows not only her anxiety for his health, but also for _ the suspension of his collegiate course. ‘Tt was with extreme concern, my dear child, , _ ‘that I heard of your illness, though I was very _ *apprehensive of it from your long silence, not ‘**having heard from you since the arrival of your **brother, until your letter by Lady Mary Ainslie, ‘“lafterward Lady Mary Middleton). Of the *‘expediency of your going to France you may **be sure I approve, as it was necessary for your **health, and you had the approbation of my _ ‘*good friends on your side of the water, though **T cannot help regretting that necessity, particu- ‘larly at this time, as it must take you from your ‘* studies, and six months loss of application now As you are in France **you may perhaps be inclined to see more of the “Continent; but I hope you will not think of _ * gratifying that inclination at present. I there- _ ‘fore beg of you, my dear child, to return to _ Oxford as soon as your health will permit, and ‘*apply closely to your studies.” General Pinckney, after his visit to the Conti- nent, was admitted to the bar in 1769, and re- _ turned home the same year, his mother having _ previously requested him to choose a good ship - and commander, but not to inform her of either, or exactly the time of his leaving England, as her ignorance would prevent her much anxiety. General _ Thomas Pinckney completed his collegiate educa- tion, studied at the Temple, and returned home _ in 1772, the elder brother having been sixteen, _ and the younger nineteen years absent from their - mother, who always declared that her sons were a _ living contradiction to the opinion that the affec- tion of children was weakened by absence, and _ well was she rewarded for the sacrifice she had made for their advantage, for her every wish _ was a command to her sons. __ As General Pinckney was seven years old when _ he went to England, he had some recollection of _ his country. He remembered the pleasure with which his father had pointed out to him the first wagon that had arrived in Charleston from the interior, saying, ‘‘ Charles, by the time you are a ‘¢man, I don’t doubt there will be at least twenty ‘‘ wagons come to town ;” and when in after-life he met in travelling a long line of wagons, he would remark: ‘‘ How happy my father would ‘‘have been in the growth and prosperity of ‘¢Carolina ;” and notwithstanding their long ab- sence from the soil, never had she two sons more devoted to her than were the Generals Pinckney. They had participated in all the indignation felt at home at the passing of the Stamp Act. A portrait taken soon after, for his friend Sir Mathew Ridley, represents him as arguing vehe- mently upon that arbitrary Act. The brothers returned to their country with all the ardor of young men ready to promote her best interests and die in her cause. The senti- ments of General Pinckney are expressed in the following extracts, written after the capitulation of Charleston, in 1780. To his wife he writes: ‘‘Our friend, Philip Neyle, one of General ‘¢ Moultrie’s aids, was killed by a cannon ball ‘‘coming through one of the embrasures, but I ‘‘do not pity him, for he has died nobly in de- ‘*fence of his country ; but I pity his aged father, ‘*now unhappily bereaved of his beloved and only ‘¢ child.” To his brother-in-law and bosom friend, Mr. Edward Rutledge (the youngest of the signers of the Declaration of Independence), on the question whether if he were set at liberty he would rejoin the American army: ‘‘ You, my ‘¢dear Ned, may be assured that I will not do ‘‘ anything, however I may be oppressed, at which ‘¢my friends may blush. If I had a vein that ‘¢ did not beat with love for my country, I myself ‘‘would open it. If I had a drop of blood that ‘*could flow dishonorably, I myself would let it ‘*out. Whenever asked the question you men- ‘*tion, I will give it such an answer as is becoming ‘¢an American officer, a man of honor, and a de- ‘¢votee to the freedom and independence of his ‘*country.” To Major Money, a British officer, inter- ested for him when a prisoner : ‘‘ I entered into this ‘cause after reflection and through principle. ‘‘My heart is altogether American, and neither ‘‘severity nor favor nor poverty nor influence ‘‘can ever induce me to swerve from it.” To Captain McMahon, another British officer: ‘‘ The ‘¢freedom and independence of my country are ‘‘the gods of my idolatry. I mean to rejoin the ‘¢ American army as soon after my exchange as I ‘possibly can. I will exert my abilities to the ‘utmost in the cause I am engaged in, and to ob- ‘‘tain success will attempt every measure that is ‘¢not cruel or dishonorable.” Such were the sentiments of General Pinckney, which were re-echoed by his brother, who was his exact counterpart in strictness of principle, firm- *
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138 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, ness of character, purity of motive and undaunted courage ; but here the resemblance ceased. They were dissimilar in temper and manner. The dis- position of the elder brother was warm, with oc- casional ebullitions; but generous, frank and cheerful—so perfectly alive to the ludicrous that he frequently infringed on the Chesterfield code of politeness by a hearty laugh; jocular with children and young persons, who never felt any restraint in his presence. The disposition of the younger brother: was mild and placid, with so much self-control that he at times appeared to strangers cold and unimpassioned, but his heart was as warm as that of the elder, and, like him, he would have made any sacrifice for a friend. He had a keen perception of real wit, which is said never to cause anything more than a smile, nor was he insensible of humor and _ pleasantry. With those with whom he was intimate he was even sportive, and his epistolary style was fre- quently so when he addressed his friends. Two short notes, written.-when he was near eighty, will give some idea of the playfulness of his manner : ‘¢ We are impatiently expecting you, my dear ‘*nieces, at Eldorado. The fatted calf is ready, ‘‘the turkies have had the run of the barn-yard, ‘*the pigs are wallowing in rice flour and pota- ‘*toes, and the wild ducks abound in the river. ‘“'You see, therefore, we are prepared for the im- ‘‘mensity of your appetites, but the best treat you ‘¢ shall have will be the accounts you will receive ‘of your friends in Charleston.” ‘¢My DEAR SISTER: ‘*T find that old age has a remarkable effect on ‘fmy memory, strengthening it in some cases ‘* and nearly obliterating it in others.. For example, ‘““if anybody owes me money (an occurrence ‘* which, though rare, sometimes happens), I never ‘‘ forget a single cent of it, but if I am the debtor ‘*it totally escapes my recollection. I do, how- ‘*ever, happen to remember that, when you were ‘*last at Santee, you procured some articles for ‘me from Charleston, or paid money for me in ‘some way or other. This, therefore, comes to “request you to inform me how this last debt oc- ‘‘curred and what is its amount, and, asI have ‘fmoney about me, you may chance to receive ‘your own before an act of oblivion has finally é< passed. by . General Pinckney always said that his brother’s natural talents were superior to his, but that he had not indulged so much in study. General Tom Pinckney excelled his brother in Greek—he had always been at the head of his class, which was no small praise at such a seminary as West- minster. His thorough acquaintance with the Greek language gave him an advantage that many ‘Christians do not possess. It enabled him to have retired to rest. a profound knowledge of the Scriptures, which cannot be obtained by the English version. Gen- eral Pinckney was deeply read in theology. In — arguing on disputed points he not only knew the strongest arguments-on his own side, but he would point out to his antagonist where to find those on the opposite. ._This was often a source of surprise to clergymen of a different persuasion. It is doubtful whether there was ever a more gene- ral or constant reader. Nothing in the shape of a book ever escaped him; a child’s book, a cook- ery book, or an old almanac. He read from the moment he arose—that is, a page or a few sentences ata time, while he walked about and made his toilet. Locomotion, it-is said, is con- ducive to thought; but he did not read without method. Until two o’clock his reflective faculties — were exercised. After that hour, works of imag- ination, poetry, novels, plays (unless he was engaged with company), occupied him until he This appropriation of his time continued to the very last. Botany and chemistry he studied as an amusement. He had attended the lectures of Charles and Fourcroy while on his mission to France. Both the brothers, after their retirement from public life, employed themselves and took great pleasure in agriculture. General Pinckney was twice married. His first wife, and mother of his three daughters, was Sarah, third daughter of Henry Middleton, second President of Congress, and son of Arthur Middle- ton, second royal Governor of Carolina. His second wife was Mary, daughter of Benjamin Stead, and a descendant of Sir Nathaniel Johnson, one of the proprietary Governors of South Caro- lina. General Tom Pinckney was also twice married. His first wife, and the mother of his survivin children, was Elizabeth, daughter of. Jacob and — Rebecca Motte, who will long be remembered as — the heroine distinguished among the daughters of Carolina. His second wife was Frances, widow of John Middleton (nephew of Sir William Mid- dleton), who at an early age crossed the Atlantic to battle for his country. Of the Generals Pinckney it may be said that they were patriots among patriots, and they were equally distinguished as good men, for ‘‘ they had ‘*early pressed to their hearts the sweet peace of ‘* believing, and the needful supports of a reli- ‘* gious trust.” On an unostentatious monument in St. Michael’s Church is the following Inscription : To the Memory of GENERAL CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY, | One of the founders of Tur AMERICAN REPUBLIC;
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HISTORICAL In WAR He was the Companion in Arms And friend of Washington. In PEACE He enjoyed his unchanging confidence, And maintained with enlightened zeal The Principles of his Administration. As A STATESMAN He bequeathed to his Country the sentiment ‘¢ Millions for defence, ‘¢ Not a cent for tribute.” As A LAWYER His learning was various and profound, His principles pure; his practice liberal. With all the accomplishments OF THE GENTLEMAN He combined the virtues of the Patriot And the piety of the Christian. His NAME Is recorded in the history of his country, ' Inscribed on the charter of her liberties, And cherished in the affections OF HER CITIZENS. _ IV.—INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL SULLI- a | VAN. | From THE OrremnaL MANuscript, CoMMUNT- _ cATED By Hon. JoHN SULLIVAN, EXETER, N. H. 4 To Mason GENERAL SULLIVAN. __, The expedition you are appointed to command - isto be directed against the hostile tribes of the six nations of Indians, with their associates and _- adherents. The immediate objects are the total destruction and devastation of their settlements _ and the capture of as many prisoners of every age - and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin _ their crops now in the ground and prevent their _ planting more. _- The troops to be employed under your com- - mand are — Clinton’s, Poor’s, Maxwell’s and _ Hand’s Brigades and ten independent companies _ ‘raised in the State of Pennsylvania—In Hand’s MAGAZINE. 189 Brigade, I comprehend all the detached corps of Continental troops now on the Susquehanna and Spencer’s regiment—Cortlandt’s I consider as be- longing to Clinton’s Brigade. Alden’s may go to Poor’s & Butler’s & the rifle corps to Maxwell’s or Hand’s according to their comparative strength and circumstances. Clinton’s Brigade you are informed has been ordered to rendezvous at Canojoharie, subject to your orders either to form a junction with the main body on the Susquehanna, by way of Otsege —or to proceed up the Mohawk river and coope- rate in the best manner circumstances will permit —as you judge most adviseable. So soon as your preparations are in sufficient forwardness, you will assemble your main body at Wyoming and proceed thence to Tioga, taking from that place the most direct and practicable route into the heart of the Indian Settlements— You will establish such intermediate posts as you think necessary for the security of your communi- cation and convoys, nor need I caution you, while you leave a sufficiency of men for their defence to take care to diminish your operating force as little as possible. A post at Tioga will be partic- ularly necessary—either a stockade fort or an intrenched camp—if the latter a block house should be erected in the interior. I would recommend that some post in the center of the Indian Country should be occupied with all expedition, with a sufficient quantity of pro- visions, whence parties should be detached to lay waste all the settlements around with instructions to do it in the most effectual: manner; that the country may not be merely overrun but destroyed. I beg leave to suggest as general rules that ought to govern your operations—to make rather than receive attacks, attended with as much impet- uosity, shouting, and noise as possible, and to make the troops act in as loose and dispersed a way as is consistent with a proper degree of gov- ernment, concert, and mutual support—It should be previously impressed upon the minds of the men whenever they have an opportunity, to rush on with the war hoop and fixed bayonet—nothing will disconcert and terrify the Indians more than this. I need not urge the necessity of using every method in your power, to gain intelligence of the enemys strength motions and designs; nor need. I suggest the extraordinary degree of vigilance and caution which will be necessary to guard against suprises from an adversary so secret de- sultory and rapid as the Indians— If a detachment operates on the Mohawk River the commanding officer should be instructed to be very watchful that no troops come from Oswe- gatchie and Niagara to Oswego without his knowledge ; and for this purpose he should keep trusty spies at those three places to advertise him
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140 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, instantly of the movement of any party and its force—This detachment should also endeavour to keep up a constant intercourse with the main body. More than common care will be necessary of your arms and ammunition from the nature of the service—They should be particularly inspected after a rain or the passage of any deep water. After you have very thoroughly completed the destruction of their settlements; if the Indians should show a disposition for peace, I would have you to negotiate on condition that they will give some decisive evidence of their sincerity by de- livering up some of the principle instigators of their past hostility into our hands—Butler, Brandt, & the most mischevious of the tories that have join- ed them or any other, that may have in their power that we are interested to get into ours— They may possibly be engaged by address, se- crecy and stratagem, to surprise the Garrison of Niagara and the shipping on the lake and put them into our possession. This may be demanded as a condition of our friendship and would be a most important point gained—If they can render a service of this kind you may stipulate to assist them in their distress with supplies of provisions and other articles of which they will stand in need, having regard in the expectations you give them to our real abilities to perform. I have no power at present to authorize you to conclude a treaty of peace with them but you may agree upon the terms of one letting them know that it must be finally ratified by Congress and giving them every proper assurance that it willbe. I shall write to Congress on the subject and endeay- our to obtain moreample and definite authority. — But you will not by any means listen to an overture of peace before the total ruin of their settlements is effected—It is likely enough their fears if they are unable to oppose us, will compel them to offers of peace, or policy may lead them to endeavour to amuse us in this way to gain time and succour for more effectual opposition. Our future security will be in their inability to injure us the distance to which they are driven and in the terror with which the severity of the chastisement they receive [ Z’wo or three words are obliterated.| Peace without this would be falla- cious and temporary—New presents and an addi- tion of force from the enemy would engage them to break it the first fair opportunity and all the expense of our extensive preparations would be lost— When we have effectually chastised them we may then listen to peace and endeavour to draw further advantages from their fears. But even in this case great caution will be necessary to guard against the snares which their treachery may hold out. They must be explicit in their promises _ give substantial pledges for their performance and execute their engagements with decision and dis- patch. Hostages are the only kind of security to be depended on. Should Niagara fall into your hands in the manner I have mentioned you will do everything in your power for preserving and maintaining it, by establishing a chain of posts, in such manner as shall appear to you most safe and effectual and tending as little to reduce our general force as possible—This however we shall be better able to decide as the future events of the campaign unfold themselves-——I shall be more explicit on the subject hereafter. | When you have completed the object of your. expedition, unless otherwise directed in the mean- time, you will return to form a junction with the main army by the most convenient expeditious and secure route according to circumstances—The Mohawk river if it can be done without too much risk, will be most eligible on several accounts. Much should depend on the relative position of the main army at the time. As it is impossible to forsee what may be the exigences of the service in this quarter, this united with other important reasons make it essential that your operations should be rapid and that the expedition should be performed in as little time as will be consistent with its success and efficacy — And here I cannot forbear repeating my former caution, that your troops may moove as _ light and as little encumbered as possible even from their first out set. The state of our Magazines de- mands it as well as other considerations—if much time should be lost in transporting the troops and stores up the rivers the provisions for the expedi- tion will be consumed and the general scantiness of our supplies will not permit of their being re- placed—consequently the whole enterprise may be defeated. I would recommend it to you for this purpose that the General officers should make an actual inspection of the baggage of their seve- ral Brigades and absolutely reject to be left be- hind, at proper places every article that can be dispensed with on the expedition—This is an ex- traordinary case and requires extraordinary atten- tion— Relying so perfectly upon your judgement pru- dence rh activity—I have the highest expecta- tion of success equal to our wishes; and I beg leave to assure you, that I anticipate with great pleasure, the honor which will redound to your-’ self and the advantage to the common. cause, from a happy termination of this important enterprise. Given at Head Quarters Middle Brook 31 May 1779 G. WASHINGTON. Exeter, Feby 25, 1860. I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true copy of the original orders now in my prea with the exception of the words above mentioned which are obliterated. JNO. SULLIVAN.
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% ¥ iy 1867.] HISTORICAL ' x * Pas ww V.—RELATION OF WHAT BEFEL THE PER- SONS WHO ESCAPED FROM THE DIS- ASTERS THAT ATTENDED THE ARMA- MENT OF CAPTAIN PAMPHILO DE NAR- VAEZ ON THE SHORES ANDIN THECOUN- TRIES OF THE NORTH. TRANSLATED FROM THE XXXVTH Book OF THE ? ‘¢HistorRIA GENERAL Y NATURAL DE INDIAS,’ By GonzALO FERNANDEZ DE OvIEDO ¥Y VAL- DEs.* (For the first time is here published a translation of the account given in Oviedo’s history of the march of Narvaez, the earliest of Spanish expeditions for the conquest of Flor- ida. That Captain, failing from mere carelessness to wrench from the hands of Cortez the equipment that Velasquez, Governor of Cuba, had inconsiderately intrusted to him, he came into Spain after his defeat, and there received as a sort of compensation, or in lieu of redress, the royal permis- sion to invade Florida. He landed upon the Peninsula in | _ the year 1528, as appears on the western coast in Sarasota a Al af, iG ey, Bay. There are four other Chapters—the last ending with the close of the march made by four survivors at Sonora at the end of get years—to be given in succeeding numbers. —Ep. Hist. Maa.) CHAPTER IL. IL * * * Cabeca de Vaca, who went as Treasurer of the King, says that from Xagua, which is a port or harbor in the Island of Cuba, he wrote to His Majesty on the fifteenth day of February of the year one-thousand five-hundred and twenty-seven, concerning the loss of twoships and sixty men with all there was on board and of everything.that had occurred until then. After this loss, which included twenty horses, it was determined to winter in Xagua, where, according to him, four ships and all the people remained from the sixth day of November of that year to the twenty-second of February following, when the Governor arrived. * The Roman numerals in the margins of the text show the matter corresponding to that in the Chapters of The Shipwrecks of Cabeca de Vaca. The meditations of the old chronicler, which at times break the thread of discourse, have in some instances been omitted, as well some redun- dances, the same liberty that is taken by him with the origi- nal, though for no want of due reflection has any particle here ot the text been suffered to escape that should be re- tained. In the Proem which introduces the Chapters in the present account, as well as in an explanatory Chapter which follows them, are passages necessary to reproduce in their substance iad a knowledge of the authorship and state of the Narra- ve. \ “The mdsigas Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, Andres Do- ‘“‘rantes and Alonso del Castillo, who were with Panfilo de “Narvaez have given account of where they went and what “befel them. After suffering shipwreck and escaping nu- “merous perils, while on their way to give account to His “Majesty by word of mouth concerning the things to be told “here, they addressed the Real Audiencia of this City of “Sancto Domingo in the Island of Espanola. From their ‘letter, written at Havana, will be drawn the discourse, “some repetitions and superfluous words rejected, but “nothing wanting in the substance and essence of what that * contains.” MAGAZINE. 141 II. With an additional brigantine the voyage was continued, four hundred men being on board and eighty horses. On Tuesday of Holy-week, the twelfth of April, the vessels arrived on the coast and followed it along until Thursday, when they anchored by the shore in a shallow bay, at the end of which they saw some Indian houses. Ill. The next day the officers went on shore, taking all the people they could to land in the boats, setting them down near the dwellings the owners had forsaken. One of the houses was large enough to contain three hundred. persons ; the others were small. Many fish-nets were found, and among them a little bell (sonaja) of gold. On the following day the Governor ordered standards to be raised for His Majesty, and took possession of the country. He caused the King’s officers to come together, the friars and people on shore, to whom he presented the Royal authoriza- tion, which was acknowledged, and he was obeyed accordingly as Governor and Captain- general. The officers presented their credentials, and they, likewise, were received as belonging to His Majesty. Presently an order was given to land all the people, and the horses, which were greatly fagged from being long on ship-board, the half nearly having died at sea. The next day, Sunday, the festival of the Resurrection, the people of the town came and spoke to the Chris- tians; but they were not understood. They ap- peared to menace and order the Christians to go out of the country, making fierce gestures; they then went away. IV. The following day, that he might see and explore the land, the Governor mounted, and taking five cavalry and forty of foot, went to the Northeast, until coming to a bay that‘enters up into the country, and thence he returned. The day after he sent the brigantine to coast the shore of Florida for a port. Miruclo said he knew whither the people might be taken (but about that the pilot erred ; he knew not where to look for it), and, thus searching, he should con- tinue on to the Island of Cuba and port of Havana for a ship that was expected from there, on which were forty men and twelve horses; that, finding her, the two vessels should bring from the town all the provision it were possible, to where the Governor and his people tarried. This being done, the Christiaris departed. They struck the bay before noticed and followed the shore. Having gone four leagues from the point of starting, they found Indians, three of whom they took; and, showing them a little maize, asked where there was any. These guided them to a town at the end of the bay and showed them a little maize growing, which was the first that had been seen. Some large cases were found of the fashion of Castilla, in each of which was a
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142 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, dead man covered with painted skins. These people appeared, to the Commissary and _ friars, to gave been idolators, so they caused the Gover- nor to burn their bodies. Pieces of shoes and linen, of woollen, and some bits of iron, were like- wise observed. The natives being questioned said by signs that those things had been found in a ship wrecked on'the shore of the bay. When shown a little gold they said there was none in that country except a long way off, in a Province called Apalache, where it was in great amount. And so of every thing that was shown to those Indians, if they supposed the Christians coveted it at all, they would say it was to be found abund- antly in Apalache. Simply on this information the Christians took their departure, having those Indians with them. Ten or twelve leagues on the way they found a dozen or fifteen houses, where was maize, and re- mained there two days. Seeing no one, they agreed to return to the place at which they had left the Comptroller with the rest of the people and the ships; and, having come there, they re- lated what they had found inland, the amount of which has been told. Next day, the first of May, the Governor, hav- ing caused the officers of the King, with the Commissary, to come together, by official an- nouncement, before a Notary, he said that he desired to enter the land, while the ships should sail along the coast; and on this he asked their opinions. The Treasurer, Cabeca de Vaca, said it appeared to him that they ought not to abandon the ships before leaving them in a harbor peopled ; and, this done, the Governor, with his command, should march inland, whence they might return to seek that settled point and people at conven- ience; that for many reasons he thought they should not advance; the land where they had entered, as well from what the natives informed them as from what they had themselves seen, was poor and unpopulated ; that they awaited the re- turn of the brigantine and ship with subsistence from Havana, and the pilots were ignorant of where they were, nor could they learn anything ; for these, and for other reasons which appeared to the Treasurer good, he said that ought not to be done which the Governor proposed. The Commissary declared his opinion to be that they should go inland, keeping near the coast until arriving at the port the pilots said was fif- teen leagues distant on the way to Panuco, and which they could not over-pass without seeing, as it ran up a dozen leagues, and that there they would tarry for the ships, or the ships await them ; and that by no means ought they again to embark, which would be to brave God after the many adversities and trials experienced on the way to that place. The Comptroller and the Inspector agreed with the Commissary, and the Governor resolved to act in accordance with their opinion. The Treas- urer, seeing what was the intention, repeatedly required Narvaez not to march, because of those reasons, with others which he stated; and he asked the evidence that he did so under the hand of the Notary. The Governor responded that, as there was no port, nor source for subsisting a population, because of the sterility of the soil, he took away the people he had brought, and was going in quest of a port and country in which he might establish a town: of this he likewise re- quired. the evidence. VY. Thereupon all the men were ordered to be in readiness, and the ships to provide themselves with whatever was necessary for departure. next day the Governor left, taking with him two hundred and sixty infantry and forty cavalry. There went the officers mentioned, the Commis- sary and the other friars. They journeyed inland fifteen days, subsisting on a ration of half a pound of salted pork with one pound of bread, until coming to a river, over which they swam. On the other side two hundred Indians beset them, with whom they engaged, and captured five or six persons. These took them to their houses near by, where in the field was found much maize, then fit to be beaten. The next day, the officers and friars, having besought the Governor to examine the entrance > for a port, he sent the Treasurer with Castillo and forty men, who went on foot, as horses could not be taken. They traveled among some shoals of the sea-coast, through oyster beds, a matter of two leagues, and came to where ran the river they passed over inland the day before; but as they could not cross it for its depth, they went back to the camp. : The following day the Governor ordered a Captain with six cavalry and forty infantry to go over the river by the way they had come, to search that bay for a port, and was accordingly done. He found the bay low, and the ships could not enter there. This report being made, the force left in quest of Apalache, taking the captives for guides, and marched until the day after Saint John, in June, when they arrived at the place they most desired to see in the world, as much because of the length of the way as the urgency for food; but, above all, for the great quantity of gold that was said to be in that Prov- ince. Although in some parts they had found maize, they oftentimes traveled four or five days without finding any. VI. When the Spaniards arrived they pushed boldly up to enter the town; but finding no one to make resistance, the men being absent, they seized the women and boys. The place consisted of forty small houses, well covered against the severe cold and tempests of that region Many The
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for their women and children. _ turned, and the Cacique kept. 3 and deep fastnesses of scrub at all passers, the 1867.) HISTORICAL _ deer-skins were found, and some shawls of coarse - linen; great many corn-fields were in the woods ~ and much dry grain in the town. Vil. The territory through which the Spaniards _ went is level and covered with fine groves, the trees standing well apart. ‘There are many lakes, ~ and very many deer over all that country, exten- give forests having fallen trees, caused by the great storms and hurricanes which often occur in _ that region. Many trees were seen split from _ top to bottom by lightning. Nowhere on the _ way, after crossing the river, did they find any natives who would venture to await their arrival. At the close of the second day of arrival, the _ Indians came peaceably with their Cacique, asking They were all re- ‘ But the next day - some two hundred Indians made an attack, and ~ gucceeded in setting fire to the houses which were - occupied. The Christians, who were on the alert, sallied immediately, driving them into the woods ~ and mountains, without, however, taking any of _ them, though successful in killing two or three. _ The day after came two hundred more Indians on - another quarter, from other towns and people, against whom the Christians likewise went out, and they, like the first, drew off and fled. The people remained in this town twenty-six days, in which time three excursions were made. The country was found to be very poor and thin of inhabitants, with very bad passage-ways and ponds, having dense thickets. The Cacique being asked, as well other Indians brought from alittle way back, as to where were their towns and territories, said that altogether they contained - Jess population and subsistence than the place they were in, which was the principal one of the country; that further on were many solitudes, ‘swamps, lakes, and very dense scrub. Being asked if there were people and towns towards the sea, they answered that eight days journey from there was a town called Aute, the inhabitants were their friends, had much maize and beans, and the place was near the sea. From this infor- mation, and all they had seen, discovering that the land was not what they had been told it was, nor did it anywhere hold out a hope of anything _ better, the Indians where they were having begun to make war upon them, having killed a Cacique the friars brought with them from New Spain, wounding also some of their companions while going to drink, shooting from out those ponds _ Spaniards determined, at the end of twenty-six days, to depart for Aute. Think you, Reader, that this was pleasant pas- _ time these Christian sinners were engaged upon ? _ Would that I could be told what those friars and ~ Pamphilo de Narvaez preached to those men, who so blindly went on, leaving their countries under with them ! MAGAZINE. 148 false promises ; for no matter how many die, none are ever warned. Who told them of having seen that gold they sought? What pilots must they have had, so expert in navigation, that they knew not the coast, and could not tell where they were ; and what guides and what interpreters they took Presumptuous madness! What greater crime can a leader commit than in con- ducting men to.a land that neither he nor any one of his host has ever set eyes upon. I well believe that Pamphilo remembered, and more than once, of the counsel that I gave him in Toledo. In- deed, I often marvel and am often angry with these Captains, seeing, on the one hand, that they are astute, skilful and valiant men, while on the other, although they have seen foreign heads broken, by which they might learn some caution, they neither fear nor take heed of any peril what- soever. I would that it might please God that those who thus suffer should pay for it only with their lives, without the soul receiving injury. But I doubt the salvation of the greater number ; for I have lived a long time in these Indias, and have seen that in general the desires of these men are founded on this accursed appetite, postponing, until another season, all the scruples that to their consciences should be profitable and worthy of acceptance. Since in the Proem I have lauded Narvaez as a dexterous soldier and afterward Captain, it is but reasonable to expect that I should here give account for him. I say, then, that I have known men very brave with lance and sword, who, apart from them, are unable to govern, yet others could. direct with the finger. Fighting is the quality best to be looked after; for rare it is to find a man with shame who will not fight when it is for his honor ; and more Captains there are who can fight and command a few than govern an army, more captains to be commanded than know how to command. Narvaez, so long as he was ordered. by Diego Velazquez, within the limits of Cuba, knew how to serve and to do as he was ordered : after he went out from that Island to New Spain, in the XXXII. Book may be learned the prudence that he exercised, and in the XXXYV. you shall read in what his governing terminated. * * * VI.—FIRST CHRISTIAN WORSHIP IN NEW ENGLAND. REPLY OF THE CONGREGATIONAL QUARTERLY TO THE Hon. E. E. Bourne. Eprror oF THE HisrorrcaL MAGAZINE: The introductory note to Judge Bourne’s article on the ‘‘ First Christian Worship in New England,” in your July number, hardly does justice to the
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144 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. Congregational Quarterly. The Judge’s article! yq]f—LETTER TO REV. THOMAS P ARKER, | OF NEWBURY. 7 4 CoMMUNICATED BY JoHN Warp Duan, Esq., oF was returned, with some hesitation, from a feeling that he was a little ‘‘ too sharp” (for our pages) in its personal allusions to the writer of the article he criticised. When Judge Bourne thinks that ** one of the material attributes of truth was its ‘¢ sharpness,” we agree with him; but we do not consider the ‘‘ sharpness” of an argument to be identical with ‘‘ sharp” reflections upon the 7- dividual against whose views the argument is di- rected. Therefore the Judge’s statement that the ‘¢ editor takes a different view of the matter,” 7. ¢. as to the ‘‘ pungency” of truth, is uncalled for and incorrect. Doubtless, also, when he said, ‘‘ if ‘* he thinks that error had better go unanswered ‘*than to be corrected by the sharpness of truth,” not only he misunderstood our objections, but he could not have known that his article was not returned until a clergyman of Maine, whom we supposed to be a friend of the Judge’s, and who certainly warmly espoused his views, had forwarded to the Quarterly an article in reply to Mr. Cushman’s, covering the precise points at is- sue, which was gladly inserted in the July Quar- terly. The editors of the Quarterly have never ex- pressed any opinion whatever on the merits of the Popham controversy; I do not know that they have any. ‘The particular point in Judge Bourne’s address which Mr. Cushman criticised, appears to be the statement that ‘‘ Here was offered the first ‘* Christian prayer, in our own language, that ever ‘“ broke from human lips on the shores of New Eng- ‘*land.” Mr. Cushman says, and I believe Judge Bourne freely admits, that that prayer had been offered earlier on the near islands. Judge Bourne replied that he used ‘‘shores,” in a ma- rine sense, in contra-distinction from the island ; and as synonymous with Main or the Continent ; and every lawyer would so understand it, from the necessity of the case. To that definition of his meaning, no one can now object. But in a public oration not addressed to lawyers, would not people, even educated men, having so broad a statement as that I have quoted,—using, not ‘‘shore” but ‘‘shores,” — naturally get the idea which Mr. Cushman, and others got? If he had said ‘‘ main-land ;” or had he alluded to the earlier worship on the islands appertaining to the main-land, all ambiguity would have been ar- rested. There seems no question as to the histor- ical facts; but simply a question arising out of the use of a particular term in a restricted and technical sense, when many readers understood itin a general and ordinary sense. As Judge Bourne now explains it, of course the controversy is at an end. Boston. A few years ago, J. Wingate Thornton, Esq., — loaned me a copy of a small quarto book of 223 pages, entitled: Lectiones Novem de totidem Re- ligionis Captibus precipue hoc tempore controver= sis prout publice habebantur Oxonia in Vesperys, — Per JoHANNEM PripEavux Fvoniensis Collegu — Rectorum, and 8. Th. Professorem Regium. — Oxonia, Hacudebant Iohannes Lichfield & Goliel- — mos Torner pro Henrico Crypps, An. Dom. 1625. — The book had the following names and dates in various places, viz. : ‘‘ NicH® GimMAN, 1785, — ‘*Ex Dono Dai W. Clark;” ‘‘Tristram Gin- ‘*MAN, 1761;” ‘‘T. Gitman, Oct. 1813; ‘¢1887, © ‘* Sam" GILMAN.” the beginning was this note :— ‘*To M. PARKER AT M. Fosters ‘Cin NEW-BERY. ‘*Goop Srr, be pleased to accept this small — ‘* gift and the *** son of the giver, who respects ‘‘you not a little for your fathers sake, whose — ‘graces, as zeale, learning, conscientious dis- ‘‘charge of his calling, vndaunted resolution to — ‘* speak for Christ, yea to dye for him, the world — ‘*cannot so much calumniate and abhorre as I © ‘¢ admire and reverence. ‘*quaintance and _ familiaritie, ‘‘mutuall loue may be increased and expressed — ‘* by intercourse of letters, if you stay at Newbery, — ‘‘ where you may advantage god’s church, and ‘* qualifie tender witteswith ye knowledge of Christ. ‘‘ These lectures I need not commend. ‘You can — ‘*quickly censure them. ‘*professe my selfe, ‘* Your affectionate friend, ‘* EDWARD COOKES. ‘*QUEENES COLLEGE IN OXON: ‘¢ March 14, 1624.” Of Mr. Cookes, the writer of the above, I have I cease; but ever will been able to learn nothing. The. person whom — he addresses, was evidently Rev. Thomas Parker, — the only son of Rev. Robert Parker, a Puritan writer of great repute in his day. 1595. He was admitted into Magdalen College, Oxford ; but, after his father’s exile, removed to Dublin, where he was a pupil of the celebrated Dr. James Usher, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh. From Dublin he joined his father in Holland. Here he was assisted in his studies by — Dr. William Ames. His father died in 1614, at Doesburg, where he was preacher to the garrison. [September, ; On one of the fly-leaves at — For his virtues and : ‘‘your owne gifts sake, I much desire your ac- — and that our — Thomas Par- ker was born on Whitsunday, the eighth of June, — ia a i + . a . ¢ 3 J
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ie th af - Thomas afterwards returned to England and re- _ sided at Newbury, in Berkshire, where he taught the free school. He was evidently residing there 4 in March, 1624-5, when the above letter was “written. He continued there till he left for New “Fagin where he arrived, in the Mary and John, in May, 1634. He soon after became minister at the new settlement of Agawam, now Ipswich. _ The next year he commenced, with his cousin, _ Rey. James Noyes (who had been an assistant in his school at Newbury), and others, a settlement - at the mouth of the Merrimac, which settlement _ was called, in honor of their former home, New- ¥ mt Here he was chosen Pastor, and his cousin - Teacher of the Church; and here he continued to reside till his death, on the twenty-fourth of a 1677, aged eighty-one years. q The book above mentioned, either before or after his death, probably came into the possession of his nephew, Rev. John Woodbridge, whose _mother was a daughter of Rev. Robert Parker, or 3 _ of his grand-nephew, Rev. Benjamin Woodbridge, the second son of Rev. John W. The mother of Rev. Ward Clark, whose name is written in the - book as a former owner, was Elizabeth, the only au ghter of the above Rey. Benjamin Wood- _ bridge JW. D HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 145 the Philhellenic uprising, the fermentation among the youth of Germany, subsequent to the treaty of Vienna, by which Royal promises so lavishly made in the day of gloom were so largely broken, and many other influences of that eventful period, impressed the lively mind of Ludewig in the years of his development. His love of study, his taste for the beautiful, and his fondness for the pictur- esque in nature, were greatly assisted in their growth by the admirable collections in. litera- ture and. art stored in the capital of Saxony, and by the proximity of some of the loveliest scenery in Germany, in Saxonian Switzerland, and in the Bohemian mountains. Favored by a healthy frame, large and handsome figure, a frank and open countenance, and exceedingly winning man- ners, he made warm friends wherever he went, and knew how to enlist the services of his friends to facilitate his own literary pursuits and general progress. He was fond of music, and not only became a very good pianist and singer, but thoroughly studied the compositions of the masters of all nations, the history of music and musical instruments, and took particular delight in the best of church music, the Royal (Catholic) Church of Dresden, which well represented in he on that account visited with great regularity, though he attended service inthe Lutheran Church, to which his parents belonged. VIN.—OUR HISTORICAL WRITERS. 2. HERMAN E. Lupewie, LL. D.* ' Herman E. Ludewig, LL. D., Lawyer, His- torian, Bibliographer, was born in Dresden, Sax- _ ony, on the fourteenth of October, 1810. His - father was.a subaltern officer in the Revenue Ser- yice in Dresden, and subsequently in Pirna. He had no great acquirements himself, but suffi- - ciently appreciated the value of a sound educa- - tion to devote all his scanty means to the cul- - ture of his children, who were two daughters, besides the subject of this sketch. _ Herman E. Ludewig was sent to the best school a of Dresden, where he soon evinced an extraordin- _ ary thirst for knowledge and an unusual fondness for reading, carrying home all the books he could lay hands on : often reproved for this exag- _ gerated application, he found protection as well ~ as guidance in the matter of the absorption of _ promiscuous literature from his mother, who was a Beentirely devoted to his physical and mental edu- cation. The end of the Napoleonic wars, the Restoration, * For this sketch of the life and writings of Mr. Ludewig, come it as a graceful tribute to the memor a most diligent and unselfish of ‘‘ our Historical » Hist. Maa. 10 HIST. MAG., VOL. IL. riters.”—Eb. os are indebted to the pen of his most intimate friend, Ru- ; gotph Garrigue, Esq.; and we are sure that our readers will - we of one of the At eighteen years of age he went to the University of Leipzic, and in 1831 to that of Goettingen, study- ing law with the zeal which characterized him in all his pursuits. Goettingen at that time was one of the great centres of culture and full of the most distinguished men of letters; whilst its Uni- versity Library was one of the very best in the world. A young man of Ludewig’s literary turn of mind and social talents would naturally expe- rience a wonderful development under such cir- cumstances, and Ludewig never neglected to profit by intercourse with men of worth, or by the largest use of literary means within his reach. His main studies were of law in all its branches, including the local laws of various nations, inter- national law, diplomatic history, history and philosophy of law, etc;.but much of his time was nevertheless devoted to the curiosities of lit- erature of various nations,. to. belles-lettres, mod-. ern languages, music and the fine arts. ‘These pursuits and the influences of the refined society in which he moved, made him one of the most accomplished of gentlemen. As the son of a free‘mason, he had been accepted by the fraternity of masons at the early age of eighteen, and entered into the spirit of masonry with his usual zeal, making its history an especial study, and bringing his large intellectual faculties to bear upon the work of the brotherhood. Very distinguished men, such as Baron Frankenstein, the renowned librarian of Dresden, and others of
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146 equal rank and merit in other walks of life, be- longed to the circle into which Ludewig was thus admitted, and greatly assisted him by wise counsel in his literary and professional career. After finishing his studies at Goettingen and making a journey to France, whose collections of ‘books and pictures he explored with the persever- nce of an inveterate amateur in letters and the fine arts, he returned to Dresden, and began to - practice law ; and in 1836 was married to Miss Maria Rocksch, a young lady of considerable for- ‘tune, an amiable, cheerful disposition, and such _-accomplishments as good society in Dresden gen- erally affords its members. They were married ‘at the house of his parents in Pirna, and immedi- ately started on a very extensive wedding tour, embracing all the South German States, Austria, ' Switzerland, Italy and France. Intellectually prepared for such a journey as few men are, Ludewig’s mind expanded under the historical, _ ethnological and climatological influences thus / working upon him. All his. youthful prejudices vanished. He recognized the good and the noble in man independently of nationality, language or religious creed, and returned to Dresden enriched : in knowledge and in sentiment after an absence of nearly a year, during which time he had become , personally acquainted with nearly all the promi- nent men of the countries he had visited ; whilst ’ the popular life of the masses had furnished him - with rare material of comparative observation of nationalities, and: the grand beauties of nature - which had impressed him on his travels, particu- larly in Switzerland, had still more elevated his mind, already so appreciative of the true and the beautiful. An uncommon facility for acquiring foreign languages assisted him greatly. He spoke five or six languages with great fluency, although he never could master the native accent of any of them. The extensive acquaintance formed in his tray- els among the highest classes of society, together with this command of foreign languages, proved of great benefit to Ludewig’s business as a lawyer after his return to Dresden, which is a great centre of attractien to numberless travelers and the. residence of hundreds of foreign families at all times. Ludewig’s reputation for rare abilities soon penetrated this circle, and he derived from it a great number of his clients. . Although moving for the most part in the higher classes of society, and although outrank- ing most men-in acquirements and experience, he was entirely free both from a false pride and a cringing deference to power. His noble heart was open and accessible to the poorest and most lowly of men; whilst to Princes and-their instru- ments he always exhibited a manly independence and a perfectly frank and easy deportment. He could not learn even to take off his hat in casually HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September passing the King in the street ; and as his sparkling wit and keen criticism was as apt to include the court life of Saxony as. other dark phases of so- ciety, such independence of speech and action gradually made him a number of enemies, and life in Dresden became disagreeable to him. His attention had been early riveted by the wonderful development of the great Republic of the Western Hemisphere. His geographical, his- torical and ethnological studies had embrace¢ even the remotest parts of the world ; and he de voted as much energy to the study of the American Indians as to that of people much nearer home. But most of all was he attracted to the United States by the free institutions under which such a marvelous prosperity of an entire people had been called into life. P After several years of preparation for the step contemplated, he gave up his practice of law; resigned from:all honorary posts which he filled; realized his property as far as practicable ; and emigrated with his wife (children they had none) to the land of promise... Landing in New York early in 1844, he remained there just long enough to organize his plans for an extensive tour of ob- servation ; and then started out for what eventualh turned out to be a two years’ trip through the United States. Beginning with the New England States, he visited all the principal seats of com- merce, industry and learning, making the a¢ quaintance of great numbers of prominent men, and devoting particular attention to the institutions and laws of the various States, and to the literary collections, public and private. With untiring industry he travelled from place to place, always well recommended by prominent men who had been struck by his refined manners and by hi rare profundity of knowledge, gathering as I went, with an amount of labor never yet truh appreciated, the material for his subsequent gift to the scholars of the United States, the Biblio graphy of American Local History. Everything appertaining to American History was an objec of deep study to him,:not only the History of the United States and its component States, but als the history of Indian Tribes, Indian Antiquitie from Mexico, and particularly Yucatan, up to th Canadas, exploring expeditions, surveys for inter oceanic canals or trans-continental railroads. A great questions of statesmanship, commerce, nay igation, mining, agriculture, free-trade and pro tective tariff, interested and occupied his compre hensive mind. Probably no other foreign tray eller has ever returned from a journey of obsery: tion so thoroughly posted on American matters did Ludewig when he took up his permanent res idence in New York, at the end of 1845. H immediately systematized the vast literary materi gathered during his journey, and published at h own expense, the bibliography alluded to, sendin:
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1867.) HISTORICAL _ it to his literary acquaintance throughout the land asa free gift in token of gratitude for hospitality and assistance enjoyed by him during his trip. The book fell flat. Be it that Bibliography, then hardly known here, was considered a puerile _ waste of time; be it that those who were well _ fitted to appreciate the immense and well-directed - labor embodied in Ludewig’s book, were reluctant to accord to the foreigner the full measure of praise to which he was clearly entitled, the fact Temains that for about two hundred and tifty copies of his book sent as presents to as many literary men or to libraries, the author received " just twenty-seven letters of acknowledgment. He _ was seriously hurt by this slight ; and, in course of time, took a characteristic revenge. Continu- ing hislaborsin collecting bibliographical material, he printed a supplement to his book, but struck _ off only thirty copies, of which he retained three, and sent twenty-seven to the gentlemen who had acknowledged his first gift. Meanwhile, the value of the book had become very generally acknowledged ; copies occasionally appearing in book sales being always bid in, at very high _ prices, and the supplement was in great demand. _ But nothing was elicited from the author by ap- _ plicants but the politest regrets that it was entirely out of print. _ . Having settled in New York, Ludewig began the regular course of study for the American bar -inalawyer’s office ; and with his general knowledge of law he very soon mastered the questions of local practice, and opened an office of his own which he continued till he died. - All his leisure time was devoted to literary labor, but his leisure time commenced when or- ~dinary people go to bed, for he considered it as much a matter of business to devote his talents to the good of his fellow men in associations, clubs, ‘lodges, singing unions and public enterprises of every description as to attend to his law business during the day ; and his general presence as well as his incomparable intellectual superiority made him the very soul of all social gatherings which he attended. Returning home late at night he would then steal the midnight hours for corre- “spondence with literary societies or celebrities in all parts of the world, or in preparing communi- “€ations to the periodical press of Europe and America. He was an honorary member of a ‘number of learned societies, and never failed to “pay in ample contributions for all the honors he Teceived. Among these contributions was a very yyaluable ‘‘ History of Political Parties in ‘the “United States,” from the adoption of the Con- stitution until the party of Native Americans, Which was so active at the time of his arrival in this country. Numerous papers on Indian sub- jects were also prepared by him ; and he kept up @running correspondence with the editors of the MAGAZINE. 147 Augsburg Gazette and of the Ausland, furnish- ing them political and geographical information. During all these labors he kept open house for all literary celebrities visiting New York, and had always the warmest welcome and practical aid for poor men of merit. Thus his expenses were much greater than his income from his law business, and his property gradually decreased. It is pre- sumed that much of it was actually destroyed by a fire which occurred in his office in Wall street, | a safe which he had trusted proving unsafe. At all events, from that day he was obliged to work much harder for money than he had ever done before. But none of his friends ever heard a complaint from his lips. He continued to be the same cheerful companion he had ever been, but he would leave the social circle sooner and work deeper into the night. Thus he undermined his health and died after a painful illness, in the forty- eighth year of his life, in December, 1857. Even during his last illness he continued his literary labors, reading as carefully as his sufferings would permit the proofs of his Bibliotheca Glottica, being a bibliography of American Indian Lan- guages, published by Trubner, in London, and expressing great joy that he lived to finish it. He died like the wise man he had always been in life, quietly assuring his friends that he was per- fectly ready to go, having been early taught to be ready at any moment. It is to be regretted for the sake of literature that he did not live to collect his works, which © were as multiform as they were numerous. He was beloved by all who knew him; and if vast acquirements devoted with utter self-abnegation to theservice of his fellow men entitle a man to the love of his neighbors, he was deservedly beloved. R. G. IX.— EARLY METHODISTS AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Repty or Zhe Methodist to Tur Histroricau MAGAZINE. [By an agreement with The Methodist, we published inour - May number, in eatenso, all that its editors had to say, in answer to our former articles on this subject, on condi‘ion that an equal space in The Methodist should be devoted to our reply, which was printed in our June number. After attempting, unsuccessfully, to mutilate our article, without previously obtaining our consent, The Methodist published a portion of that article, without intimating to its readers, as we requested it to do, that there were other por- tions which it did not thus re-produce; and, soon after, with- out alluding to the omitted portions of that reply, or seeming to recognize the existence of those portions, it rejoined, in defence of the founder of its sect, and of his followers in America, in an article which speaks for itself concerning the peculiar integrity to the Truth, per se, of those who control the columns of that peculiarly religious sheet. The following is that rejoinder—our readers will not fail to compare it with our reply, to which it is responsive, in the June number. We shail pay our respects to it at an early day.—Ep. Hisr. Maa.]
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148 sa [From The Methodist of August 17.] Some time ago we answered, in these columns, the attack of THE HistoricAL MAGAZINE on the loyalty of the early Methodists to the American Revolution. Its editor has published our reply, on condition that we allow him an equal space to respond to it in our pages, and we have now given in instalments his rejoinder. In commenting upon it, we shall be as brief as possible ; if our readers will recall our former arguments, they will save us the necessity of much repetition. While we shall repeat them far enough to meet the new forms of statement made by Tue HistoricaAL MAGAZINE, we must refer to our first papers for fuller facts. The editor of the Magazine gives us great advan- _ tage in his evident loss of temper and attempts at _severe language, but as historical truth alone is concerned in the question, we shall not waste our space in retaliating his small sarcasms. He first accuses us of ‘‘ concealing the fact that _ ‘“the article in question (the one in his periodical, ‘¢ which we reviewed), was one of aseries of articles ‘¢on the early history of Methodism, which had ‘‘ appeared in the Magazine, month after month, ‘Cand insinuated that it was merely a special ‘¢ article, written for a special occasion.” Now, we aftirm that this is the first time we have heard of any preceding articles. We knew nothing of the editor’s former discussions, and after what we have read from him, we do not now care to expend time in reading them. The one which we answered was specific ; it presented a particular topic, and argued it at great length, without an allusion to any that had gone before. The latter are obnox- ious to the charge we brought against this, for they were written during the Centenary year. ‘¢So, also, when The Methodist spoke of the ‘« ¢ decisive evidence of Wesley’s early change of ‘¢ opinion in favor of the Colonists,’ and told the ‘¢ world that we ‘ must have read’ it in Dr. Ste- _““vens’ History of Methodism, although it knew ‘(THERE WAS NO SUCH EVIDENCE THERE, it sup- ‘* nosed, we have no doubt, that it was acting as ‘¢ became a Methodist journal.” | en Now, here is a point-blank denial that there is ‘¢any such evidence of Wesley’s early change of ‘¢ opinion in favor of the Colonists.” Now, a curious fact about this denial is, that in the very article that the editor is thus answering, we -pre- sented, in Wesley’s own words, the proof of that ‘‘ change of opinion in favor of the Colonists.” And yet, the editor persistently repeats his denial, and defies the The Methodist to show any such proof. What can be done with such a controver- sialist? We said, too, that the editor, in his charge against Wesley, accused Methodist histo- rians of unveracious accounts of Wesley’s opinions HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. on the subject, ‘‘ referring particularly to Steven ‘ a : (September, ‘* History of Methodism, vol. ii., pp. 129, 130,” and that he must have been aware of Wesley's change of opinion, because Stevens gives Wesley own words on the subject in the very place ferred to, while acknowledging that at an earlier period he had imprudently published his ‘ ad- ‘*dress” to the colonies against the Revolution. Wesley’s own words are so important on thi point, that we repeat them here again, and again affirm that they are there, where the editor says they are not. Here is the passage in the History of Methodism, as above: a - ‘Tt is due to the memory of Wesley to say that ‘*he, meantime, wrote a letter to the Premier, ‘* Lord North, and to the Secretary of the Colo- ‘‘nies, Lord Dartmouth, remonstrating against ‘the war, and pleading for the Americans. He ‘* declares in it that, in spite of all his long-rooted ** prejudices as a Churchman and a loyalist, he ‘* cannot avoid thinking, if he think at all, that ‘¢ «these, an oppressed people, asked for nothing ‘*more than their legal rights, and that in the ‘‘most modest and inoffensive manner that the ‘nature of the thing would allow. But waiving ‘*this, waiving all considerations of right and ‘‘ wrong, Task,’ he adds, with prophetic foresight, ‘¢*Ts it common-sense to use force toward the ‘Americans? My lord, whatever has ‘* affirmed, these men will not be frightened; ‘fand it seems they will not be conquered sé ‘* easily as was at first imagined. They will proba- ‘* bly dispute every inch of the ground, and, if ‘they die, die sword in hand. Indeed, some ot ‘‘ our valiant officers say, ‘Two thousand men ‘¢will clear America of these rebels.’ No, nor ‘*twenty thousand, be they rebels or not, nor ‘‘ perhaps treble that number. They are as strong ‘men as you; they are as valiant as you, if né ‘¢abundantly more valiant, for they are, one and ‘¢all, enthusiasts—enthusiasts for liberty. They ‘are calm, deliberate enthusiasts; and we know ‘‘how this principle breathes into softer souls ‘¢ stern love of war, and thirst of vengeance, and ‘¢ contempt of death. We know men, animate¢ ‘¢ with this spirit, will leap into. a fire, or rush ‘into a cannon’s mouth.’ The letter is long, and ‘¢ full of sagacious views and statesmanlike cour ‘“ sels.” | . Dee This important letter has, within a few yean been given to the public, from the manuscripts of Lord Dartmouth’s family. The American histo- rian, Mr. Bancroft, deemed it of so much impor- tance that, when it appeared, he cancelled several stereotype plates of his seventh volume, that 1h might insert quotations from it, correcting. som of his earlier intimations of Wesley’s opinions. It settles the question between us and THE HistToR- ICAL MaG@aztnz, so far as a change in Wesley’
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HISTORICAL opinion of the colonial controversy is concerned. “In his former article, the editor accused Wesley 0: “coldly absolving the American Methodists *(after the Revolution) from their obligations to **the English Church, authorizing them to organ- ‘ize an “independent church, without a’ single « supplication of Divine favor in their behalf ; “he had not even a natural wish for their suc- ‘cess, nor a kind word of brotherly regard at the pete, so repugnant were the prevailing ideas America, so distasteful the position of affairs “in this country, to him and his friends!” All t this we disproved, showing that Wesley was thoroughly cordial, and heartily energetic in the organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church, declaring in his letter on the occasion: ‘‘ We “judge j it best that they should stand fast in that “liberty wherewith God has made them free!” Now, while this Historical Magazine professes to scrupulously devoted to the record and con- servation of pure historical facts, its editor entirely mores (in his reply) this important point; he makes no correction of his former statement about it, and does not even mention our refutation of his misrepresentation ! 3 This is all we see it necessary to say on our first alment from the Magazine. On its remaining ones we shall hereafter comment. Il. [From the Methodist of August 31. ] _ The second instalment of the attack of Tar His- TORICAL MAGAZINE, on the loyalty of the early ethodists, is given in our number for July 27th. We must refer the reader to it, to save waste of dace In quoting its allegations. This instalment mrever, requires but ‘little comment. All it , particularly all it cites, from the old Meth- st Disciplines, or Minutes, is sufficiently cor- tt, and no Methodist will demur to anything in e article except its inference from its citations, vhich is altogether false, historically and logically. _ The substance of the article amounts to this: hat anterior to the organization of the Church at he Christmas conference of 1784,* the preachers did not administer the sacraments, but then people enerally received them at the English Church, and @ preachers, in annual conferences, opposed any movation on this arrangement, until Wesley could provide, ‘‘ decently and in order,” for these means if grace by the hands of Methodist pastors. Al Mf the good sense and orderly disposition of the mimitive societies. ‘‘Toryism,” to which the fagazine ascribes it, had nothing to do with it, * The Magazine says 1785; it has been led into this error, ever, by an error in the ‘title of the old Minutes, which es the Conference in that year; o surely overstepped the ; the organization was in 1784 lis is very true, and it is an honorable evidence’ MAGAZINE. 149 and never entered into the policy of the societies on the subject. There is not an allusion of the kind in any of the contemporary documents, official or unofficial. It was an accidental state of things which had grown up from long antece- dent circumstances ; and having no motive what- ever connected with the Colonial Revolution, was corrected as soon as the Revolution allowed of such communication with Wesley as could admit of the correction. Before the Revolution, American Methodism was essentially a part of the British Methodistic movement, and, like the latter, was under the control of Wesley. He had not ordained preachers in England, but his people there received the sac- raments in the National Church, at least such of them as had been connected with the National Church did so, and such as had been Dissenters went to their former chapels for these ordinances. Of course the same policy extended to the British Colonies. Wesley did not wish to complicate himself with the existing ecclesiastical authorities by any obtrusive or unnecessary measures. But every Methodist who knows the history of his Church knows, what the Magazine editor seems not to be aware of, that these very citations he makes from the old Minutes had reference to a disposition prevalent in certain quarters, to pro-: vide themselves with the sacraments without or- dination; a policy that was deemed by the preachers, and is still deemed by most religious bodies, disorderly. The Conference proposed to postpone the question, and receive the sacraments elsewhere, till the return of peace, when Wesley could be appealed to, and ordination provided ; and this was effectively done by Wesley himself ordaining men for America. As the colonies were British, and of the early Methodists had been in the British Church, of course they usually re- sorted to that Church in the colonies’ for the sac- raments, but such of them as had been Dissenters were not required to do so; they went for these ordinances where they pleased, and suffered no penalties for so doing. These are the historical facts. But from these very simple, natural, and harmless, not to say very commendable facts, the Magazine draws the fol- lowing sweeping inference : ‘* We have a right, in view of its silence on the ‘*subject, to consider The Methodist as conceding ‘* the truth of the averment, thus sustained, that ‘“* “every Methodist of that period was necessarily ‘* an Episcopalian,’ and as necessarially a daily sup- ‘* pliant for a bestowal of the Divine favor on ‘¢ George III., his Parliaments, his Armies, and ‘*his Fleets, as were Drs. Seabury and Inglis, ‘¢ Chandler and Wilkins, and all other Episcopa- ‘*lians of the period; and we have a right also, ‘in view of the same silence, to treat our oppo-
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150 ~— HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, j ‘‘nent as conceding the claim, thus sustained, ‘that it was not until the Conference of January, ‘* 1785, that George III., ceased, in law, to be the ‘supreme head, in ecclesiastical affairs, of every ‘‘Methodist ‘Society’ in America; and _ that, ‘* until that time, the Cannons, and Liturgy, and ‘Common Prayer promulgated by nis authority ‘‘ were their supreme law.” All this is sheer sophistry. The Methodists did not so pray for the King and his armies and fleets. Very few, if any of them, knew anything or cared anything about the ‘‘ Canons,” etc., of ‘‘the Church.” They had not the sacraments in their own humble meetings, most of which were in pri- vate houses or barns. They went for them occa- sionally to other churches, but had no other rela- tions whatever to the latter; these had no juris- diction over them, and had nothing to do with them, save to persecute them. Moreover, during most of the time to which the Magazine's citations refer, there was no such praying for the King, and his army and fleet, in the English churches of the colonies. That would not have been tol- erated by the colonial authorities during the Rev- olution. This is a fair showing of the facts of the case, as every student of Methodist history knows. Quite a schism was threatened in the Virginia Methodist Societies, in favor of providing the sac- raments for their families ; but they were induced to accept them from the Established Church of the colony, till Wesley could be consulted. The citations of the Magazine all have reference to these local facts. The forbearance of the Meth- odists had nothing to do with the Toryism of the Established Church ; they had no thought of the kind ; their forbearance was simply owing to their deference to the usage of all Christian denomina- tions, a regard for established Church order. It was conditioned expressly on a pledge of the preachers, that Wesley should be appealed to when the war might admit of it, to provide for them. At the end of the war, the appeal was made to Wesley, and he forthwith ordained a Bishop (Dr. Coke) to ordain their preachers, and had them or- ganized asa Church. They were thus constitution- ally established even before the colonies had adopted their own Constitution. N. B.—We shall refer to the other portions of the Magazine's article hereafter. We should remind our readers, however, that we have published, not the whole of the article, but only a certain stipu- lated portion of it. For the rest, we must refer to the Magazine itself. It. [From the Methodist of September 14.] In our reply to THe Historical MAGAZINE, we have already reminded our readers that it but re- peats, though with increased emphasis, the state-— ments and arguments which we reviewed and dis- proved in some former papers. We must again refer to the latter for any fuller refutation of its charges. It would be an imposition on the reader to recite the statements there answered, and re-— peat their refutation in detail. Yet, this is all that would need to be done in order to meet com-— pletely the rehash of the argument now given by — the Magazine. The last three instalments from — its pages, which we have inserted, and which re-— main for our notice, fill several columns, but, for the above reasons, we must review them rapidly, — and here conclude the review. Asa mere repeti- tion, it is becoming tedious ; we must treat it, © therefore, with dispatch, though not with disre- | spect. The third instalment from the Magazine (given in our number for August 8d) consists mostly of — extracts from Wesley’s famous Calm Address to the Colonies. They show that he was then decidedly opposed to the Revolutionary project. Of course they do. What else could be expected from a loyal Englishman, as he was at the time? But we have shown, from his letter to two of the cabinet ministers of George II., that after the events of Concord and Lexington, he changed his — view of the contest, and declared that he was ‘* convinced that then an oppressed: people asked — ‘‘ nothing more than their legal rights, and that ‘in the most modest and inoffensive manner that _ ‘*the nature of the thing would allow.” These are his own words, authentically given from the papers of the Earl of Dartmouth—words which | the historian, Bancroft, has taken special pains to give. Wesley proceeds to argue against the ex- pediency of war on the part of Great Britain, and predicts the success of the Colonies. Now, this important documentary evidence was under the eye of the editor of the Magazine, — in the very book from which he quotes other things, and yet he continues to affirm : ‘* We say, plainly, that we never knew and do ‘*not now know that Mr. Wesley ever ceased to” ‘be loyal to the King of Great Britain, in the ‘broadest sense of the term ; and that we never ‘“knew and do not know now that he ever enter-- ‘tained the least sympathy for the American ‘* Revolutionists or their cause, or ever, even by ‘‘implication, ‘vindicated the Colonial cause.’ ‘‘'We say, also, just as plainly, that neither Dr. “ Stevens nor The Methodist, nor both combined, ~ ‘*ever knew or now know any such thing of Mr. ‘‘ Wesley; and that neither the historian of “‘ Methodism nor its exponents in newspaper form ‘** can produce any authentic testimony to establish ‘such an averment as 7’he Methodist has thus put — *¢ forth.” | Now, we ask again, what can be done with a-
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1867.) HISTORICAL contestant like this ?—a man who is professionally evoted to the collection and conservation of his- prical materials, and who, after a document like Wesley’ s letter to the British Ministers, is placed “dire y under his nose, utterly ignores the evi- pie ee and furiously drives on with his wreckless severations? He does not dare to deny the au- a nenticity of the document—that would be pre- by osterous ; he does not even mention it, though ai t is again and again thrust into his face ; he ‘simply ignores it, as if it had not been adduced, zt and vociferously writes on in the above strain. _ The fourth and last instalment (given in our ‘number for August 10th), like all that precedes it, isa repetition of charges which we have al- ‘ready answered. It relates to a vindication of Weley by a preacher of John-street Society, New eer, against the charge of disloyalty to his King. Of course, Wesley lived and died a loyal *man, and the fact is honorable to his memory. : The Society in New York was entirely isolated wr the General Church during the war; the Conference sent no preachers to it, received no returns from it, had in fact held no communica- 3 tion with it. Its pulpit was supplied by an unor- ‘dained local preacher, an Englishman. When Wesley was accused, in a New York paper, of peciting the famous ‘Lord Gordon” riot in Lon- don (an anti-Catholic riot), and of thereby show- ne disloyalty to his King, the New York preacher Sai letters from him, proving his hearty These facts the Magazine cites as proof i his hostility to the Colonial cause !—a very : funny syllogism certainly. One of the letters given does, however, bear on the war, but it is - without date, and is evidently an old one, which “had been in possession of the New York preacher, _or some other person at hand, and was hunted up for the occasion, as proof that this reeent New _ York slander was incompatible with the anteced- ents of Wesley. Wesley’s letter to the Govern- ment in favor of the Colonies qualifies it entirely. He was always loyal to his King, like a good Christian, but disapproved the royal policy toward the Colonies. E So much, then, for this extravagant attack on “American Methodism. After the full review we have heretofore given the Magazine, we need add nomore, No Christian body of this nation has “more demonstratively proved its loyalty than the Methodist Episcopal Church; none less needs Vindication. MAGAZINE. 152 X.— SELECTIONS FROM PORTFOLIOS IN’ VARIOUS LIBRARIES.—Continvuep. 3 61. GovERNOR J. BELCHER, OF MASSACHUSETTS, To Mr. Sec’y Wautpron, or New Hamp- SHIRE.” Srr, I am glad to find by your’s of 27: psent, That the Govt: can do even accidental Good to the Province ; I wish they wou’d mend their Wayes as well as the Roads; I long to See my Friends— have no Expectation from the Assembly, nor do I much concern myself about ’Em. The Warrant is in this Day’s Gazette—The P-st-m-st-r & his Lady lodge at Madm’s Sister's, and I give him up for a gone Man. I shall free the Young Man from his prodigious. Uneasiness, and from Something else, if he does not learn more Sense. I hope to see you at Haverhill on Fryday next, and am alwayes, Your Friend & Servant Boston, J. BELCHER Sept: 30; 1734 | Mr. Secty WALDRON 62.—Rev. J. H. Lrvinaston To —— New York 18 March 1784. REVEREND & DEAR BROTHER The affectionate and confidential Letter which you favored me with of the 18t Instant would have been answered immediately if I had not, when I received it, been very unwell & had. the next day to administer the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, since which I have had no con- veyance to drop you a line. I was disappointed: in not having the pleasure of seeing again & called. at your Lodgings a little while after you left them upon your return home. That Evening— when I parted with you, the Govrs of the College: met and a Bill for erecting a University in the State of New York was read to us. many obser- vations upon the Bill in the form it then bore were then made, and some alterations were strong- ly urged since which the Bill has remained and so many Acts of various kinds are constantly before the ‘Legislature that this Bill has not yet been called for. the alterations insisted upon were not essential with respect to the Basis of the Uni- versity but only the form in which the matter was managed. there is no opposition from any Quar- ter which Occasions the least doubt but the Busi- PS nr the collection of C. C. Helmick, Esq,, Washington, . ¢ From the collection of C. C. Helmick, Washington, D. C.
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, 152 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [Scptember, ness will be conducted with that spirit of catho- licism & harmony which will insure a Litterary foundation of importance to the Church & State. as soon as the bill has obtained its proper altera- tion & gone through its different Stages, I will endeavor to obtain a Copy for you and send it over to you unless you should find Leisure to pay us a Visit, which I wish may be in the end of some Week, so that you might spend a Sabbath here and assist me with a Sermon, which to me not only but to the whole Congregation would be very acceptable. I congratulate you my dear friend upon the calls which you have received, which, whatever my be your determination with respect to accept- ance, are doubtless very high testimonials of the public voice in your favor. your referring an an- swer to the Synod is very prudent & reflects honor to your judgment and piety, You have my thanks for the extracts of Brother -Hardenbergh’s Letter and I fully agree with you that heis rather too positive & attached to his own private Judgment to make the result of his own opinion the test of Orthodoxy for others. for my part I wish only for information, & if I know my own heart I am perfectly impartial & without the least prejudice in favor of one place or Seat of Learning above another. my only enquiry is which place can be rendered most secure for maintaining our blessed.truths unadulterated and which, provided there are several methods which in that respect are equally secure, is most easy, practicable and advantageous? Iam too much a friend to the College at Brunswick to take up any argument against it, but if another door should be opened which will answer every purpose sooner and better I would desire to be such a friend to truth and providence as not to refuse an acceptance. you know my sentiments upon this head & I would ‘wish not to conceal a thought on the subject from a Brother in whom I place the fullest confidence. the repeated mention you have made about the necessity of forming a Classical meeting of the Southern district notwithstanding the Smallness of the Body has induced me to try if I can bring such a measure about; I have not yet seen Mr Schoon- maker of Gravesend, and whether Father Van Sinderen can attend, I do not know, but I shall endeavor to form the poor suffering congregations again into a body and get our Ecclesiastical. Ju- risdictions once more established. be assured of my most sincere regards & affection, and prayers for your welfare & future happiness. the Lord be with you and bless you. remember me at the throne of grace Revd & very dear Sir ‘Your affectionate Brother | - J. H. Livinaston. have you received any Answer from Mr Van that poor Dt Vroman is very weak again & will not probably labor much longer in the Vineyard. — O that the Lord of the harvest would please to — send out many new & useful Laborers! where is your nephew? Ishod be glad as soon as he has — fulfilled his previous engagements, that he would — come to this City and preach for me. F 63. —CHAS. CARROLL OF CARROLLTON, TO RICHARD © Caton, Esq.* | 1821 JuLy 20— Dear Str— By my Books there were due two quarters diva — on U 8 8 per ct Stock on 18t April last amounting to $657 I am not certain if I gave you a minute © of that sum—lIf those owing me interest & rents, — & if the Bank of the U S should not make a larger. divd in Janry than during the present month, it® will be impossible for me to pay my debt to the — Messrs Olivers, to continue the same annuities to — my children, and to meet my own expenses. 9 I think it high time Th’ Calwell should receive an answer from James Calwell, & that Mr Colt — should get an answer from the persons, who ap- — plied to purchase the property mortgaged by Robt — Collet—When may I expect the money Graffin © was to pay to discharge Herring’s mortgage? When will the years interest $120 due 15th May — last from the Falls Turnpike be paid. Get Mr — Foster to collect the monies of which I gave youa minute q _ We have had a fine rain this morning between — 4 &5o’clocke I hope we shall have more; the corn, Tobacco, & young clover wanted rain, and — more than has yet fallen here. I hope your health is better than when you left — me, and that my daughter and M's Patterson are — well. My love to them—M’s Patterson no doubt — gave you my letter covering my letter to Mr Neth, — y® letter to Mt Harper on the same subject, the — printed advertisement, the certificate of Lot No 87, — & check for $110 to pay city taxes. Mt Harper © left the business as you left it unfinished, tho’ in © his letter to me he promised to endeavour to get it — settled ; but after that letter I have reason to be- lieve he thought no more of the matter. , When will the bricks, & plank, & scantling for — the Catholic Chapel at Annapolis be forwarded to — that city? On the 284 instant Taylor’s to give © possession of the Lot— 4 I am with sincere attachment Dear Sir Yr most hum, Servt Cu. CARROLL OF CARROLLTON. *From the collection of C. C. Helmick, Esq., Washington, 4 Voorhees? by a Letter from Dr Westerlo I find | D.c
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~ -1867.] ‘, HISTORICAL a _ 64.—SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE ; CONTINENTAL CoNGRESS, TO Gov. JEFFERSON. * 3 PHILADELPHIA April 29, 1781. ? - Your Excellency will receive inclosed a Re- _ solve of Congress of the 20th Instant, recommend- - ingtotheseveral States therem named to make good _ the Depreciation of the monthly Pay of the Officers _ & Soldiers belonging to Colonel Moses Hazens - Regiment, that are considered as Part of those - State Quotas, in the same Manner they have made _ good the depreciation to the Officers & Soldiers in _ the Battalions belonging to the Line of those _ States respectively—I have the Honor to be with great Respect q Your Excellency’s most obedient 7 humble Servant, Sam. Hunrrneton, President, | His Excellency | GOVERNOR JEFFERSON 65.—Mas. Gen. Wm. Heatu, To Mas. GEN. W. Pures, or THE British ARrmy.t+ | ‘ HEAD QUARTERS Boston June 18, 1778. = Sim Your Two favors of yesterday are before me. _ I gave Seasonable and Explicit orders for the re- form of such Things as you represented to me as _ grievances in a former letter, and I dare say it _ will Done as soon as Circumstances will admit. As Early as the 9th Instant I wrote to Capt _ Gooch that none of the Officers belonging to the 9th Regt were to be Quartered at Hardwick That Letter some how unluckily miscarried. The Day before yesterday I received a Letter from him by _ Express representing that he was takeing up Quarter in the Town of Hardwick but met with _ Opposition from some of the Inhabitants I wrote him back the same Evening to Desist from take- ing up Quarters in Hardwick and to Quarter the officers in Rutland. You may be assured that I shall Endeavour to have the officers as well accommodated and as near to the men as circumstances will admit and _ Every attention will be paid to it. But where the _ Houses are scattering not withstand our wishes it will be impossible that some of them should not beat a distance from the men, and it never can under such Circumstances be Contrued any In- _ fraction of the Convention which does not require — Impossibilities—you are undoubtedly right when _ you Protest against the removal of the Troops if _ you are instructed so to do, and I flatter myself that you will think me so when I remove them in / ‘a aes ~ original, belong to C. C. Helmick, Esq., Wash- on, V, vu, x From the collection of Nath. Paine, Esq,, of Worces‘er, : 3. MAGAZINE. 153 Consequence of Express orders received for that purpose from those whom it is my duty to obey. I have received no directions relative to the De- parture of the Troops of the Convention Neither am I authorized or can I make any proposition towards admiting the Troops going for Europe neither-can I receive any on that Head, unless it be in order to their being forwarded to the Hon Congress You are sensible Sir upon what condi- tion only that Hon Body have resolved that the Troops of tne Convention shall Depart Agreeable to your desire I have delivered my self without the least reserve, upon those principals of Honor which it is my Determination shall Ever Mark my Conduct I am Sir Your Obt Serv? W Heats M Gent PHILLIPS 66.—GENERAL M. Gist, TO CHEVALIER D’AN- MOURS, CoNSUL OF FRANCE.* Camp, Burrer Minx FAs 24 July 1779. | DEAR SIR Before this reaches you I Suppose you will be informed of the Surrender of the British Garrison at Stony point, which consisted of two Companies of Grenadiers the 17 Regt of Foot and Robinsons Corps—amounting in the whole (officers Included) to 606 men, 63 of which were Killed on the spot & 543 made prisoners, Including the wounded & 28 officers. On our side 15 were Killed—and be- tween 70 & 80-wounded, which is more than we first Immagined. iS The following Ordinance fell into our hands at the Fort (viz) ' Brass 12 pounders on papas | Carriages Compt. ) Do ‘3 pounder 1 Do 10 Inch Mortar 1 Do_ 8 Inch Howitz 2 Do 5% Inch Royals 2 Do 4 Inch Cohorns 2 Iron 24 pounders 2 Do 18 Do 1 Do 12 Do with alarge quantity offixed amunition, ~ Shot, Shell, Stores, &c. &c. On the 18 an attack was Intended on their works at Verplancks point, under Command of Major General Howe, who was on the point of Investing it, when Sir Harry, with his main army of Plunderers, advanced so near as to be able to throw his succours to that Fortress which occa- sioned General Howe to retire to West Point with- out coming to action. One of our Galleys on her return from Stony Point, was so effectually damag’d by the Enemy’s fire from Verplanks, that the crew were oblig’d to desert her—after setting her on fire; since this we have Levelled the works on Stony Point and
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154 evacuated the post, which the Enemy have again taken possession of, with about 1500 men- (among which are the 334 & 42 Regiments) under com- mand of Gen! Sterling (lately promoted)—they have also reinforced their Garrison at Verplanks, and retired below Dobs’s Ferry, with their Main Army. | | We have received advice at this place that our Privateers from the Eastward have lately fallen in with a fleet from Cork, with Provisions for the British Army, of which they captured nine sail, several of which had arrived safe at Boston. You will please to make me respectfully remem- bered to the French Gentlemen of my acquaint- ance in Balt & believe me, with due Regard Dr Sir yr. mo. obdt. servt. ; M. Gist CHEVALIER D’ANMOURS Consul of France. 67.—CoLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE TO COL- ONEL WADSWORTH. * Prnes BripcE July 34 1780. Dear Sir | As Gen! Glover intends riding thro Hartford, I have only time to write you a line. Two days ago a party of Delancys Horse, to- gether with Frink’s Corps, came up as high as round hill & in their Circuit took a number of Cattle, but on their return Capt Sacket of this state, & a few of Col Barber’s Levies, fell in with them, killed a few, & retook the Cattle. It is said that Yrink was shot in the hip. Unfortu- nately for us a Detachment of near 60 of our Regt left the Plains but a little before the Rascals passed thro. Weareas a Regt, tied down by special order on the north side of Croton. I am prepar- ing for a small Expedition with about 80 or 100 down on the lines & I hope the next letter I send you may afford you some account of our attchiey- ments— Pray give me some good news from our Allies & with Compliments to your lady & friends, be- lieve me . Yours Sincerely BENJA TALLMIDGE. CoL WADSWORTH, P. §.—Col Sheldon Presents his Compliments. 68.—Doctor RusH to Mr. OwEN Bmp.iE.t Dear Srr— . Agreeable to your request, I have drawn out our Acct but have left the sum to be allowed for * From the collection of Nath. Paine, Esq., Worcester, Mass. mu enue original, belonging jto F, 8. Hoffman, Esgq,, ew York. . HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. : . [September, our Services to the generosity of the Committee of Safety. I beg leave only that the Surgeons in our provincial battallion are allowed 28 dollars and their Mates 18 dollars Hach p. month. The Con- tinental Surgeons are allowed nearly & their Mates Exactly the same each Yours et¢ B Ruse [Addressed Mk OwkEN BIDDLE] XI.—SELECTIONS FROM THE PAPERS OF CITIZEN GENET. 1. — Correspondence concerning his Recall to France. 1.—ExtTract oF A LETTER FROM MADAME CAM- PAN TO HER BrorHerR, M. GENET, DATED ‘¢Panis, May 16, 1796.” I have seen in the journals many Motions made to grant some exceptions to the Emigration law, in favor of individuals who from horror of tyranny have not returned to France, or who left it after the reign of Robespierre. These Motions have been referred to a Committee. There will be a report, and then a decree, which will fix a time for the reclamation of individuals or . families ; although I have not in a single instance acted for you or mentioned your name, my reason tells me that this will be an opportunity to take some ac- tion with the Legislative Committee. Mr. Mon- roe knows some of the members, Auguie others ; it must not be that a Decree should hang over so good a citizen as you—in this event I will go to Paris, and will act with prudence, that is to say in speaking to your true friends and you have many—They have preserved a great friendship for you at Versailles ; even at the moment when you were torn to pieces in the journals, two adminis- trators of the District very zealous patriots stopped me in the street to say tome, ‘‘ Citizen do not fear ‘‘any of the horrors that they charge upon your ‘* brother, they are jealous and wicked people, we ‘*lovehim we esteem him, and we shall always feel ‘*honored to have him for a fellow citizen.” These sentiments are very general in that City. 2.—MADAME CAMPAN TO HER BROTHER, AUGUST = SY ee Our uncle is a little better—but this Winter may be his last. At the moment of inheriting, if this brave man arrives at the End of his peaceable career, some steps must be taken, or the nation may interfere in our affairs, on your account— During my sojourn at Paris, at the house of Mr. Monroe, I wrote to Freron praying him to re- ceive me, that We might consult together upon
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 155 _ the means of preventing a citizen such as you are, _ from being considered an Hmigre, for it seems to me, that the decree always Weighs on you. Freron _ did not answer—the Deputies do not receive any- _ one; they fear to compromise themselves, Mr _ Monroe advised me to wait. 3.—Mapame Campan To HER Brorner, FEB- RUARY 8, 1797. IT have taken an active part relative to your af- fairs, before long I hope there will be a suitable _ decision on the part of the government on your - account, Mr Monroe will give you the details, for _ ina few months he Will be in America his Embas- _ 8y being finished. _ 4.—MApAME CAMPAN TO HER BROTHER, MARCH 8, 1797. Mr & Mrs Monroe, are about to leave for New _ York. There they will see that brother so dear, _ so tenderly loved, the pleasure of living near - whom I have been deprived of for ten cruel years. _ Life is too thickly strewed with pains and priva- tions—it is a cruel secret that one learns in making _ a Voyage, in which will can neither advance, _ nor carry you back a single step. Pardon this little outbreak of sentimentality and morality, but _ I cannot see persons leaving who will see you, _ and hear you speak, without being moved to a _ point which draws me out of my usual mode of _ expression. I regret Mrs Monroe very much, she _ is arare woman in every way who has acquired _ ageneral respect and friendship in France. You _ will see my Eliza, who is full of wit and agreeable talents, and who I love as my own Daughter. Embrace her tenderly for me. ] 5.—MADAME CAMPAN TO HER BROTHER, JUNE 20, 1797. _ The Minister La Croix and the Minister Cochon, _ charged with the Police have both told me that _ they would report on what concerned you as ab- ‘sent. 7 _ 6.—M. GENET To HIs SisrER, MADAME CAMPAN, e: OcTOBER 28, 1797. _ The steps you have taken, and which I never _ should have lowered myself to take towards men _ who are indebted to me morally’ and materially, - and to whom I owe nothing, merits all my grati- - tude—I will only say that the word ‘‘ recall,” _ which is used in your Petition, is not well founded. _ I was assassinated, meanly displaced, and never _ recalled. They even ordered me to render my - accounts to my successor, which I did in an hon- _ orable manner, which he and all those who came _ with him and after him, have said, and will say, _ have written and will write; and which my present Poverty confirms too well—I detest specu- lation, commerce even, which requires what I have not, money, and love of money; and I only find charms in liberty, peace, and the purity of rural life. 7.— MADAME CAMPAN TO HER BROTHER, JULY 26. I see that you are ignorant of the steps I have thought it my duty to take in order that Justice may be done to your situation—These steps were simple, as they ought to be for a cause which has no need of a pleader—The Minister La Croix had answered me that it was just, and that he would give it his attention—The Minister Cochon the same. Since eight days they are no longer in place ; and it is necessary to begin again. They speak of a family petition. If it is necessary, they will do so. 8.—M. GENET TO HIS SISTER, MADAME CAMPAN, May 20, 1798. You have wished it and I have obeyed the coun- sels of your friendship—aA fter five years of silence I have written to the Directory ; and I charge my friend colaborer and partner in persecution, Citizen Capua with the letter.. I leave it open so that you can read it and inform those other generous people Who take an interest in my fate of what it con- tains. 3 You can agree with Capua and my friends upon the means of bringing the Directors to repair the injustice of the Reign of Terror—My demand is indefinite. I have made it so designedly. I have wished neither to extend or restrain the act of Equity which I claim—but I shall be content if I receive with some consoling expression, the official assurance that Iam not considered as an Emigre. 9.—MADAME CAMPAN TO HER BROTHER, APRIL 1, 1799. In a very few days, and’ without any delay, dear friend, we will send you the Decree that concerns you. I commence by saying to you that it is given by the opinion and the esteem of all the members of the Government—Directory, Ministers, Member of the Council: if there are . any who oppose you they are very much in the shade, for your relations cannot find them—This pronounce of the Directory was made and ready to sign when your Petition was presented—but at the last labor of Charles Deuval, Minister of Po- lice, on the subject, a difficulty arose which ad- journed the travail. Citizen Rion, a Deputy from the Department of Fieresterre, was kind enough to conduct me to Citizen Deuval—It was his day to receive the Dep- uties and we were three hours waiting our turn—
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156 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, I was sorry to cause him the loss of so much time because he works a great deal ; but he has exhib- ited a zeal and activity in the matter which is perfect and he loves you much although he does notknowyou. Charles Deuvalsaid tome, ‘‘ Citizen ‘*vou present yourself with a very fine Cause. Some *‘indispensible formalities have alone retarded, “* what we all desire—I have known Citizen Genet ‘and I have endured in France, the misfortunes ‘of persecution, such as they attempt in America. ** We have conversed about you”—He then desired me to go to find the Chief of Division, who was to make the report, and to ask for it for the twenty-second of March. 10.—MADAME CAMPAN TO HER BROTHER, SEP- TEMBER 12, 1799. I do not know if the resolution of the late Directory, which recalled you, has reached you. I have not received a letter from you since an an- swer written to one from me in July, 1798. 11.—M. GENET To HIs SistTeER, MADAME CaAm- PAN, Marcu 20, 1800. The official communication of my recall has not yet been made ; and some events which with another people would have embraced many Cen- turies, here precipitated themselves so rapidly since that act of strict justice has been done, that my mind, weakened by a mode of life, simple only, having for its support uncertain gifts of Providence and incomplete relations, cannot yet seize the whole of them to fathom their objects : My heart nevertheless, which has always burned with patriotism notwithstanding all the wrongs of my country towards me, would break through these clouds, would smooth down these doubts, would traverse the seas and dissipate the rest of the debris of a little fortune expended in the ser- _ vice of the State, to go to see once more and em- brace all those who are dear to me in France, if my reason did not counsel me to trace some more furrows in the peaceable fields of America, while waiting for further news from you, while await- ing more facts; and to enjoy upon my farm, the domestic happiness with which Providence has recompensed the purity of my intentions. ‘The health of Cornelia* would be all that I could wish, if a fatal loss did not weigh upon her. Madame Clintont—her Mother, her friend, and mine,—has just been taken from us. She died in my arms three days since, giving to her chil- dren the most touching example of virtue, and piety, and true courage—After paying to her our last duty, all our cares have been directed to the good General.t| He charges me to excuse him *Mrs. Genet.—Ep. Hist. Maa. t Mrs. Clinton, wife of Governor George Clinton, and moth- er of Mrs. Genet.—Ep. Hist. Maa. | + Governor George Clinton, who had been, also, a General in the army of the Revolution.—Ep. Hisr. Maa. to you, if he does not respond to your charming letter ; to say to you that he has received with the most lively gratitude the bust of the extraordin- ary man who has fixed the eyes of the world upon him and who holds in his hands the happiness or the misery of humanity— 12.—M. GENET TO M. Monrnon, DATED JULY, 12th 1800. I reading over, lately, some old letters of my sister, Made Campan, I gaw that she had taken the liberty of charging you with a cabarat of Sevre porcelain for me, this little ew0ti should be with your baggage ; and my wife believes that she remembers that Mde. Monroe told her, when she passed though New York, that it would arrive momentarily—Since then we have nothing from it, and we unite in asking you to inform us of its fate—I have learned with great pleasure your election to the government of Virginia—Perhaps you will also feel some interest in learning that the Directory of the French Republic has recalled me, as I should have been in 1794, in the most honorable and the most consoling manner. Receive, Sir, the assurance of my most respectful attachment, and also be kind enough to present ourhomages to M4e Monroe and our friendship to the charming Eliza. \ 13.—MADAME CAMPAN TO HER BroTHER, M. GENET, JuLYy 17, 1800. It is now eighteen months, dear Friend, since we have received any news from you except in- directly—It is now fifteen months since your Gov- ernment recalled you to the bosom of your Coun- try—The Minister and your family sent you that dispatch in quadruple copies—Has anyone reached you ?‘—Your silence as well as your determination leaves us in ignorance of it. Judge of our pain in remembering our attachment, which time and distance have not weakened. We shall pass then a part of the voyage on this life without seeing you— What a privation. 14.—Mr. Monror to M. GENET. RicuHMonpD, July 30t2 1800 DEAR SiR | I lately received your favor of the 12t® inst, . and was much gratified, to hear of yours and the © health of your lady—Mrs Monroe is now in the Country whither she was carried by the attention which was due to the health of our youngest child, which as it was cutting teeth and had the whoop- ing cough it was necessary to move to a purer air. - The box of porcelain which was intrusted to us by our amiable friend Mde Campan for you, was carried with our baggage to Albemarle, where it has since remained unpacked—I would have for-
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— . Govt 1867.] HISTORICAL warded it to you long since, but declined it lest in the then state of the public mind it might be considered as the proof of Conspiracy against the Government and of a Treasonable Correspond- ence with France, &c. I shall however hasten to have it brought here and forwarded to the care of some friend in New York of which you shall be advised. I am happy to hear your Govt has recalled you to its own and the bosom of your friends—As a friend to free government, your name will be re- corded in the history of the present day ; and your patient submission to the censures you incurred in the station of a frugal and industrious farmer will be a proof of the uprightness of your heart and integrity of your conduct, while a victim to _pure principles—I considered it my duty not to injure your fame or detract from your merit while I was in France, but to anticipate and pre- vent as far as I could any ill effect which your collision with our Govt might produce in the French Councils—It was natural, had you returned, that you should have gone into a detail with your of the incidents attending your mission, and more than probable that the communications you would have made to it would have increased the jealousy which it then entertained of the views of ours. It was my desire and endeavor to dissipate completely all those jealousies, and to bring the French Govt into a system of conduct towards us through the whole of the war, great and magnanimous, which would have done it honor to the latest posterity—I have no particula* reason to conclude you would not have united in such a plan, other than the strength of human passion and the knowledge I had you thought you were injured. Hence I was persuaded your return at the time might be injurious and was in fact adverse to it —But I did not oppose it by-any direct or indirect agency. But such was the state of things grow- ing out of my standing with the principal mem- bers of the Govt that they would take no steps in it without speaking to me on it—When the subject was opened I was always silent, testifying in favor of your integrity only; and thence it was inferred, and truly, I was opposed to your re- turn at the time. The whole of this has passed and is only interesting to ourselves. I too have had my day of suffering. I served with zeal the cause of Liberty and my Country, and was requited by every act of injustice which could be rendered me short of imprisonment and death—This too has passed, tho’ it can never be remembered by me but with disgust. Be so goodas to make my best regards to your lady, to which I add with pleasure those of Mrs M., who will be happy to hear of her, and believe me | Sincerely your friend and servt JAS MONROE. MAGAZINE. 157 15.—M. GENET TO HIS SistER, MADAME CAMPAN, pATED JAMAICA, L. I., Juny 4, 1801. Many occasions present themselves at once of writing to you, my faithful Friend, and I take advantage of them to speak to you a little more freely than I have dared to do for a long time— Pichon has sent me your letter of the 29th No- vember last and has since come tosee me—We have conversed much about France, where he presses me to return, where he pretends that I will be well received by the Minister: that I would promptly re- ceive the recompense of my former service. De- ceived by friendship, blinded by his illusions, he has not considered that at the very moment he was speaking the Revolutionary globe was makin perhaps a movement of rotation which woul reverse all his calculations. The letter that the Monseigneur Talleyrand wrote to me, by order of the Directory, already belongs to another Century. My services have a still greater antiquity; they were rendered at the end of the Monarchy to the Republic. Would they give me any right to favors and these favors, what price would they put upon them? What doubts, what dangers, what hazards, for the father of a family to incur when the slightest prudence might plunge me into an abyss of misfortune. Yet if 1 was assured with- out compromising my principals, without lowering myself, without degrading myself by vile solici- tations, of being again useful to my country and of being able to ameliorate the lot of my wife and. children, I would resign myself to resume the chains which eight years of independence and hap- piness have taught me to despise ; but as that hy- pothesis is not very probable, as my feeble talents. do not merit to be distinguished in the crowd, as. my opinions have been too pronounced perhaps in favor of liberty, it seems to me that I ought to continue to consider myself as politically dead, and ought not to entertain, except under the sole re-. lation | rapport] of fraternal love and friendship the: probability of my return to a people whom I have idolized, but whose continual ingratitude to its. most faithful public servants must inevitably de- liver over to the enemies of its rights—Malleur aux peuple recomapante—Misfortune to a grateful people, said Mirabeau to them—They believed. him and would have assassinated him if he had. lived a little longer-- 16.—M. Genet To Mr. Monroe. Jamaica, Augt 10, 1800. Sm I have 1eceived by post the letter you have had. the kindness to write to me the 30th July—lIt. contains some things which have enlightened me, flattered me, tilled me with admiration for your talents, with respect for your candor, with esteem for your patriotism, and with contempt for those:
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158 HISTORICAL who for silly reasons of State have had the sterile cruelty to abandon a faithful agent to the inqui- etude, to the rancor, of a foreign government. But . there is found in that letter a suspicion that you have nourished, that others of your fellow citizens have without doubt conceived, and which wounds me too deeply not to hasten to destroy it—You feared if I returned to France, the force of human passion and sensitiveness to injurieswith which Iwas loaded would prevent me from joining myself to those who were seeking to bring France to adopt towards this country, magnanimous and generous measure. Imbued with this idea you adroitly al- lowed to grow blunted and die the desire that they testified to you to make reparation for the atrocious injustice which had made me flee a country, then ferocious, to seek here repose in the obscurity of isolation and emptiness. You were in error, Sir. Permit me toconvince you of itbya simple exposition of the following facts. More attached than to my own glory, to the success of the grand liberal magnanimous Treaty, which I had suggested, reduced, proposed the basis, and the negotiation of which had not yet been seri- ously placed in any hands but mine, at the same _ time when my passions, irritated in every sense by the contradictions, the disgusts, were most exalted, I buried in secret the most justificatory portions of my instructions, so that the appearance of wrong, if it existed, should fall on me alone, in my offi- cial relations—I was the first to offer myself to France as a victim to calm your Washington ; sup- _ posing there was but one virtue wanting to him, that of knowing how to forgive. When the the Members of the Committee of Public Safety, allured by the bait contained in the official letter of Mr Jefferson, would have deposed me without examination or inquiry of the recompenses that I had acquired by eighteen years of service in the career of Foreign Affairs, by loyal conduct from the commencement of the Revolution ; and as acli- max of atrocity, would have demanded me from your Government for fear that my blood might not be mingled with that of their proscribed, I held to the satelite of those monsters who dis- Closed that infamy to me, the language which an impurturable attachment to the Union of our two peoples would have dictated, and I excited him to fulfill his sanguinary orders if he believed them to be useful. Whensatiated with the troublesand fatigues of political tempests, I disrobed myself to the world. I did not cease to form, with all my soul, vows for the maintainance of concord—Fi- nally, when the savage discourses pronounced in _your Congress, when the inhospitable laws which have been the result, offered no other alternative to the French Republicans spread over this Con- tinent than flight, chains, or death, I addressed to the Directory a letter which was carried to it by one of my former co-laborers, to engage them to MAGAZINE. (September, throw a fraternal regard on our position and as unfortunately, Icould not speak of myself without speaking also of politics, I profited by that occa- sion to say to those chiefs of the Empire not to listen to their resentments, and to seek only in the bosom of moderation means to ameliorate the future. My letter, coming from a pen, of which time had taken care to make known the veracity, was read attentively : it did no injury to those who have since held the language of peace; and if I deceive myself with that illusion my heart refuses to destroy it. May these details preserve me your friendship ; give you some regret for having been obliged by your place to contribute to having lost to the cause of liberty seven years of the life of a man who cherished it; and effaee the last doubt on your mind of my attachment to the good Ameri- ican People, who distinguishing with equity the public man from the private man, covered me with the egis of its laws, whilst mine, which I had served with all my faculties, wished them to be violated to punish me with assassination for hay- ing obeyed its supreme will. Accept, Sir, the assurance of my devotion the most sincere and the most respectful, GENET. Notr.—Ifyousee Mr. Giles, dear Sir, please tell him I shall never forget all his kindness to me and his precious confession in the Winter of ’93-'94 ; but that I wonder how it came to pass that the 25th of May ’97, he thought proper to lift up the tomahawk and the hatchet against my political ghost in Congress. Had I not torments enough ? Another Citizen, in a late passion, has not spared me much more ; but the revolutionary tribunal of his heart involved all my successors in the sentence ; and we were jointly accused of being totally de- ficient in latent and diplomatic skill—a judgment which if swallowed down by the French Govern- ment as mine was by Robespierre, might have de- prived them of their living—I could mention also a number of Republican scribblers electioneering stuff, and pamphlets proudly decorated with the majestic title of History, which would have deeply corroded my wounds, had I possessed less philos- ophy ; but as is said in the song of the dying Indian: ‘‘Theson of Alhomah has scorned com- ** plaint.” 17.—M. Genet To Mr. Monroe. JAMAICA, Jan. 1, 1803. DEAR SIR: The very prudent motives which prevented you, under the administration of Mr. Adams, to forward the set of China you had the kindness to bring from France existing in all probability no more, I take the liberty to put you in mind of that small object before. your departure for the Continent ;
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1867.) HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 159 and to request you to send it to New York, to the XI.—THE CROSS AS AN ANCIENT AMERI- care of John Broome, Merchant, Hanover Square. _ Though sensible of the injustice I had suffered here, but distrusting my generosity, you have, dear Sir, employed your influence to prevent my unde- ceived and repenting fellow citizens from recalling me honorably after your Government had obtained _ from their ignorance the punishment of my fidelity to their own full orders. I wish you well. I have heard your appointment with great pleasure, and hope your new embassy will be crowned with every desirable success for the good of this coun- _ try, the last refuge of true liberty. | GENET. 18.—Mr. Momror To M. GENET. % WASHINGTON, Feb. 5th 1803. Dear Sr: ’ I have yours of the 29th ult, and have the pleas- ure to inform you that when lately in Richmond I sent round the box of China belonging to you, “with somg boxes of my own, to New York, to the care of Mr Gelston the Collector. On my arrival at ' New York which I expect will be about the 13¢h, - it shall be separated from my baggage and placed as you direct. You have, I think, very much mistaken the import of a former letter from me _ to you, relative to my conduct towards you while in France. You certainly entertain an im- ression very different from the fact; be the etter what it may—Nothing ever escaped me, or was to be inferred from my deportment, un- friendly to you — Your nearest connections can satisfy you on that point. I meant to state to you that my situation laid a restraint on me, so as to prevent my promoting the object of your recall and to impose a reserve, in certain cases, where, had I been free to act, the good opinion I entertained of your moral and political prin- _ ciples might have suggested a greater freedom of action—I never mentioned you in my life, but in terms of respect, as a friend of your country and of liberty I found, by your former letter, that you had mistaken my idea on the subject, and should have put you right had I not wished not to multiply communications in the then state of the p. office (according to report) upon a subject which it would be easy in a short communication to place en its true _ ground—I hope to see you in New York, and will be happy to have your commands to your _ friends in France. Mrs Monroe is now in New York. With respectful compliments to Mrs Genet, I am sincerely “Yours JAS. MONROE. CAN SYMBOL. By Hon. THomas EwBANK. In the Mexican Tribute tables (Zalegas), small pouches or bags frequently occur. Appendages to dress, they are tastefully formed and ornamented with fringe and tassels. A Cross of the Maltese or more ordinary form is conspicuously woven or painted on each. They appear to have been in great demand ; a thousand bundles (mil atados) being the usual Pueblo tax. Some were made of the Maguey plant (de papel), others, probably for the higher classes, were set off with precious stones (piedras jinas). The figures of a couple are subjoined : i | Te if oy te % ) ARS. hi! ~ aw <a VA 9 oe See Cordillera de los pueblos qug antes dela Con- quista Pagaban Tributo @ el Emperador Muc- tezuma y en que especie y cantidad. Plates 5, 6, 16, 22, 29; History of New Spain, by Don T. A. Lorenzand. Mexico, 1770. The practice of marking the cross on their per- sons and wearing it on their garments was once common with some, if not with all, the occupants of the Southern Continent. Iam indebted to Dr. Davis for the following interesting extract from Martin Dobrizhoffer, a missionary in South Amer- ica, from 1749 to 1767, and author of The History of the Abipones of Paraguay; London, 1822. He says: ‘‘ They tattoo themselves by pricking ‘‘ the skin with a thorn. They all wear the form ‘*of a cross impressed on their foreheads, and ‘¢two small lines at the corner of each eye, ex- ‘‘ tending toward the ears, besides four transverse ‘¢ lines at root of the nose, between the eyebrows, *¢as National marks. What these ‘‘fioures signify, and what they portend, I can- ‘¢ not tell, and the Abipones themselves are no ‘better informed on the subject. They only ‘‘know that this ‘custom was handed down to ‘‘ them by their ancestors, and that is sufficient. ‘‘T saw not only a cross marked on the fore- ‘heads of all the Abipones, but likewise black ‘¢ crosses woven in the red woollen garments of
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160 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, ’ “many. It is a very surprising circumstance ‘* that they did this before they were acquainted ‘¢ with the religion of Christ, when the significa- ‘*tion and merits of the cross were unknown to ‘* them.” XI.—HOOKER’S CAMPAIGN REVIEWED. - HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF THE PoTOMAGC, VA., Wednesday, May 13, and Wasuineton, D. C., May 14, 1863. President Lincoln, accompanied by General Hal- leck, last week, made a visit to the Commanding General of the Army of the Potomac; and since his return a semi-official utterance has been com- municated to the public press, amounting as the result of his investigation into the late campaign that the President is ‘‘ satisfied.” General Hooker a few days ago issued a congratu- latory order on the seven days’ operations, in which he says that the recrossing of the Rappa- hannock was ‘‘ for reasons well known to the a6 army.” Mr. Lincoln ‘ satisfied,” and the army ‘‘ know- ‘* ing well the reason why” it retreated before a foe whose ‘‘ certain destruction” had been promised three days previously—is not that enough? So at least have the political and military principalities and powers judged. Why should twenty mil- lion longing, anxious hearts, who have no other interest in knowing what has happened and how it stands with that army save that their sons and brothers make part of that bloody hecatomb of twelve thousand souls,—why should they be en- lightened? Is it not enough that Mr. Lincoln is satisfied, and that the army knows why ? And now, lest this army, which knows so much, should communicate what it knows to the coun- try, it is judged advisable to hermetically seal it, and isolate the army from the country, the coun- try from the army. The public mind, plunged in darkness—not ‘‘ satisfied,” and not knowing ‘‘ the ‘* reason why”’—is a prey to doubts and to fears worse than any reality of disaster, inasmuch as present fears are less than horrible anticipations. This season of darkness and uncertainty is the op- portunity of bad men; and now, as Milton said of a similar period in his own time: ‘‘ The whole ‘* flock of noisome and timorous birds with those ‘* that fear the morning, hover about, and in their ‘‘senseless gabble, prognosticate a day of sects and “* schisms.” Whether Mr. Lincoln was really ‘‘ satisfied” at the time, (and back of that, whether he had the opportunity in the course of a gossipy lunch with General Hooker and the corps commanders—he had no other opportunity of seeing the latter—to arrive at any conclusion, satisfactory or otherwise), and whether he has, since then, had occasion to be dis- satisfied, are questions which, for the nonce, may as well be waived. But as to the other statement —that the army knows why it recrossed the Rap- pahannock—I beg leave to say that there never was a more unfortunate assertion, for if there ever was a thick, hopeless, impenetrable mystery com- mon to a hundred thousand men, and to every in- dividual man in the hundred thousand—a univer- sal mystery, extending from corps commander to the meanest private, it is why that army recrossed. the Rappahannock. I have for many months been a careful student: of the interior moods of the Army of the Potomac, and think to have acquired the faculty of catching its spirit. I never saw it asit is now. It is not what is called ‘‘ demoralized.” It is puzzled, be- wildered—in a state of mental chaos. The men say they were not ‘‘ whipped ;” that they could have gone on any day—Friday, Saturday, Sunday —and smashed the rebel army ; that less than one- half of our whole force was engaged ; that any of the three positions we held—the position of Fri- day and Saturday, the position of Sunflay, or the | position of Monday—was impregnable ; that there was no lack of supplies, and no sign of rain till twelve hours after the order for the retreat was given ;—and they ask why they were ordered to retreat ! No man can give the shadow of a rea- son, and General Hooker tells the army that they know well why. Il, Before proceeding with the recital of what a week’s assiduous study of the late campaign on the spot, and contact with the leading commanders. in the army, have taught me, I wish to make a word of reference to my last letter published in the Zimes, of the fifth instant, as it has been cop- ied by nearly all the leading journals of the coun- try. I left headquarters at Chancellorsville between five and six o’clock of Sunday morning, May 8, and. took the cars at Falmouth for Washington via Acquia Creek at eleven A. M., bringing intelligence: of events up to date. I had, therefore, a personal experience of affairs only up to that time. I had seen all the preliminary movements attending the throwing of the main body of tbe army to Chan- cellorsville. I had seen the events of Friday, when we were feeling the enemy, and of Saturday, when the enemy were feeling us. Jackson’s bold attack on our right flank at seven o’clock of Saturday evening, when he turned our position and routed the Eleventh Corps. Re- maining on the ground with the commander dur-. the night watches, I saw the new dispositions of his troops which General Hooker was obliged in con-- sequence to make—.contracting his right and draw- ing it from Hunting Creek, where it rested, a mile nearer the river. I left on Sunday morning, just as. I witnessed.
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— 1867.) HISTORICAL _ Lee again opened the day by a renewed attack on our extreme right. Riding over the interval of _ seventeen miles that separates Chancellorsville _ from Falmouth, I saw, as I neared Fredericks- _ burgh, from the commanding heights on the Fal- mouth side, Sedgwick’s Sixth corps (which had _ the day before worked its way up from the cross- _ ing, two miles below, and taken possession of _ Fredericksburgh) developed on the plain in the _ rear of the town, on the same ground where Sum- __ner’s men last December suffered such slaughter. _ I saw the heroic line charge up those heights—a . ee never to be forgotten by me—and gallantly _ take those formidable works. - Such is what I personally knew at the date of my writing. I shared, in common with every _ man in the army, the joy and hope inspired by the brilliant manner in which the preliminary opera- - tions were conducted by General Hooker. I _ expressed this sentiment with ardor. I have noth- ing of all this to retract. Quid scribitur seribetur. _ Unhappily, what was true up to a certain point, _ ceases at that point to be true. Superb in his _ combinations up to the time of meeting the enemy, _ the moment he confronted that enemy he failed _ utterly--wilted and withered as it were. The immediate staff and advisers of General Hooker all _ marked, with special wonder, the interior change which overcame him like a Summer cloud. I leave aside all attempt to explain this psychical _ phenomenon, or explore whether it arose from de- _ fects inherent in his mind, or whether it was an _ abnormal and exceptional action. The melan- _ choly fact remains that, after the first stages, his _ course was ill-advised and unfortunatethroughout. _ It was not only bad—it was the worst possible ; and in all the cardinal operations, where there were - ahalf-dozen different modes of action, he not _ only chose a kad course—he chose the only bad course. _ Imake these statements, and proceed to sub- stantiate them, with the greatest pain and reluc- tance. Since the day when, on receipt of the tidings of the retreat, I left New York and came to the army, confident that I should find material fora full and clear defence of General Hooker’s con- duct, I have desired nothing so much as to be able to make that defence. With opportunities of in- - formation accorded, perhaps, to no one else, offi- cial or unofficial, and with a diligent use of these opportunities, during the past six days, it only re- ‘mains to acknowledge that Iam unable to make out a shadow of a case. I have been able to see “no one, in any station, who thinks General Hooker’s conduct capable either of explanation or of justi- the clear and assured sentiment. of the army that we owe it to him alone that, with victory positive ‘y his hands, he should have allowed that victory to drop from his grasp; and to him alone we owe | HIST. MAG., VOL. I. re fication. Jam bound, further, to say that it is | MAGAZINE. 161 that all the lavish expenditure of the rich blood- wine of the nation’s life, and all the precious, priceless value of this army should have been in vain —alas! in vain! This is not a case for epithets or rhetoric. It is too deep for that. I hope to write calmly, and I shall leave out much—much more than I shall set. down. I give the facts. Let the country draw its own inference: the army has drawn its. I. In my letter of last week I gave, with great full- ness of detail, the history of the concentration of the army at Chancellorsville, and the movements. of the other column in the vicinity of Fredericks- burgh. There is, therefore, here, no occasion for anything more than the briefest reference to times. and places. On Thursday evening, when General Hooker, having left his old Headquarters to take the field, rode up to Chancellorsville, he found concentrated. at that point four army corps, the Second, (Couch, } the Fifth, (Meade, ) the Eleventh, (Howard,) and. the Twelfth, (Slocum.) The Fifth, Eleventh and. Twelfth corps had crossed the Rappahannock by > one of the upper fords, (Kelly’s, ) and the Rapidan at Germanna and Ely’s fords, and having thus uncovered. United States Ford, enabled the Second and other corps which might be thrown up from below, to make the passage at that point. These four corps had reached Chancellorsyille on Thurs- day night, and the Third corps (Sickles’) was or- dered to have the head of its column at the United States Ford by seven o’clock the next morn- ing. The other two corps of the seven corps that com- pose the army of the Potomac, namely, the First, (Reynolds) and Sixth, (Sedgwick,) remained meanwhile below Fredericksburgh, to perform the role assigned them. By this rapid, secret and brilliant movement. Lee was thoroughly surprised. There can be no doubt whatever of this. The proof of it is fur- nished by such material evidence as that the rebels were picketing the Rappahannock after we had crossed the Rapidan, but still more clearly by the documentary evidence found in the note from Gen- eral Lee, discovered in the Chancellor House, (and which I gave in my former letter,) announcing to the rebel Commandant of the Post, that (eighteen hours after we had crossed) he (Lee) had just heard of our having made the passage. At the time of this concentration of our force on Chancellorsville, what was the distribution of the rebel army ? And let me remark, in passing, that General Hooker had very thorough information on this point —knowing the precise location of every regiment, brigade, division and corps in therebel army, and | even down to the exact kind, quantity and quality
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162 HISTORICAL ‘of rations issued that morning from every rebel -brigade-commissary. The Confederate centre rested on Fredericks- ‘burgh, thus throwing their right down the Rappa- ‘hannock, their left up. Jackson’s corps was dis- “tributed along a line of fifteen miles, down to Port Royal, where their extremeright, formed by Early’s ‘division, rested. The left wing rested on United ‘States and the upper fords, where two brigades, under command of General Anderson, were sta- tioned. We return to our own position. It is Friday morning. Five of our corps are concentrated at Chancellorsville. From Chancellorsville to Fredericksburgh is ‘ten miles. From the former place two excel- lent plank-roads run out, coming together four miles on, at Tabernacle Church, and thence con- “itinuing in a united line in Fredericksburgh. It was General Hooker’s original intention to push ~on and establish his headquarters that very night sat Tabernacle Church, making that the point of “concentration of the army. Well it had been for ws if he had done so! You will see that this would have uncovered Banks’ ford, thus shortening the Line of communication between the main body and Sedgwick by eight miles, (four on each side of the river.) You will also see that it would have given us possession of one of the two rebel lines of re- treat—namely, the Gordonsville line, thus depriv- ing them of all means of retreat, if Stoneman should do his work. General Hooker, however, did not see fit to push on, but remained during all Friday and Saturday at Chancellorsville. Here he issued his order an- nouncing that ‘‘the enemy must ingloriously fly, ‘or come out from behind his defences and give ‘¢us battle on our own ground, where certain de- ‘¢ struction awaits him.” | This boast, so much in the style of Hooker, who is characterized by more than the gloriosa Fran- cisca, was dwelt upon and amplified by the whole tenor of his conversation. ‘‘ The rebel army,” said he, ‘‘isnow the legitimate property of the ‘¢ Army of the Potomac: they may as well pack ‘¢up their haversacks and make for Richmond, ‘¢ and I shall be after them,” etc., etc. Friday was spent by General Hooker in intrench- ing the line he had established at Chancellors- ville, and in throwing out a few reconnoitering parties. Meade, with two divisions, at noon pushed out on the plank-road as far as the Decker House, within one mile of Banks’ ford, saw no enemy, and was ordered to retire. Sykes, with his division of regulars, (Meade’s corps, ) pushed out on the old plank-road, met a force of the enemy, drove him elegantly for a mile and a half, doing one of the finest bits of fighting dur- ing the whole course of the war, was left entirely without support, and was finally ordered to retire MAGAZINE. [September, —Hancock’s division of Couch’s corps being sent out to cover the withdrawal. Every intelligent officer begged the Command- ing General to allow the army to push on and hold the front gained by these reconnoitering parties. It was urged, in the warmest terms, that the oc- cupation of this fine position would, as I have be- fore said, uncover Banks’ Ford, otherwise held by the enemy, thus reducing our line of communica- tion with Sedgwick by eight miles—that it would give us command of dominating heights which, if we did not hold, the enemy would to our disad- vantage ; that it would take us out of this dense- ly wooded region, in which it is very difficult to manceuvre troops, and bring us in connection. with and commanding the open country on the posterior slope of the Fredericksburgh heights, which it was hoped Sedgwick would soon hold, and which he did really soon hold. It was in vain that these considerations, whose supreme importance must be apparent from even a momentary glance at the strategic topography of the region, were urged by the ablest heads. General Hooker had assumed a perilous defensive, and was waiting for the en- emy to attack him ‘‘on ground of his own se- ‘* lection.” You know what Saturday’s work was. He lay by, doing nothing ; and the enemy was engaged during the day in threatening our lines at various points for the purpose of gaining time for concen- tration. By Saturday evening this was completed ; and at seven o’clock Jackson made his brilliant assault on our right-—-coming on in columns of attack by battalion with two company front. You know the result. Deven’s division held the extreme right, with Von Gilsa’s brigade as a knob. These men, without receiving a shot from the enemy, leaped out of their breast- works, fell back on their own division, which was thrown on Schurz’s division, which, in turn, rolled back on Stienwehr’s division, and the whole corps, in an incredibly short space of time, was in rout and confusion. From this rapid glance we see that, while our forces reached Chancellorsville on Thursday, it was Saturday evening before any serious attack was made on cither side. Forty-eight hours were thus allowed Lee during which to concentrate his Sorces and prepare either to attack or to repel at- tack. Hours to us, but ages to him. And what excellent use he made of this season soon became | evident. Troops were hurried up from down the river as far as Port Royal, from Bowling Green, from Richmond ; and by Saturday night, Lee had his army entire in his hands, massed opposite ours, leaving only Early’s division to guard the heights of Fredericksburgh. a. What was the strength of the rebel army ? Their entire force opposite both the main body of the
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- 1867.) a _ army and opposite Sedgwick’s column, is set down _ by General Hooker at seventy thousand men. If _ we are to credit official figures, already made pub- _ lic, our own number would be carried to almost double that. ' Sunday’s operations can be briefly summed up. _ After the repulse of the Eleventh corps, our right _ wing had been contracted and brought down a ' mile. Early on Sunday morning; the First _ corps (Reynolds’) arrived at Chancellorsville, ~ having the day previously come up from below Fredericksburgh. We now occupicd a long front, _ five miles in length, approximating to an obtuse _ triangle, the right resting on Hunting Creek, at a _ point opposite Ely’s Ford; the left (as before) on _ the Rappahannock, between Banks’ and the United _ States Ford. The rebels made their first attack at five o’clock in the morning, and they made two - subsequent attacks, the contest at Chancellorsville - ending attwelveo’clock. Theirmode of attack was - Ineach case the same. We formeda long weak line. They massed in solid column; and throw- _ ing themselves on our front with all the mo- - mentum acquired by the mass multiplied by the _ velocity, broke the line with ease. _ There was noble fighting on the part of our soldiers during that day. But nothing could _ make up for the radically vicious tactical dispo- _ sition of our forces. Less than one-half of our _ troops were thrown into action—the First and | Bifth Corps not having been engaged at all ! __ The feeblenessand indecision which had marked _ the conduct of General Hooker during the two _ previous days, now became still more painfully _ apparent. At the very moment when vigor, dash, _ and fire were indispensable, he became timid and halting. It was all along thought that if there _ was one quality which General Hooker might with _ perfect safety be relied upon to display, it was the _ quality of jight. It was always assumed that he - would throw all his men into the contest, and not _ allow a battle to fail by holding back. And yet _ here was precisely where he failed, and corps com- _manders begged in vain to be thrown in and a vig- orous attack made! _ It must go on the record against General Hook- er, that not a military head here but believes that, with a proper disposition of our forces that would have called all our strength into play in a very Vigorous offensive, we might, any time that day, have severed the enemy, turned, enveloped and destroyed him. General Hooker was, as you have doubtless heard, during the early part of that day, “struck by a portion of a pillar of the Chancellor House, (against which he was leaning, ) and which “Was carried away, throwing him violently down. General Couch, the senior Major-General, thus came temporarily into command for an hour ; and. ‘it is a current saying that if Hooker had remained ansensible for another hour, Couch would have HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 163. whipped the enemy. And, in fact, any one who would simply have allowed the Corps Commander to go on would have whipped the enemy. | The day ended with fresh contraction of our lines, the right wing being drawn down a mile. Before pushing matters on the right any further, however, it is necessary to look in the direction of Fredericksburgh, and see what is transpiring there, during this same time. IV. The original plan of a division of the army into two portions—the enemy occupying the interior line—was one that never inspired much confidence in a successful issue. Much, however, would de- pend on special conditions—on prudence, vigor, and co-operation. We shall presently see that, dangerous though such a step generally is, there was nothing in the division of the force which a sound head might not have turned to account 3 that it proved disastrous only from a violation o all military principles; and that the Fredericks- burgh column was saved from utter destruction only by the admirable skill and stout heart of its commander, General Sedgwick, and the dauntless pluck of that Sixth corps. : On Saturday, at eleven o’clock, General Sedgwick, who still held his position with the Sixth Corps, two miles below Fredericksburgh, at Franklin’s old crossing, was ordered to move in the direction of Chancellorsville and effect a junc- tion with the main body of the army, at- tacking and destroying any force of the en- emy which he might encounter, and making a junction with General Hooker by daybreak of Sunday. | General Sedgwick had been assured over and over again from Headquarters, that the force in front of him was inconsiderable—a regiment or brigade at most / It did not take him long to discover the incor- rectness of this statement ; and, Sunday morning found him no further than Fredericksburgh or the plain in its rear. The column had moved some distance across this open field, made historical by the attack of last December, when a sudden and severe flank fire was opened upon it. It was evi- dent. that the works on the heights were strongly manned, and if carried at all must be carried by storm. ; You know already something of the splen- did gallantry with which this work was done —the men, without firing a shot rushing up with their glittering steel and falling down dead by hundreds on the very edge of the rifle- its. At eleven o’clock, the first range of heights is carried. Great resistance is made at the second, but it also is carried; and between four and five
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164 HISTORICAL o'clock, P.M., the advance reached Salem Heights, on the Fredericksburgh and Chancellorsville plank road, four and a half miles from the former place. - ! - After a sharp and obstinate struggle the Salem Heights are gained; but the force is met by fresh rebel troops pouring in upon the flank of the advance portion of the line. For a short time the crest at Salem chapel is held by our men with obstinate resistance ; but, at length, they are pushed slowly back through the woods —the falling back being covered and the advance of the enemy checked by the excellent firing of our batteries. So much for Sedgwick’s work of Sun- day. eae the night the enemy was reinforced heayvily—a powerful column having come up from Richmond. Sedgwick, in obedience to his or- ders to join the main body of our army at Chan- cellorsville, had moved beyond the Fredericks- burgh Heights, thus exposing them to be repos- sessed without a struggle by the enemy. This they at once did. Sedgwick is now cut off from Fredericksburgh. We have seen what Sunday’s operations at Chancellorsville were. Hooker was on the de- fensive the whole time. Lee engaged him from five o’clock in the morning till noon—we giving ground. © We can now take in the relation of the opera- tions, both on the right at Chancellorsville, and on the left at Fredericksburgh, and see the masterly manner in which Lee availed himself of the oppor- tunity afforded him. It was eleven o’clock on Sunday when Sedg- wick’s corps carried the Fredericksburgh Heights. At one o’clock, General Lee became aware of the fact ; and on the instant he ceased his attack. It was a bold step he now took, and one that must have ended in his destruction, had even mod- erate vigor been displayed by General Hooker. But Lee seems to have felt he knew his man, and he immediately countermarched his force back on the plank-road to meet Sedgwick ! You see clearly what his object was. A rebel force was in Sedg- wick’s rear at Fredericksburgh. If now Leeshould come down on the front and flank of that small force of twenty thousand men, they must be ut- terly destroyed—either captured or driven into the river. Sedgwick, having taken possession of the Fred- ericksburgh Heights, at eleven o’clock of Sunday, immediately moved out in obedience to orders, with the view of effecting a junction with General Hooker by the plank-road. It was five o’clock of Sunday afternoon when he reached Salem Heights. Here he was met by the advance of Lee’s column, which had countermarched from in front of Hooker at Chancellorsville to Salem Heights—five miles. It was this force which checked Sedg- MAGAZINE. [ September, wick’s advance, as mentioned in a previous para- graph. The situation on Sunday night is as. follows: Sedgwick, checked in his advance on Salem Heights, formed his line for the night with his left: resting on the river, about midway between Fred- ericksburg and Banks’ Ford, thence extending alit- tleacrossthe Fredericksburgh and Chancellorsville plank-road, where it turned at right angles, fol- lowing the direction of the road, out toward Chancellorsville fora mile and then again turning at right angles to the right, recrossing the plan road in front of Salem Heights; and then extend ing down towards Banks’ Ford with a slight curv- ature to the left, the interval between the termi- nation of the line and the river being admirably covered with artillery. His position thus formed three sides of a square, with the river for the fourth. The main body of the rebels had abandoned. Hooker's front at one o’clock, and during all the afternoon and evening were pouring down and enveloping Sedgwick. While these things are going on, Hooker is again ‘* contracting his line.” We now come to Monday’s work. General Hooker, with his six corps, still remains on the defensive. Feeble demonstrations are made by the rebels in his front to keep him in check. ‘These are quite effectual. In the meantime, during all Monday, Lee is massing against Sedgwick’s force, preparatory to a grand destructive blow. It is now six o’clock of Monday evening, and from twelve o’clock of Sunday—thirty hours— General Hooker has not been seriously engaged with the enemy, yet not a single attempt has been made to reinforce Sedgwick ! Poor Sedgwick, meanwhile surrounded by a force four times his number, enveloped and on the brink of destruction, receives a message from — General Hooker, saying that he (Hooker) had driven. — the enemy, and all it wanted was for him (Sedg- — wick) to come up and complete their destruction! — Frightful delusion, which I cannot record without a shudder ! | Atsix o’clock the enemy made a most determined — attack, in echelons of battalions and in column, on — Sedgwick’s right, held by General Howe’s divi- — sion—their object being to cut off our communi- — cation with the river. At the same time another © was made on his other wing, held by General — Brooks’ division. I need not repeat the details © of this action, marked by the most obstinate gal- — lantry on the part of the Sixth corps. Both wings — were forced back by the terrible impetus of the — overwhelming rebel masses. All the force and all — the fire of the enemy, however, did not serve to — accomplish their object—the driving of that gal-— lant band into the river. Retiring to a less ex- —
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1867.] _ posed position, General Sedgwick stoutly held on, » and, under cover of the darkness on Monday night, safely crossed his force to the north side of _ the Rappahannock—his force, or what remained _ of it; for over five thousand brave men, one-third __ of the entire number of effective men, fell during this terrible engagement. Their heroism passes all words of praise. During the whole of that fight of Monday even- _ ing—that triste noche, when the enemy’s whole _ force surrounded that one poor corps—no attempt _ was made by General Hooker to reinforce or re- _ lieve them. ‘‘ Come on, all it wants is for you _ ‘to complete their destruction,” was the piece of horrible irony that came to them. Hour after hour, _ their guns boomed on the night air and reached. _ the ear of all at Chancellorsville—signals of dis- _ tress which all were eager to respond to. Guns of distress—requiem guns! This recital is complete as far as Sedgwick’s force is concerned. We turn, now, to the main _ force near Chancellorsville. Hooker has again contracted his line. It was but half the length of the former line, and very _ strong as you will perceive—both wings resting on the river. That we would ever do aught less than hold this position, no one ever dared to dream. Conceive the amazement, then, when on Tues- _ day, the order for withdrawal across the river was _ given! Ihave been told that in the Council of _ corps commanders, which General Hooker had _ summoned, one favored recrossing. He was cer- _ tainly the only man in the army who did favor it. _ The others and, indeed, all in high places, not _ only opposed it by every obstacle of argument _ and persuasion, but even when this failed, many _ tried to place material obstacles in the way, if by _ 80 doing they might only delay or stop the re- _ treat ! It was in vain, however, that all was done, and _ the army found itself retreating before—nobody. _ The enemy was retreating at the same time that _ we were ; and no attempt at pursuit whatever was made. If they had pursued, they must have de- _ stroyed our army. 7 _ . And thus ends a campaign characterized by bet- ter fighting and worse generalship than any in the history of the war. * V. The recital of events conducts to a brief sum- _ ming up of the whole campaign. 1. General Hooker, remaining on the defensive _ at Chancellorsville, allowed the enemy forty-eight _ hours to concentrate. By this means he lost all the advantage of the surprise, and turned a series _ Of operations, whose whole success depended on HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 165 his assuming the offensive, into an uncertain and, as it proved, a disastrous defensive. 2. It is said that the region around Chancellors- ville is thickly wooded and ill-adapted for military operations. General Hooker is estopped from availing himself of this excuse by his own order, in which he declared it was ground of his own selection. Besides, this objection disappears be- fore the fact, that Friday’s reconnoisances show that he might have pushed out on the plank-road, beyond the woods, thus uncovering Banks’ Ford, — bringing his army within communicating distance with Sedgwick, and reducing the line of commu- nication by eight miles. 3. After dividing his army—always a danger- ous operation—he insured disaster by establish- ing no system of co-operation. Sedgwick could easily have held the heights in the rear of Fred- ericksburgh, which would have been a sure gain, and then the main body of the army could have worked its way up and made a junction. In- deed, the Richmond papers acknowledge that had General Hooker been comtent to have held the Fredericksburgh Heights and his position on the left, Lee must have fallen back defeated. But Sedgwick was ordered to abandon this strong- hold, and come on and join the army at Chancel- lorsville, with the whole rebel force between him and it! 4. The operations, ending in the giving ground of the army at Chancellorsville, on Sunday, were over five hours before Sedgwick attacked Salem Heights. It is, therefore, evident that unless the Sixth corps could, single-handed, fight the enemy, the sole object of his taking the Heights of ‘Fred- ericksburgh, or uncovering Banks’ Ford could be to hold a position from which the army could debouche. Therefore, the attack on Salem Heights | was mere waste of men ; and if those heights had been taken, the Sixth corps never could have ex- tricated itself. 5. Sedgwick’s force was not attacked till six o’clock Monday. From twelve o’clock Sunday until six o’clock Monday evening—thirty hours— was available to reinforce Sedgwick, whose can- non were heard all Monday evening, and no attempt made to relieve him. 3 6. The troops that attacked Sedgwick were exhausted by two battles and a countermarch, yet General Hooker made no attack at daylight on Monday. 7. In the fight of Sunday but a half of our force was engaged—neither the First nor the Fifth corps being thrown in, and only a portion of the Second. BE 8. It is said that the rain, causing a rise of the Rappahannock and endangering our supplies, was a motive for retreat. Zhe order to retire was given twelve hours before any rain, and during @ cloudless sky.
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166 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, VI With this marshaling of events, the task which duty imposes on me ends. I make no criticisms, draw no conclusions. In fact the conduct of Gen- eral Hooker escapes criticism by the introduction— I might almost venture to say—of a Providential hand, that seemed to paralyze him and deliver him over to judicial blindness. ‘‘The General ‘was not himself,” say his staff and familiars. And indeed the mood of the army toward their commander responds to this sentiment, and is one more of sorrow than of anger. Nevertheless, with all this, the fact remains, as the President remarked at the close of his confer- ence with General Hooker and the corps Comman- ders, that ‘‘ both at home and abroad the late cam- ‘“paign will be regarded as the greatest disaster ** of the war.” If it be really so, what good can it do to at- tempt to conceal it, or cover it with palliations that sicken one to read? This nation is not of the temper I take it to be, if it cannot afford to look calmly at the worst facts—to look calmly at them, and into them,"ind resolutely to right them. This noble Army of the Potomac, reduced though it be by losses in battle, remains to us yet —its strength still greater than the rebel force, which it feels more and more able to beat, if it can only be properly led. We need but this —central wisdom at the head of military affairs in Washington, and good generalship for this army. ‘* When lamentable weakness and endless ver- ‘*satility,” writes Napoleon in a passage of his Memoirs, that with strange fidelity reproduces our own condition, ‘‘are manifested in the councils of ‘¢a Government ; when an administration, yield- ‘*ing by turns to the influence of every opposing “party, and going on from day to day, without ‘any fixed plan or determined system, has shown ‘‘its utter insufficiency ; and when the most mod- ‘* erate citizens in the State are obliged to confess ‘‘ that it is destitute of a Government; when rul- ‘‘ers, insignificant at home, have shamefully ** brought on their country the contempt of for- ‘* eioners—the greatest of injuries in the eyes of a ‘*proud people— vague apprehensions spread ‘‘throughout society ; agitated by the instinct of ‘* self-preservation, it looks into its own resources ‘¢ and seeks for some one able to save it from de- ‘struction. A populous nation must always pos- ‘sess this tutelary genius in its own bosom, ‘though he may sometimes be tardy in appearing. ‘‘Tt is not, indeed, sufficient for him to exist. He ‘* must be known to others, and he must be con- ‘*scious of his own powers. Until then, all en- ‘‘deavors are vain, all schemes ineffectual. The ‘¢inertness of the multitude is the protection of ‘*the Government, and in spite of its inexperience ‘and weakness, the efforts of its enemies cannot ‘‘prevail against it. But let this deliverer, so ‘‘impatiently expected, suddenly give a proof of ‘*his existence, and the nation instinctively ac- ‘* knowledges and calls on him, all obstacles van- ‘ish at his approach, and a great people throng- ‘*ing round his steps, seems exultingly to pro- ‘claim: This is the Man !” . Does not this whole nation, now in pain and travail, breathe the prayer, that Heaven may send us such a Man ? Wi“urAM SwInTon. [The above communication, by the distinguished author of “The Army of the Potomac,” was written by him for the New York Daily Times, of which he was the widely-known Correspondent in the field; but it was_suppressed after it was ‘in type,” by order of the Federal Government, and ita author arrested. Weare glad to give it a place in Tar Histortcat MAGAZINE, both on account of the circumstances to which we have re- ferred, and for its peculiar merit, as a piece of military criti- cism by a civilian; and we assure ourselves that our readers, especially those careful students of the military history of the recent war, who shall come after us, will not only appreciate the importance of Mr. Swinton’s scathing criticism, but thank us for preserviug and publishing it.—Ep. Hist. Maa.} XTV.—FLOTSAM. (These scraps have been picked up in various places, and brought to this place, ‘‘as they are,” without any voucher for their correctness and with no other object than to secure for them the attention of our readers. We invite discussion concerning each of them; and if any of them are incorrect or doubtful, we invite corrections.—Ep. Hist. Maa. ] An OLD Free Company.—Union Engine Com- pany Number One, of Trenton, which was organ- ized in 1747, passed through Jersey City a few days since, on a visit to their brother firemen at. Poughkeepsie. The company numbered fifty-five men, and had with them their steam fire engine, and were also accompanied by the Jefferson brass. band of Newark. Ortp LanpMARKS.—There are some very old buildings in Manchester, Virginia, older than any in big Richmond save, probably, the old stone house. Among the most ancient are the Clark Mansion, at the corner of Eleventh and Bainbridge streets ; the Archer House, on Seventh and Bain- bridge ; the Murchie House, on Hull and Fifth, and the houses opposite, owned by Messrs. White- head and Weisiger. These buildings are all over a century and a quarter old, and were built by the ancestors of the present owners, when the old country road ran through the (then) village of Rocky Ridge to Coutt’s Ferry. Work and im- provement have somewhat modernized them, and prevented their entire decay ; but still they stand, and long may they stand, as connecting links between this and past generations we shall never — blush to own. The Murchie House (Rocky ~
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_ 1867.) _ Ridge Castle), lately deserted by the hospitable _ family who for twenty years made it the scene of _ elegant refinement, is now a picture of bleakness, repelling us by its grim and gloomy appearance - as much as in former days its taste and _ cheerfulness attracted. We are promised, by _ some of our oldest citizens, some most interesting _ reminiscences of Manchester from its earliest days, _ and from time to time we shall spread them be- _ fore our readers with the hope of being in some _ means instrumental in interesting them. DANIEL WEBSTER IN His Yourn—A FAmMim1Ar _ Lerrer ro A Frrenp.—A. correspondent of the _ Lewiston (Me.) Journal, in a letter from Frye- _ burgh, in that State, says: Fryeburgh was settled in 1762. It was a noted place seventy years ago, _ and probably the village was at that time nearly aslarge as now. It has had a flourishing acade- my, over which Daniel Webster, then a youth of _ twenty-one just out of Dartmouth College, pre- _ sided for nearly a year, in 1802. While there he _ boarded at a hotel at which we stopped; and is remembered as a black-eyed, black-haired, me- _ dium-sized youth, of sedate manners and correct - morals, whose success in teaching was not marked, and who gave no indications of his subsequent mental greatness. At the Register of Deeds Office in the village, there is shown one book of _ records in Webster’s handwriting, he having oc- _ cupied some of his spare hours-in increasing his _ receipts by writing for the Register. At that time _ there were several leading lawyers living in Frye- burgh, and several law students, two of whom, _ Judah Dana, afterward a well-known Judge, and McGraw, afterward a prominent lawyer at Ban- - gor, were Webster’s intimate friends. The fol- lowing letter, written by Webster while here, to his friend, Samuel Bradley, has been shown us by -arelative of Mr. B.: FRYEBURGH, March 3, 1802. _ My Frienp: This is one of those happy morn- ings when Spring ‘‘looks from the lurid cham- _**bers of the South.” Though we have snow in abundance, yet the air is charmingly serene, and Pigwocket (another name for Pequawket, as the “region was formerly called), puts on more pleas- -antness than I have ever before seen it clad in. If Thad an engagement of Love, I should certainly ange my thoughts of this morning for a roman- tic epistle. How fine it would be to point out a ‘resemblance between the clear lustre of the sun, ‘anda pair of bright eyes! The snow, too, in- ‘stead of embarrassing, would much assist me. “What fitter emblem of virgin purity? A pair of pigeons that enjoy the morning on the ridge of the barn, might be easily transformed into turtle ‘doves, breathing reciprocal vows. How shall I ‘ aa HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 167 resist this temptation to be a little romantic and poetical? ‘* Loves” and ‘‘ doves” this moment chime in my fancy in spite of me. ‘‘ Sparkling ‘‘ eyes” and ‘‘mournful sighs,” ‘‘ Constancy of ‘* soul,” ‘‘ like needle to the pole,” and a whole retinue of poetic and languishing expressions are now ready to pour from my pen! What a pity that all this inspiratton should be lost for want of an object. But so it is—nobody will hear my pretty ditties, unless, forsooth, I should turn gravely about and declaim them to the maid who is setting the table for breakfast. But what an indelicate idea—a maid to be the subject of a ballad ? ’twere blasphemy. Apollo would never forgive me. Well, then, I will turn about and drink down all my poetry with my coffee. ‘* Yes, ma’am, I will come to breakfast.” I wish, my good friend, I could think of some pretty thing to tell you, but Pigwocket does not abound in extraordinary occurrences. The topic of this day’s conversation is an intended ride this afternoon to Conway. I think the Misses enjoy it finely in prospect, and no doubt the retrospect will be equally pleasant. Tome, however (ut ad me revertor), such things are most charming while future ; it is my object, therefore, to keep them future as much as possible. Mr. Fessenden’s mother is dead—she departed to the ‘‘ bourne whence no traveler returns” about a week ago, with bright prospects of future felicity ; she attended the summons without a murmur, and, full of years, sunk to rest on the bosom of her Maker. Mr. Fessenden’s family have been extremely ill, and his lady continues so yet. He has not yet returned from his attend- ance of the Legislature. Our friends Dana and McGraw are gone to Haverhill Court. Ihave quite a lonely week— ’twould be a pleasure to call at Harvey’s house and take a cup of coffee with my friend Samuel, but he is not there. Yet this letter shall tell him that he is remembered with much tenderness and esteem by his DANIEL WEBSTER. SamugEL A. BRADLEY, Esq. ‘¢ A REMINISCENCE.—Mr. John H. Eastburn, the ‘well-known printer, long established in State ‘¢ street, has reprinted, for the perusal of a few of ‘¢his friends, a letter from the late Hon. Harrison ‘¢Gray Otis, in April, 1846, to William Hayden, ‘¢Esq., then a member of the Massachusetts Legis- ‘‘lature, upon the subject of temperance and pro- ‘‘hibitory laws. This was the last public docu- ‘‘ment ever issued by its distinguished author, and ‘is full of the sound precepts which always adorned. ‘Cand illustrated the productions of his pen and . ‘‘the eloquence of his tongue.” The above is part of an editorial paragraph in the Transcript of last evening. My purpose in
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168 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, copying it is to correct an error which it contains. The letter referred to above, written by Mr. Otis in April, 1848, was not ‘‘the last public docu- ‘* ment ever issued by its distinguished author.” If you will turn to the files of the Boston Atlas you will find inthe issue ofthat paper of thesecond of October, 1848, An Address to the People of Mas- sachusetis, written and signed by Harrison Gray Otis. The address makes three closely-printed columns of the Atlas, and contains an eloquent appeal to the people in favor of the election of General Taylor to the Presidency. This address was unquestionably ‘‘ the last ** public document ever issued by its distinguished ‘* author,” for Mr. Otis died on the twenty-eighth of the same month, at his residence in Boston, in the eighty-second year of his age. Allow me to add, that the manuscript of the address was brought to me by a messenger from Mr. Otis. It was clearly and neatly written on small letter sheets, gilt edge. Instead of giving the original to the compositors, I copied it, and it was set up from my manuscript. It was my intention to have the original bound and preserved in my library ; but I gave it to the late Hon. William D. Swan, of Dorchester, who wished to present it to an old literary society in that town, the name of which I have forgotten. My impression is, that Hon. E. P. Tileston was at that time President of the Society. I presume that the manuscript of this, ‘‘the last public document” of Harrison Gray Otis, is still there.—W. S., Transcript. Tue Natura History or CANADA.—At the fourth monthly meeting of the Natural History Society of Montreal, Mr. H. G. Vennor presented a catalogue of the birds noted on the Great Mani- toulin Island, and accompanied it with a few ob- servations on its physical features. Having given a brief topographical description of the Island, and a sketch of its geology, some of the silicified fossils of the Clinton group from the neighbor- hood of Lake Manitou were exhibited; also photo- graphs of glacial groovings and scratchings on rocks on the south shore of the island. The fol- lowing are extracts from the notes then read : ‘‘From the village of Manitouaning, a fair ‘‘ portage road or trail leads off to the first and ‘largest lake on the Island, Lake Manitou, or ‘‘the Lake of the Great Spirit. The portage is ‘‘ about three miles in length, and runs through “fine open woods, comparatively free from ‘*under-brush. For the information of any who ‘‘may hereafter visit the Great Manitoulin, I may ‘< state that no canoes are to be had on any of the ‘interior lakes of the island ; and that it is not ‘‘unusual to paddle for days on these, without ‘even meeting with an Indian family. Conse- ‘* quently all canoes and Indians required have to ‘* be procured either at Little Current or Manitou- ‘Caning....... Manitouaning Bay is ten miles long, ‘‘and reaches to within two and one-half miles ‘* of South Bay, on the South side of the Island, ‘*thus nearly cutting off the unceded portion of ‘* the Island. ‘¢' The waters of Lake Manitou are beautifully ‘¢ bass, Salmon and Brook-trout, White-fish, and ‘*‘Pereh. ‘¢ At the extreme Western end of this lake the ‘¢ Indians cross by a portage to another large lake ‘* called ‘ Mindemooya’ or ‘ Old Woman’s Lake ;’ ‘* here canoes have also to be portaged. ‘* The whole of this portage is strewn over with ‘very fine Clinton fossils. The cliffs around this ‘*lake lie at some distance from the shores, so ‘that we were not much surprised at finding a ‘“belt of good and well timbered land, between ‘‘ these cliffs and the shores. On such land we ‘* noticed large crops of corn and potatoes. From ‘¢ the middle of the lake rises Mindemooya ‘¢ Island, which is said to be much infested by ‘¢snakes. Farther westward we have another ‘‘large lake called Kagaweng, and numerous ‘‘smaller ones generally distributed over the ‘island. ‘* Oil wells were being successfully worked at ‘¢Wequemakong by the Great Manitoulin Oil ‘*Company. The oil from this locality is of the ‘finest description. An office has been opened ‘¢in Montreal in connection with this Company. ‘*¢ On the interior lakes the bald eagle and fish- ‘hawk were very numerous; the former bird ‘apparently living by the toiling of the latter ‘species. Ruffed-grouse, Spruce-partridge and ‘* Wild-pigeons were very numerous all through ‘¢the interior of the island. The islands in the ‘‘lJakes swarmed with the Silvery and Black- ‘‘backed gulls, while the waters resounded with ‘the cries of the Loon. The Whip-poor-will ‘‘might always be heard along the rocky shores ‘‘and particularly near the mouth of rivers.” On the whole, the reader remarked that the Great Manitoulin presented many advantages to the settler ; for although perhaps one-third of the island was of a rocky and consequently barren character, the remaining two-thirds contained land of the finest description, covered at present either by Indian crops, or splendid hard-wood forests, which last yielded large quantities of maple sugar—generally at the rate of one thousand — lbs. per acre. Mr. Vennor concluded by express- ing a hope that ere long we might be able to hear of this great Manitoulin Island as being the home of the white settler, where he might be seen sur- rounded by waving ‘fields of grain, and possessing not only the comforts, but also the luxuries of life.—Canadian Naturalist.
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1867.) HISTORICAL _ Tae Frest Printep Baiitot.—George Shel- don, of Deerfield, has an original bona jide elec- ytoral ticket for George Washington for President. _ It is headed ‘‘ Tam Wasnineton TICKET OF _**Enuctors.” Maine then belonged to Massachu- “setts, and four of the electors were from the for- “mer. The candidate from this district was Eben- _ezer Mattoon, Jr., of Amherst. At that time, and fora number of years after, all the ballots were written. David Henshaw was the first man in _ Massachusetts who offered a printed ballot at the polis, he claiming that it was, in a legal point of view, a written one. The ballot was rejected ; Henshaw prosecuted the Selectmen ; and the mat- _ ter was carried to the Supreme Court, where it was decided that Henshaw’s view of the matter was correct. Since that time we have been al- lowed to use printed ballots.—Greenjield Gazette. GRAIN SHIPMENTS FROM CHICAGO FOR TWENTY- “NINE YEARS.—The following table shows the total shipments of all kinds of grain from Chi- “cago for the past twenty-nine years, the flour being reduced to wheat : _ Year. Bushels. | Year. vers i uy CO RMN ie isis vain eek 6,412,18 es b thinbowsie'c ce AE © RO e ao ks newer nneed 18,932,320 MS et bye. sau TOUO1 GON... sis sc su coke 16,633,700 4 MAES coe ack ces CO000 1 1886s. ee ee 21.533, 221 BALE od ov cas occu OT Ee Sere ae aes 18,032,678 Ra Gee TAR u's cahadsmaeus 20,035,166 BIEL «= <Gcloccsesdes 928,496 | 1850,... cc cccc sucess 18,771,812 REE 1,024,620 | 1860,.........ece00. 31,108,759 ss SSSR ESE TO ic te cae 50,481,862 ERR 2,243,201 | 1862,........0ceeec. 56,484,110 ESSE 3,001,740 | 1863,..........00005 54,741,889 SRE 2,769,111 | 1864-5,.......eceees 47,124,494 BU sa cute cekces 1,830,938 | 1865-6, . . 58,212,224 Ea 4,646,291 | 1866-7,........0.00. 66,736,660 4 5,873, 141 _ MoNUMENT TO THE Memory OF THE LATE Docror Worcester.—The lot of Doctor Wor- -cester is near the base of the perpendicular side of Mount Auburn, as that eminence rises from Consecration Dell. It is situated between Aster ‘and Sumac paths, under the shadow of a group of stately and majestic beech trees, constituting a portion of the original forest that formerly covered the grounds. There has recently been erected on this lot, to the memory of Doctor Worcester, a ‘substantial and durable granite monument, con- ‘sisting of a base, plinth, die and cap, with the following inscription : _ “To THE MEMORY OF JosEPH EMERSON Wor- “CESTER, GEOGRAPHER, HisrorrAN, LExIcoGRA- “pHer. A MAN OF CHRISTIAN UPRIGHTNESS “AND BENEFICENCE. _ “BorN TWENTY-FouRTH oF Avueust, 1784 ; “‘DIED TWENTY-SEVENTH OF OCTOBER, 1865. _ **IN SIMPLICITY AND GODLY SINCERITY HE “HAD HIS CONVERSATION IN THE WORLD.” i. | MAGAZINE. 169 “ The cost of this monument was not far from one thousand dollars.—7ransecript. Oup AgE.*—The Boston Advertiser, under its ‘* general” column, states the following as a re- markable fact : ‘«'There are now living in the town of Essex, a ‘‘ brother and two sisters whose united ages are ‘¢ 264 years.” This gives an average of eighty-eight years to each. ‘We have a still more remarkable case than that in Portland. We have a brother and two sisters now living whose united ages are two hundred and eighty-five years and a quarter, the oldest being ninety-seven and one-quarter, the youngest ninety-two and one-half, showing an — average of a little rising ninety-five years. This probably transcends any similar case on record. These are the eldest and only surviving of eleven children of Peter Thomas, who died in Portland, on the nineteenth of August, 1797, at the age of fifty-two years and three months.—Portland Press. A GOVERNOR IN PETTICOATS.—A. correspondent of the New York Tribune, describing a celebrated Portrait-gallery at Kensington, England, says there is a portrait there of Edward Hyde, after- ward third Earl of Clarendon, who was Governor of New York in the reign of Queen Anne. He is represented (it was painted in 1723) in female low-necked evening dress, it being his idea of loyalty to his Queen to dress like her! ‘‘ Among ‘‘other apish tricks,” says Miss Strickland, ‘*Lord Cornbury, the half-witted son of Henry, ‘¢ Karl of Clarendon, is said to have held his state ‘levees at New York and received the principal ‘* Colonists, dressed up in complete female court ‘* costume, because truly he represented the per- ‘*son of a female sovereign, his cousin, Queen 6< Anne.” THE OLDEST WoopEN Hovusk IN THE UNITED SratTEs.—The Boston Traveller has a communica- tion, relative to the oldest. wooden house in the United States, which jis worth making permanent in our magazine : 6é R, Sept. 16, 1867. ‘*T noticed in last Saturday’s Zraveller an item ‘* giving information in reference to the oldest ‘‘house in the United States. But Medford is ‘¢mistaken. There are houses but not of wood, in» ‘‘St. Augustine, built in the sixteenth century. ‘¢ And so far as I know, the oldest wooden house ‘¢in the United States is in (Neponset) Dorchester, * By Hon. Wm. Willis, of Portland.
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170 HISTORICAL **soon to be a part of Boston. It was built in “16338, and is called the ‘Minot House,’ from **the name of the first owner. It is situated on ‘¢ Minot-street, near Chicatawbut-street, and near ‘‘the Baptist Church, and is occupied by a re- ** spectable English family, who pay eighty dollars ‘‘annual rentage. The house was occupied by ** General Washington and his body-guard for a ‘*season during the Revolution. The house is “two stories high, and the outside has by no ‘*means a bad look. Its frame is of oak, either ‘* Trish or white, I am not sure which, and the ‘¢ beams are as sound as ever, and likewise the ‘‘ whole frame, with the exception of the sills, is ‘fin a good state of preservation. The rooms are ‘*oddly shaped and awkwardly arranged. The “‘beams are in sight and are finished off and ‘¢ beaded, and the ceiling is very low. Indeed, ‘*it is quite worth while to visit this ancient ‘‘house. There is a little romance connected ‘¢with it. During the early years of Dorchester ‘*the Indians were very troublesome. The Ne- ‘¢ ponset tribe made their headquarters in the vil- ‘lage now of that name, and the chief’s name was ‘‘Chicatawbut, hence the name to the street ‘‘above mentioned. Mr. Minot being absent one ‘* day, an Indian came to the house and tried to ‘* vet admittance, but the heroic wife refused to ‘admit him, knowing that it could be for no ‘‘ ood intent, and taking down her husband’s ‘**Joaded gun, she fired at him, wounding him se- ‘* verely, and then, in a moment, threw a pailful ‘¢ of boiling water into his bosom. He fled into ‘‘the woods, and, as tradition says, was found ‘¢ dead the next morning, near by, having died of -* his wounds. The woman was honored for her ‘¢ bravery by the inhabitants of the place by the ‘¢ presentation of a gold wristlet, with her name ‘upon it, and the words, ‘who slew the Narra- ‘¢ gansett Indian.’ ” A. G. R. MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. RicuMonD, Va., September 14, 1867. To tHe Eprror OF THE WORLD. Str : I find in yesterday’s World, just received, a report of a speech of Mr. Greeley, at the open- ing of the American Institute Fair, in which oc- curs the following sentence: ‘¢ After referring to the triumph of the Monitor ‘“‘over the Merrimac, in Hampton Roads, Mr. ‘¢ Greeley continued, &c., &c.” Now, there is no fact in the late war better as- certained than that allthe ‘‘triumph” ever won by aniron-clad in Hampton Roads was by the Mervi- mac. I was one of a concourse of thousandsof peo- ple who saw the Merrimac challenge thewhole Fed- eral fleet, throughalong summer day, to come out from the guns of Fortress Monroe and the Rip Raps MAGAZINE. seotonli and fight her; and among those who declined — the challenge was the Monitor. But I choose to set this fiction at rest on the evidence of a North- erh man, and one whose standing as a witness in a case of this sort is unimpeachable. I refer to Norman Wiard, the celebrated ordnance founder and inventor. Ina memorial addressed by him to Congress, and to be seen in the Report on the— Conduct of the War, Supplement, Part’'Two, I find the following sentence : ‘*Tt should be recollected that the Army of the ‘* Potomac was once prevented from passing up — ‘‘ James River, by the presence of the terrible” ‘* Merrimac, which iron-clad was encountered — ‘* by another iron-clad, the little Monitor, armed — ‘* with Dahlgreen eleven-inch shell guns, the pro- ‘*jectiles from which crumbled against her sides, ‘and she returned, uninjured, to her picket — ‘**duty, and long continued to hold possession of — ‘* Norfolk Harbor and the mouth of the James — ‘* River, or so long as until our army had passed | “too far to return toward a disastrous campaign ~ ‘*to get to her rear at Harrison’s Landing.” aq The simple truth is, that all that was ever done in the Roads by any iron-clad was done by the Merrimac. The attack on and destruction of the — Congress and Cumberland would as certainly have been followed by the destruction of the ~ Minnesota had there been sufficient draft of water — for the Merrimac to approach her ; and it was a — leak, occasioned by injury to her beak received in — her attack on the Congress, and no battering of — the Monitor, ‘‘ whose shells crumbled against her ~ ‘* sides,” that sent the Merrimac back to her ~ dock. The only serious damage inflicted on — either iron-clad was suffered by the turret of © the Monitor. And no sooner had the Merrimac — been repaired than she sailed down the harbor, — and vainly strove to get the entire fleet, Monitor — included, to leave their safe moorings under the hundreds of guns ashore! Thenceforward the — Merrimac \orded it on the waters of the great roadstead, until that melancholy morning in May when she sank on the field of her fame by the — hands of her friends—morte sur le champ de bat-— taile. We have little left. If not glory—nothing. — Surely the United States can afford to leave us” that untaxable possession. K, EvizABeTH Day.— Ninety-two years ago, in October, Elizabeth Pearson, a bright girl of seven — summers, might have been. seen playing on the beach fronting her father’s house, at the eastern — end of Fore street. Over this little bay and — beach, the Grand Trunk Railway has spread its — net work of tracks. On that day, the seventeenth — of October, 1775, the wondering eyes of this little — child beheld the fleet of Mowatt slowly coming
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tg 1867.) HISTORICAL up the harbor. The next day, her father’s and her grancdfather’s houses, with most of their con- tents, and the whole village clustered around King and the lower part of Fore streets, were ut- terly and wantonly destroyed by the relentless Mowatt, and their houseless inhabitants were a iven into exile. _ This little girl grew to womanhood ; was mar- ri ed in her nineteenth year to George Day; and died on the twentieth instant, in the one hun- Jredth year of her age, the oldest person in town, ind the oldest, so far as we have any authentic re sord, who ever died upon this peninsula. She : 4 forgot those exciting incidents of her child- i 10 O _ Mrs. Day was the daughter of Wm. and Maria Bradbury) Pearson, and was born in December, 1767, on a lot an acre in extent, which was orant- c to her great-grandfather, J ohn Oliver, of Bos- ton, in 1721. Portions of this tract have ever continued in Oliver’s family, his daughters, Mary, haying married Henry Wheeler, and Elizabeth, R owland Bradbury, both early inhabitants of our town, and their descendants are still living in it. Brad bury built a house upon the lot, in which his grand-daughter, Mrs. Day, was born. Her ther, Wm. Pearson, married Maria, a daughter Rowland Bradbury, on thesecond of J uly, 1764 ; nother daughter married Watson Crosby, who lived on the same Oliver acre, Whose daughter Emma married our late estimable citizen, Captain Lemuel Moody, whose children fill useful and honorable places in our community. Mrs. Day was, in 1786, married to George Day, by our venerable pastor, Thomas Smith, then ighty-four years old, who also married her ather twenty-two years before. They had six uldren, of whom four, two sons and two wid- ved daughters, still live ; our fellow citizen, arles Day, born in 1798, was the youngest. she was married eighty-one years ago, and has en a widow more than sixty years. She has, t ing her long life, enjoyed remarkably good alth ; she has hardly felt the infirmities of age ; anc until within a week of her death, has en- byed her faculties, and has engaged in the ordi- r duties of domestic life. After she was linety-five years old, she was in the habit of tak- ng long walks in passing from one part of the wn to another to visit her children. Her home s been principally with her son Charles since er husband’s death, on the spot on which she ss born. I do not know of another instance i ere an original town grant has continued in e family, from its date to the present time, ie hundred and forty-six years, as this has, and ikl to continue for years to come. "Mrs. y was blessed with a cheerful temper, and nght and buoyant spirits—even in her advanced: ars she had no depression—the vigor of her MAGAZINE. 171 body was well sustained by a radiant, hopeful mind. She was a welcome companion in her large circle of relatives and friends ; her children and grandchildren, and great-grandchildren rose up to do her reverence, and will long continue to cherish and honor her memory. In contemplating this lengthened life, the mind naturally recurs to the immense changes which have taken place during its continuance. She was born a British subject on American soil ; she was born a British Colonist; she dies the citi- zen of a great and independent Republic; she has lived through the whole life of our nation ; in her day two millions and a half of people have become thirty-four millions; the thirteen feeble Colonies have expanded to thirty-four States, filled with wealth, adorned by arts, and strength- ened by all the resources that give power, and pride, and dignity to a great empire. She has also witnessed and been a partaker in the progress of our city from an humble village of fifteen hundred inhabitants to its present metropolitan character, with its large commercial, literary, and social advantages. If we add to the age of this venerable woman, that of our first minister, the Rev. Thomas Smith, their joint lives extend over a period of one hun- dred and sixty-five years, comprehending five generations of the human race, who have lived and struggled, had their busy day, and died, and: are forgotten in that space of time. They reach back, too, thirteen years beyond the settlement of the town, to the beginning of the last century, in the second year of which Mr. Smith commenced his pilgrimage of ninety-four years. How were those years and those generations freighted with joys and woes, with trials, cares and vicissitudes. —what changes in individual fortunes, and. over- whelming distresses and exalted prosperity in our social condition. Among the crushing sorrows were the destructive fires of 1775 and 1866, which each prostrated our town, and the distressing period of the Embargo and War, from 1807 to 1815, which humbled our poor town in the dust of hu- miliation and poverty. But of the joys and sor- rows, and individual experience, which have flowed over the hearts of those past generations, no human tongue can tell, no mind conceive. From the elevated ground of the present social condition of our individual, and municipal, and. national life, we may take profitable lessons, and. not forgetting the trials, the hardships and suffer- ings through which our predecessors, the pioneers of our civilization and our accumulated blessings, trod their gloomy way, may learn wisdom and moderation from the great facts which history and experience spread out before us. W. An Historica Prano—We are indebted to @ correspondent for the following account of an or-
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172 HISTORICAL ganized piano, being the first piano-forte which the late Mr. Jonas Chickering ever saw, which is now in the possession of Mrs. Samuel Batchelder, of Old Cambridge. ; This instrument is remarkable, apart from the circumstance above stated, as having belonged to the Princess Amelia, daughter of George the Third. She presented it to her Chaplain. George ‘Odiorne of Boston, married, in London, the Chap- Jain’s daughter. He gave the piano to his daugh- ter, when she left her native land for her home in America. The late General J. Montgomery pur- chased the piano of Mrs. Odiorne for his daugh- ter, then a young girl, at Mrs. Rawson’s school, in Boston ; and afterwards gave it to her when ee went to reside in New Ipswich, New Hamp- shire. There, accidentally, the cover was broken; a cabinet maker was sent for to make a new lid; and Jonas Chickering, then an apprentice, was sent to examine the piano for a removal to the shop. His look of astonishment and wonder at this rev- elation of a hitherto unknown (to him) musical instrument, can be better imagined than described. He seemed utterly unconscious of observation, while he peered about it, removing and displacing, to examine the construction ; and in it hefirst saw an organ, with its various pipes and bellows. The piano-forte and organ could be used together, and were tuned in unison, or they could be played sep- arately. Mr. Chickering, a few years since, ad- vised the owner to have a new and larger bellows put in, and play the organ by itself, as its tones were very sweet and suited to a chamher. His advice was followed. Mr. Chickering expressed - much pleasure from time to time in selecting his best instruments for the lady to whom he was in- debted for his first study of a piano-forte. This true account will correct the statements of the writer in the July number of the Atlantic Monthly on ‘‘ The Piano in the United States,” in which he states that the first piano Chickering ever saw was in a battered condition, and that he put it in good repair ; whereas, the one he first saw was in constant use, and isa handsome instrument atthe present moment, inlaid with satin wood and wreaths of colored wood surrounding the name of CHRISTOPHER CANER, Londoni Fecit, 1782. BROAD STREET. Sono. ForMeErR Soctan Lire In New ENGLAND.— The current ideas of New England life and habits in former years are in many respects erroneous. There was far less of sternness and stiffness than MAGAZINE. [September, is commonly supposed, and far more of true do- mestic happiness and warm friendship among neighbors. Professor Silliman, in his autobiog- raphy, gives a pleasant sketch of New England life, three-quarters of a century ago. He says: © Those who were born and educated under the primitive influences of New England sentiments and manners, when population was yet sparse and personal friendships still partook of the simplicity and sincerity of colonial manners, appear to have felt and cherished the social sentiments as a part of their nature and the hospitality which charac- terized that state of society offered a welcome asylum to the traveling friend. My mother was born and educated under such influences, and a refined standard of deportment in the parental home, added graceful attractious to her manners. Among the first people of New England there was a graceful dignity blended with a winning kindness; and, in the case of. acknowledged friends, crowned by a cheerful greeting when they met, which produced reciprocal feelings and a cordial response. These traits were conspicu- ous not only among persons in elevated positions, but in a good degree also in those gradations in society in which refinement was not dependent on wealth, and limited resources demanded even a frugal hospitality, Such was the case with the clergymen, who, being usually men of educa- tion, and often—as well as their families—pos- sessing very interesting manners, caused their homes, with the aid of manly sons and lovely daughters, to present delightful family circles. My mother was very attentive to our manners. We were taught to be respectful, especially to older persons and to ladies, ; If we received a book or anything else from her hand, a look of acknowledgement was expected, with a slight inclination of the head, which she returned. We must not interrupt any one who was speaking, and never speak in a rude, unman-— nerly way. We were always taught to give place at a door or a gate to another person, especially if older. 7 The family manners in those early times were superior in some respects to those which are often observed at the present day. The blunt reply toa parent, without the addition of ‘‘Sir” or ‘‘Ma’am,” to “Yes” or ‘*No,” was then unknown, except among rude and unpolished people. ; As to my mother, in the course of long expe- rience, I do not remember to have seen a finer ex-— ample of dignity and self-respect, combining a- kind and winning manner, and a graceful cour-— tesy, with the charms of a cheerful temper and a- cultivated mind, which made her society ac- ceptable in the most refined and polished circles. Her delightful piety, adding the charm of sincer- ity and benevolence both to her action and con- versation, attracted the wise and good, and won
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1867. HISTORICAL the thoughtless to consideration. It is a great blessing to have had such a mother. oe _ An Ancrent Corn.—In a jeweler’s establishment, 1 Washington, there is on exhibition a gold coin, most remarkable in appearance, and of the purest It is about the size of a half eagle, remark- ey fresh-looking, the inner side of which is con- ve, with a raised chariot, having seated in it a seleton image pointing ahead with a rapier, and drawn by two spirited horses. The outer side bears an elaborate profile of a female, with her ead. decorated in the manner worn by the crowned s at the time the coin was issued (twenty-two u dived years ago). Its weight is five and a half per nyweights, or, as. near as may be in value, worth about five dollars. The coin was at one ime in the possession of Rev. W. W. Eddy, mis- jonary in Assyria, who thus describes how he same in possesion of it : _ Acoin of Philip of Macedon, father of Alex- mder the Great, who reigned about three hundred and forty years before Christ, and consequently twenty-two hundred years old, was found in a rarden adjoining Sidon, Syria, among the ruins of the ancient city. Two j jars, containing coins of Philip and Alexander, were found in the ground ¥y workmen digging, and the contents divided mong them. ‘The Turkish Government claim a such treasures, and hearing of the discovery, eeprisoned. all the workmen until they gave up arly all the coms. These they immediately Belted up for new coinage. A Mohammedan Woman, who was with the workmen, obtained some of the coins, and wearied out the Govern- ment by her endurance of imprisonment, while enying the possession of any of the treasures. After her release, I obtained this coin, with much lif neulty, from her, through her fear of another 4 Bins time since this coin was deposited with . C. R. Brown, a jeweller, at Saratoga, who yas offered by a w ‘ell known antiquarian, the sum twelve hundred dollars, but being instructed hot to part with it at any price, the offer was re- ected. =. aS _ DoRCHESTER AND GENERAL GRANT.—An an- iquarian (no doubt one of the well-known and nd efatigable record searchers of the handsome uburb) writes to the Dedham Gazette that ‘‘ we “have good and sufficient evidence that General i ‘Grant is a descendant from Mathew Grant, of ‘Dorchester, who came to that town in 1630.” Headley, it seems, is mistaken in fixing upon Noal (who was really born in Connecticut, in 4 748), as the first immigrant of the family to Am- rica. The fact is, Noah first saw the light One ndred and forty-eight years after the rs at of MAGAZINE. 1% the aforesaid Mathew. How Dorchester will go. in the next Presidential election, after this hunt- ing up of the Genealogies, hardly admits of a doubt !|— Transeri pt. EneLisH SPARROWS.—The following interesting: . history of the English Sparrow in the Park at Union: Square, New York, was prepared by Mr. J. T.. Shaw, the attentive ‘policeman of that Park. Mr. Shaw writes as follows : ‘*In April, 1866, two pairs of sparrows came ‘*to Union Park and claimed possession of the ‘only bird-house there (indeed, it was the only ‘* one in five parks), which was occupied by two. ‘pair of wrens. After a desperate fight of sev- ‘eral hours, the wrens had. to yield to the heavier ‘‘bird, and left the Park. The sparrows took ‘possession, and within five weeks had nine ‘added to their numbers, and out in the Park. ‘*In June, the same year, one hundred bird-houses. ‘were erected there. The sparrows at once took ‘to them and produced several broods before ‘the leaves fell from the trees, and seventy-five: ‘*to eighty of these birds wintered there, to the ‘* delight and amusement of many lovers of birds. ‘¢ About three hundred bird-houses were also. ‘*erected in four other Parks near, and many ‘* sparrows came in from Central Park and occu- ‘*pied them all winter, and have continued to ‘* occupy and breed in them, as has also the blue- ‘*bird and wren, until now there are believed to. ‘* be twelve or fifteen hundred sparrows in these: ‘five Parks. They are very happy and tame, ‘¢and are seldom molested by the children, and. ‘‘have made a clean sweep of the worms and ‘¢ millers, and saved the foliage of all the trees, ‘so that, for the first time in seven years, at this. ‘season, we have a perfect foliage in said parks. ‘*' There is nothing like the sparrow for the de- ‘* struction of the worms and insects generally. ‘¢Planks have been anchored in the fountains, ‘*from which the birds drink and bathe. Last: ‘‘Thursday morning, I counted seventy-five of ‘*them on the plank at Union Park, bathing, in ‘¢ thirteen minutes. ‘*Tf the people will put up bird-houses on the: ‘trees in our streets and yards, the city will be. ‘¢ well supplied with the sparrows in a few years, ‘‘ and the vile tree-worm will disappear.” ARCHZOLOGY IN NEw YorK—ANOTHER COL- LECTION Lost To Us.—<Another valuable collec- tion of antiquities is now lost to New York, but: fortunately it does not leave the country, as have heretofore too many of our American collections. The Trustees of the Peabody Ethnological Mu- seum have very wisely secured Charles C. Claus’ — | cabinet of flint and bronze implements and orna-.
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174 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, ments. Most of the specimens were obtained from the Island of Rugen, in the Baltic, a locality famed for the excellent quality of its flint. To this island many of the ancient inhabitants of Northern Europe must have resorted, anterior to the metal age, for this indispensable material. The remaining portion of Mr. Claus’ collection is from Norway, Sweden and the Danish Islands. The whole has been offered to the savants of New York for nearly a year—first brought to the notice of the American Ethnological Society, and after- ward put up in the rooms of the Long Island Historical Society, where we hoped it would be secured. It isnow removed to Cambridge, where it will be arranged for the benefit of ethnological students, in comparing the stone age of the: two continents. In connection with this subject we might ask, is it not possible in the great and wealthy City of New York to find a Peabody who would be will- ing to endow an institution for the grand purpose of collecting and studying the aboriginal arts of a great Continent? Such a museum would not merely illustrate the history of the many millions of people who have preceded us in this country, but would also furnish the most complete index to the early development of the human race in general. When will our people learn to appreciate Am- erican ethnology sufficiently to arrest the exodus of our native relics? Not, we fear, till most of them have been transferred to Europe. Note the valuable collections already lost to us : Dr. Kock’s osteological wonders—exhumed from the South- ern and Western States—are now in Berlin ; Cat- lin’s Indian gallery of portraits and curiosities went to Europe; Du Chaillu’s unique collection, illustrative of the natural history and antiquities of Central Africa, was offered to New York for half the price obtained for it in London. Dr. Davis has expended much time and money in the collection of the largest and most complete suit of relics ever obtained from the mounds of the Mississippi Valley. After years of unsuccessful efforts to secure a purchaser here, he was com- pelled to accept an offer from England, where his rare collection has gone. Regrets are, and will be entertained by American archeologists that it was not secured by the Smithsonian Insti- tution, which published an account of the ex- plorations, not only to verify their own publica- tion, but also for the benefit of the future anti- quarian. Mr. Squire has taken his collections, made in Central and South America, to Europe, whence it is feared they will never return. Thus will be seen how surely we are losing all means for illustrating the ante-Columbian period of our history. We are aware that some few ‘private collections still exist in the country which should be gathered together as the nucleus of a great American museum of aboriginal art. Who will take the initiative in doing for New York what has been done for Cambridge ?—New York Times. . INHUMAN TREATMENT OF PRISONERS—HOoR-— RORS OF THE Rock IsLAND Prison.—During the time that rebel prisoners were confined at Rock Island barracks, the Argus, on- several oc-_ casions, called public attention to the condition — of these prisoners, and every time was met with — the reply that its rebel sympathies made it undula solicitous for the comfort of rebels. When we, — by request of the commandant of the prison, ap- ouioe to the public for donations of proper — clothing for the unfortunate men who were sent, © in dead of winter, in box cars, with no fires, from — Tennessee to Rock Island, many of whom died on the way, and all suffered most terribly, we were denounced by very ‘‘ loyal” men for sympathiz- | ing with rebels. When, on another occasion, we denounced the shameful course of the epee , ant of the post and chief surgeon, who refused to — furnish the rebels with vegetables, or permit them to purchase them with their own money, and thus — brought the scurvy upon a great number of them, — we met with the same treatment. But we fol- a lowed up the complaint to the authorities at Washington, on this subject, until an Order was issued permitting the prisoners to buy vegetables —and the scurvy soon ceased. The prisoners at Rock Island barracks were treated with shameful cruelty, though their suf-— ferings were greatly mitigated by humane people, — who, at the risk of being mobbed by the ‘‘loyal,” — furnished them with food and clothes to a con- _ siderable extent. 4 We will briefly enumerate some of the inhu- manities practised here : | 1. The manner in which the prisoners were~ . brought here was cruel and inhuman, causing the death of a large number of them. 2. They were sent here before suitable — were prepared for their reception, and besides ‘ suffering horribly, a number died from this cause. 3. Their money was taken from them and os as capital to carry on a profitable trade with | them. 4. They were not supplied with sufficient food and. clothing. " 5. They were starved, in the hospitals and in ~ the “barracks, and one of the sur geons says the — head doctor declared, when appealed to by his © associates to permit more food, that he intended — to starve them to death, in retaliation for the suf- — ferings of our men in the South. 6. “They were cruelly and inhumanly punished,
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~ pee.) HISTORICAL and Sashers were shot down without the slight- est provocation. These are only a few of the facts in regard to Bock Island prison. The full details of the hor- ‘Tors endured there will never\be known. But the Congressional Committee can, if they wish, obtain enough to satisfy any unprejudiced mind that great cruelty was practised right here in Rock Island. Two thousand dead Confederates, tow mouldering to dust on the island, attest that greater numbers died here than in Andersonville, or any other Southern prison, in proportion to ‘the number confined and the time occupied. And thousands of men throughout the Southern | States can give this Committee valuable, interest- ing and truthful revelations as to the practices in Rock Island, if they will take pains to get it.— Cincinnati Inquirer. 4 How to BrecomME A MILLIONArRE. — John McDonough, the millionaire of New Orleans, has engraved upon his tomb a series of maxims he had prescribed as the rule for his guidance through life, and to which his success in business is mainly attributed. They contain so much “wisdom that we copy them : Rules for the Guidance of my Life, 1804.— ‘our existence. ‘Time is gold; throw not one “minute away, but place each one to account. Do unto all men as you would be done by. Never = off till to-morrow what can be done to-day. ever bid another do what you can do yourself. Never covet what is not your own. Never think any matter so trifling as not to deserve notice. ever give out that which does not first come in. Never spend but to produce. Let the greatest order regulate the transactions of your life. Study in your course of life to do the greatest amount ‘ofgood. Deprive yourselves of nothing necessary to Hla ur comfort, but live in an honorable simplicity. bor, then, to the last moment of your existence. 4 Pursue strictly the above rules, and the Divine Plessing and riches of every kind will flow dl on you to your heart’s content; but, first of remember that the chief and great duty of your life should be to tend, by all means in your power, to the honor and glory of our Divine Ore ator. Bethe conclusion to which I have arrived i is,, that without temperance there is no health; without Virtue no order; without religion no happiness ; and that the aim of our being is to live wisely, speerly and righteously. JoHN McDonoves. New ORLEANS, March 2, 1804. 7 ; First Barrsr CuurcH, Brooxiyn. — The Minutes of the Hudson River Association, South, Remember that labor is one of the conditions of - MAGAZINE. 175 have the following account of the circumstances whieh led to the organization of this Church : - It was in the summer of 1822, the year memo- rable for the visitation of that terrible scourge, the yellow fever, that two brethren, Eliakim Raymond and Elijah Lewis, to escape its ravages in New York city, made Brooklyn their tempo- rary home. Finding five others of like faith and practice with themselves, they gathered together in prayer meetings in private houses; the first one being held in a room on Cranbery street, directly opposite the present lecture-room of Ply- mouth Church (Rev. Henry Ward Beecher’s) ; and it is worthy of notice, that two of the per- sons who attended that first prayer-meeting are yet living, and one of them, Mrs. Ann Lewis, widow of Deacon Elijah Lewis, is yet an honored. and active member of this church. The continuation of these meetings, week after week, led to an increase of members, and, occa- sionally, to preaching by ministers from New York City. These labors of love and faith did not end with the summer, but continued through autumn, winter and spring, the two brethren named continuing their personal labors and ef- forts, though obliged to cross the East River in open boats, through many a storm, and to forego the pleasures of attending their own comfortable churches in New York, and listening to the elo- quence of such preachers as Archibald Maclay, John Williams, and Spencer H. Cone, the latter of whom was then in the zenith of his power and. popularity. On the nineteenth of August, 1823, the First Baptist church of Brooklyn was organized, with the following named persons as constituent mem- bers, viz.: Charles P. Jacobs, Richard Jones, Joshua Evans, Maria Cornell, Sarah Quereau, Elizabeth Jacobs, Hannah Jones, Margaret Evans, Margaret Nostrand, and Eliza Ann Rust. JOSHUA AS A GENERAL.—General D. H. Hill, of the late Confederate army, has a high opinion of the military skill of Joshua, and thinks he displays a superiority over noted Generals of later times. He says: Joshua, the successor of Moses, was distin- guished by the favor of Heaven, and yet was one of the most renowned military leaders of his own or any other age. His strategy and manceuvering furnish an interesting study, at this day, to the student of military history. He will see that the mistake which Washington made at Germantown, in attempting to take Chew’s house, which Greene made at Eutaw in attempt- ing to take the brick jail, Joshua did not make when the five Kings fled to their cave or strong- hold at Makkedah. He did not turn aside from
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176 the great object, but gave orders: ‘‘ Stay ye not, ‘*but pursue after your enemies and smite the ‘*hindermost of them ; suffer them not to enter ‘‘their cities.” Had Jackson, at New Orleans, been familiar with the tactics of Joshua, he would have made his night attack on the twenty-second of December, just before day, and thus have an- ticipated the great victory of the eighth of Janu- ary. Is it not strange that military men in mod- ern times, with all the lights of history and ex- perience before them, can discover no mistakes in the campaigns of Joshua, who marched and fought, ages before Alexander, Hannibal, Czesar and Napoleon? ‘Whence did he derive his stra- tegy? Who taught him the art of war? A Srrance Srory.—A correspondent of the Albany Evening Journal, in noticing the recent death, in a Southern city, of a Mississippi River pilot, relates the following curious story : This pilot was a devoted rebel at heart, but while Grant was at Young’s Point, operating against Vicksburg, he was in charge of one of the Union transports, lying below the Point, on the west side of the river.—General Grant at that time was greatly annoyed and mortified at the promptness and unerring correctness of the infor- mation conveyed from his line to the enemy. ‘During three or four hours of each day,” says the correspondent, ‘‘this pilot, after gathering ‘* from the officers at headquarters what informa- ‘*tion he desired—for officers would talk—would ‘*repair to a farm house down on the Point, and, _ **with a mirror, which he had previously taken ‘*from the cabin of the steamer, amuse himself ‘*by throwing the sun’s reflection up and down ‘*the river. No one asked what he was doing— ‘* for the employment was so simple and appar- ‘fently abstracted, that none thought for a mo- **ment of attributing any other motive than mere ‘*idle pastime. But this was his secret, previously ‘* agreed upon between himself and General Pem- ‘‘berton. Vicksburg is mainly upon a high ** bluff, the lower part of the city, during certain ‘* hours of the day, being entirely in the shade. ** Commencing at the upper end of the city, and ‘¢ within easy view, M. had selected thirteen ‘*houses behind and above each other. To each ‘* one of these houses a letter of the alphabet was ‘given. From the window of the farm-house ‘*he threw the reflections, first upon one house: ‘‘and then upon another, an officer of Pember- ‘* ton’s staff, in the secret, at the same time stand- ‘fing on the levee, with his back to M., and ‘*reading every word easily and rapidly. And ‘‘he not only gave information of what was ‘‘transpiring in the Union camp at Young’s ‘* Point, but also gathered from Northern news- ‘* papers important news relative to the move- HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. ‘in the swamps. (September, — ‘‘ments of armies elsewhere, sending it across the ‘‘ river in the same manner. The plan was kept~ ‘‘up until a short time before General Grant ‘‘made arrangements for going below Vicksburg, — ‘crossing at Grand Gulf, and coming up im ‘*the rear. Just before that event M. was or- ‘‘ dered to another point, and, consequently, the ‘‘enemy had no light upon the subject of that — ‘* last move.” | q Scraps.—An old resident of Jamestown, New York, reports that in 1808, when that town was. first settled, the village Common was cleared of © stumps by fines imposed on those who got drunk. — The penalty for getting drunk was to dig up a _ large stump ; and for getting only tipsy, a smaller — stump. The removal of every stump in about” two months was the result. | —Faneuil Hall Market-house stands on what for several generations was known as the Cove. — —Boston Common received its name from the- fact of its being common land—land common to— all the early inhabitants. —A very curious incident occurred in the sur-— veys of the Iron Mountain road, in the cypress swamps of South-east Missouri. The engineers, — having orders to locate their surveys in connection — with the United States land surveys, had occasion ~ to search for the marks or records, made years ago, The land surveyors had marked — the results of their work by cutting into the body of a tree, leveling off a smooth surface of the trunk, and engrossing their record on the tablets thus prepared. The engineers found the trees of the old survey, and recognized the scars of former cuttings ; but to reach the records were compelled to cut into the trees again. New wood had — grown up over the old record, completely hiding and protecting it. But, after cutting into the body, down to the original tablet, they found the surveyors record as plain and distinct as when— first made. —A blundering correspondent of a New. York paper saysthat the den where General Putnam shot the wolf is one of the summer attractions of the town of Woodstock. The old wolf-den used to be located in the southerly part of the town of Pomfret ; and it undoubtedly remains there until this day. ) 3 —aA recent visitor to the tip of Cape Cod, who has, we suspect, been befogging himself with old wives’ traditions, wishes to know where the In- dians got the copper kettle Miles Standish stole from them? We turn him over to the antiquaries, — having a dim impression that said kettle, if it ever existed, was a legacy from the Danes to the aborigines, when the former settled Provincetown. — Transcript.
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1867.) HISTORICAL ee ee _ —The Indianapolis Herald says: ‘‘ There is a “man residing in Noblesville, named Moreau, ‘who is ninety-seven years old. He is one of “the oldest, if not the oldest, members of the “Masonic fraternity, having joined that organiza- ‘tion in 1800. He was one of the assistants of “Robert Fulton in building his first steamboat ; “and was on board of her during her first or trial trip. The old man is never so happy as when, “with chalk or pencil, he is laying off diagrams, ‘and explaining the machinery and vessel he helped to construct on that occasion. The ‘scenes and incidents of three score and ten “years ago, particularly of the war of 1812, are “as fresh in his mind as though they had hap- **pened only yesterday, while the occurrences of “Jast week are dim, if not entirely forgotten.” __ —The first newspaper tolerated in Virginia was ini780. The subscription price was fifty dollars per annum for one copy. Advertisements of ‘moderate length were inserted for ten dollars the rst week, and seven dollars for each succeeding week. _ —The old homestead of Ethan Allen still ‘stands in the village of Bennington Centre, Ver- mont. _ —The oldest locomotive in America was broken “up at a machine shop in Bangor, Maine, the other day. It was the ‘‘ Pioneer,” a ten ton engine ; and one of the early machines built in England, by Stephenson, the inventor of the locomotive. Tt was built at his works, at Newcastle-upon- ‘Tyne, in 1835; and ran its first trip over the B. O. and M. R. R., on the sixth day of November, 1885. Its last work was done on the fifteenth day of August, 1867. | _ — The greatest curiosity of Flushing, N. Y., asthe house in which George Fox once lived, built in 1661, and still, after two hundred years, owned and occupied by a descendant of its earli- est tenant. It is in the old style of New England farm-houses, two stories in front, and with a long slope in the rear. The floors are fastened with wooden pins, and the timbers are in perfect pres- ervation. The grounds around it are perfectly Kept; and its Quakerism is more in its legend han in its present show. The present owner and lis lady are most accomplished and charming people ; and love to talk with strangers about the good old times. On the other side of the street they show you ‘‘ George Fox’s Oak,” all that remains of the tree, under which the leather- breeched enthusiast was wont to interpret to the crowd the word of the Spirit. It is buta torso and a fragment. The crown is gone; the branches re gone ; and there is only left a dry, yellow, de- taying trunk. But this relic is preserved with ous care; and the friends who pass it on their y to the Sunday gatherings seem to see in its HIST. MAG., VOL. m1. 12 ‘one hundred and twenty-three years ago. MAGAZINE. 177 oo gaunt lines the visage and form of their great leader. —In Litchfield, Conn., recently, Captain Salmon Buel celebrated his one hundredth birth- day by attending the Congregational Church (which is the New England idea of festivity), the congregation rising as he came in, and the choir singing ‘‘ Old Hundred,” (which is the New Eng- land idea of facetiousness.)— World. — Richard C. Washington, who died in Wash- ington, recently, was a direct descendant of Law- rence Washington, the elder brother of the father of George Washington, and was born in West- moreland County, Virginia. He had been a resi- dent of Washington for many. years, and occu- pied at the time of his death the position of Chief Clerk in the Appointment Office of the Post Office Department. He has been connected. with this department for over twenty years.— Transcript. — Mr. Larkin G. Mead, Jr., the American sculptor, has just completed the model of ‘‘ Col- ‘‘umbus before Queen Isabella,” ordered some time since by Mr. Lockwood, of New York. This is Mr. Mead’s most important work ; and its merits are sufficient to satisfy the artist’s most enthusiastic friends.—J bid. — An Historical Society has been established at St. Petersburg, with the object of searching for historical documents of the time of Peter the Great.—Hachange. — Dr. N. B. Shurtleff has been appointed by the Massachusetts Historical Society to prepare the memorial of the late L. M. Sargent, Esq. — Thomas Paine was probably- the first man who suggested the practicability of constructing bridges of iron; and he conceived the idea from contemplating the fabrication of a spider’s web, when he was in the United States. In 1787, Paine presented to the Academy of Sciences, at Paris, the model of a bridge whichihe had invented ; and when he resided at Rotherdam, in Yorkshire, a bridge chiefly of wrought iron, was constructed under his direction, by the Messrs. Walker. — The first chime of bells in America was pre- sented. to Christ’s Church, Salem Street, ba e bells exist in good state of preservation. The inscription upon the third tenor reads—‘‘ We are ‘¢ the first ring of bells cast for the British Empire ‘in North America. A. D. 1744.” : —In 1796 great complaint was made of the number of hackney coaches allowed to stand in State-street, Boston. The Legilaeute was called upon to remedy the evil and guard the citizens from the danger of losing their eyes by the snap- ping of the whips of the coachmen as they passed. — The Marion (Ohio) Independent says that thirteen human skeletons, of an extinct race, were found in an excavation for a cellar in that place,
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178 nc a te a lately, and expresses the opinion thatthe hill upon which the excavation was made is full of similar -svemains. A singular thing about the skeletons -$¥ound was, that the arms had all been broken :» between the elbow and the shoulder, and the thigh '» bones had also been broken. ‘‘ Two of the skele- --* tons were of females, the rest were of males. ‘* The females, when living, must have been taller ~ “‘than the average of men of the present day. ~The males must have been seven or eight feet one 6b high.” ___ —— When the British entered Philadelphia, dur- - Ing the Revolution, they came by way of the Ger- - mantown road.——Dispatch. — The present United States Navy Yard, Phil- - adelphia, is on the site of the Association Battery, _ erected before the Revolution. —JZbid. — The old graveyard, on the west side of the Schuylkill, above Market street, Philadelphia, » which is now demolished by the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, was assigned for use as a _ burying-ground to the Centre Square Friends’ . Meeting-House, about 1682. The latter not being maintained very long, the ground came to be con- “sidered a public one—a sort of Potter's field—and was used without obstruction, for many years. _ Afterwards it was, with the approval and consent - of the Society of Friends, assigned to. the Guar- ‘ dians of the Poor, as a free burying-place for the indigent poor. It was sold some years ago by ’ virtue of an Act of Assembly, about the consti- - tutionality of which there may be considerable ‘doubt. —Four markets were opened in Boston in 1734 ; but so strong was the opposition, they were all Closed in four years. — In regard to the inquiries about the residence -of Robert Fulton in Philadelphia, I desire to say that the old frame house now standing, situate on ‘the east side of Second-street, above Gray’s-alley, “was occupied about the close of the Revolutionary ‘war by James Duffel, a silversmith, with whom Robert Fulton, then a boy, was living as an ap- ‘prentice, though perhaps not indentured. Mr. ‘Duffel removed to Fredericksburg, Va., and came often to Philadelphia to purchase goods. I had dealings with him frequently. An old lady, who had. been very intimate in his family, had many conversations with me, forty or fifty years ago, re- specting the houses and. the residents in the neigh- borhood of Church and Second streets. She re- marked to me that among the boys who worked with Mr. Duffel and lived in his family was one (a very good boy) named Robert; ‘‘ and,” said the ‘old lady, ‘‘ they tell me he was the first to start a -¢¢steamboat.” I took the opportunity on the first occasion afterward of seeing Mr. Duffel, to speak to him on the subject. He said that the ‘boy Robert, to whom the old lady alluded, was the Robert Fulton who had become so celebrated HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. rt. d [September, a tee. for his success in steamboats. I do not recol- lect if he said anything about the length o: time that Fulton was with him. It is quite likely that the time was not very long. 4 The brick house adjoining the frame building on the south, and generally known as Stephen A thony’s house, was taken down a few years ago, There were in the north wall, about as high above the roof of the frame as a boy might reach, two bricks in which letters were cut or nicked. One was marked R. F., the other J. D. . Mr. Richardson, the owner, on my request, had these two bricks carefully removed without being broken, and presented them to me. It seems quite probable that the nicking was done by Robert Fulton, intended for his own initials and those of Mr. Duffel. I have taken care of the bricks.— Correspondent of the Sunday Di patch. ‘ — James Athearn (not Atheam) Jones was fh publisher and editor of the National Palladium in 1828, and had associated with him, part of the time, Charles G. Greene—now, I believe, of the Boston Post. The Freeman’s Journal, publishec by Joseph P. Hamelin (who I believe was in some way related to William McCorkle), was united with an afternoon paper, called the City Register, published by Mr. Uber, of which the late John Miles, Esq., was the editor. It was afterward called the National Palladium, and became the property of the ‘‘ Hickory Club,” (Henry Horn, John Pemberton, Henry 8S. Hughes, & Co.,) and James A. Jones came on from Boston to manage it. He was afterwards assisted by Mr. Charles G. Greene, as stated above; and occasionally Duff Greene wrote the leaders. Mr. Greene, (Charles G.) got married and did not stay long in the con- cern; and, after Gen. Jackson was elected Presi- dent, the paper, press, types, &c., went to the American Sentinel. Mr. Jones, who boarded im Fourth street, next door to the corner of Willing’s alley, remained in the city only long enough to transact some unfinished business, and then left for Massachusetts. I do not think he ever went to England. Some years after he left this city a paragraph went the rounds of the papers, sté ing that as he was ploughing somewhere in Mas sachusetts, he turned up something that containec a quantity of gold and silver coins, and that is the last that I heard of him.—Jbid. ; — The present street known as Cornhill is the ‘fourth public avenue in Boston bearing that name, The first was on Fort Hill. a — Two stone tomahawks, four knives of hard stone, and. a lot of other Indian antiquities, we found in a cave opposite Oleopolis, Pa., a fey days since. Among the relics were several stone vessels and two skulls. = —Some of the Universalists propose, in 1870, te celebrate the introduction of Universalism inte
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1867.} America. In September, 1770, John Murray, supercargo of a vessel, was blown by contrary winds into a inlet in New Jersey, known as Cran- erry inlet. Up this inlet, Mr. Murray went to uy some fish. He found a man who not only would not take any money for his fish, but noti- fied him that he had built a church for Murray, had waited a long time for him, and that the wind that held the vessel fast would not change ill the sermon was preached. The sermon was delivered on Sunday morning. In the afternoon he wind changed, and the apostle of the new faith sailed out of the harbor and began his min- istry, and laid the foundation of the new sect hat was introduced by a special miracle—by breaking the Sabbath. Murray tells this story in his biography and the Universalists profess to be- leve it. _ — Arecent number of the Christian Guardian, foronto, contains a letter from the venerable Israel Jhamberlayne, D. D. of the Genesee Conference, furnishing some interesting incidents connected With pioneer preaching in Canada. In 1816, Dr. Jhamberlayne, then in the twentieth year of his age and third of his ministry, was sent by Rev. William Case, presiding elder, to labor on the Ottawa circuit. The letter says: _ ** Where the city of Ottawa now is, or near it, *(opposite,) there was in the spring of 1816 a *small village known.as Hull. With no land “road from below, it could only be reached by “water, a distance of forty miles. Represented “as all but destitute of Christian ministration, “the author of these reminiscences decided to re- “connoitre and report. It was now June, and “the Ottawa, now narrowed and more rapid, then “expanded into dark eddying bays, was gloomy “and dreadful. And this the rather as it was “overhung and shaded by the primeval wood. “The voyager in the stern, with his saddle-bags “in the bow of his borrowed ‘dug-out,’ had pad- “dled but fifteen miles of the forty, when—not “im vigorous health—the sign of a cabin on the ‘first head-land was hailed as a thankful relief “from what had become all but a forlorn hope. ‘He had scarcely hauled his canoe ashore and ‘entered into a short questioning with the inmates ‘of the hut, when lo! a fleet of the Hudson Bay *Company’s boats! To speak of the change of ‘modus procedandi were superfluous. The boats *—six in number—were birchen, and each of six ‘tons capacity. But the romantic incident wasa ‘Night in the Woods. The boats are unloaded ‘and hauled ashore ;~ the camp-fires have extem- ‘porized the pea-soup ; pipes have beensmoked all round, when, just asthe parle vous, with their ‘single protege, were sinking to repose; canopied only by the trees, it began to rain. Presto, a boat brought from the river is transversely stowed, Yankee and all; all are dry, and sleep well till Yi HISTORICAL. MAGAZINE. 178 er, ‘‘daylight sees them heading for the ‘ Carrying ‘* Place,’ an alias for the author’s destination, ‘‘ which was gained in season for to assemble the ‘‘ settlement for an evening sermon. It was lis- ‘*tened to, by some who had never heard one be- ‘¢ fore, with avidity and tears.” i — The fine statue of Hon. Thomas H. Ben- ton, which has been on storage in St. Louis for several months, is at last to be erected in some suitable place. The statue is life size, and was made by Miss Harriet Hosmer, some years ago. — A singular fact is connected with the New Jersey press. In the year 1800, a newspaper of that State contained an editorial complimentary address to the female voters: of New Jersey for unanimously supporting John Adams for Presi- dent in opposition to Mr. Jefferson. — The late Caleb G. Loring, of Boston, was one of the Dartmoor prisoners, and a recipient of the ° barbarous treatment which the British authorities visited upon prisoners of war, in 1812-15. : — The man who wrote ‘Rally round the ‘* Flag,” has gone into the flag-stone business. In- stead of rally around the flag he flags around their alley. So says the Boston Transcript. . — President Day’s first wife was a daughter of the great Connecticut statesman, Roger Sherman, by whom he had one son, Sherman Day, now liy- ing in California. She died in 1806, and in 1811 he married Olivia Jones of Hartford, by whom he had seven children, none of whom survived their father. . e — The oldest existing newspaper in the United | States is the Vew Hampshire Gazette, established in 1757. — The San Francisco correspondent of the ~ Chicago Tribune says that he has seen a lease dated October fifth, 1853, for a room in the old Union Hotel in San Francisco (now converted. into a part of the City Hall) at a rental of five hundred. dollars per month, for one year to be used only as aprivate billiard room. The parties to this lease are Captain Isaac M. Hall, Captain Henry M. Wallen, now a Colonel or Brigadier-general, I believe, and Captain U. 8. Grant, Fourth Infantry, United States Army, (a gentleman who has since been heard from at various points, East, West, and South, ) of the first part, and Thomas H. Stevens (now a Commodore in the United States Navy), of the second part. — Brown University has had five presidents, and has graduated 2267 students. Of these 165 were graduated under Dr. Manning’s administra- tion; 227 under that of Dr. Maxcy; 693 under that of Dr. Messer; 818 under Dr. Wayland; and 369 under Dr. Sears. Of these 583 have been ordained as preachers. One hundred and _ thirty of the students entered the Union army. Rhode Island is proud of the University, and well may be, for it is the best possession she has. — Somebody has unearthed a ticket of the
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180 HISTORICAL Cumberland Mountain Road Lottery, dated 1768, and signed by George Washington as Treasurer. —The Brandon (Texas) Republican of recent date, says of army-worms and catterpillars: ‘‘ The ‘¢ first time the army-worm ever destroyed the cot- **ton crop of the South, was in 1804, and it has ‘done the same thing every twenty-one years ‘since. It 1825 it made a clean sweep, and ‘‘acain in 1846, and from present appearances, ‘¢ it willdo the same thing in 1867. A gentleman, ‘¢just up from Simpson, inform us that they are ‘nearly all over that county. Another gentile- ‘¢man from Smith says that they are doing great ‘damage there; and our exchanges, from vari- *¢ ous quarters, report them in almost every sec- ‘tion of the State. We have heard of them on ‘¢ several plantations in this county, but as yet **they have not done much damage; and if the ‘‘weather continues dry, and hot, they may not do much; but if a rainy spell sets in the crop ‘¢ will be destroyed.” — By the names on the counterpanes, it would seem that the original intention was to call the boats of the Bristol line respectively The Pilgrim and The Puritan. Sober second thought, we ‘suppose, led to the conclusion that these would be misnomers, as connecting the memory of our sober and severe ancestors with entirely to much of the magnificent luxury of their descendants. — The only instance during our five years’ war in which a private was breveted for meritorious ‘conduct was in the case of Adolphus Leibschutz, a private of the Ninth Kansas Cavalry. Mr. Leib- schutz is a Pole, who came to this country to help us in our struggle, and received his brevet for meritorious services at the battle of Prairie Grove, ~ in Arkansas. — James Gates Percival is buried in the wilds of Wisconsin, without any stone to mark his grave. — The great-grandmother of General Grant was the grand-mother of the late General Peter B. Por- ter of Niagara Falls. Noah Grant, who came from Scotland and settled at Coventry, Conn., died early, and his widow married Peter Buel, by whom she had a daughter named Abigail. This Abi- gail was married to Dr. Joshua Porter of Salis- bury, Conn., and they were the parents of the late Augustus and Peter Buel Porter of Niagara Falls. XV.—NOTES. A New Ineosrrion. To Tue Eprror or THe HisrortcAL Maga- ZINE : | Str: Inthelastnumber of Harpers’ Magazine, isan article entitled ‘‘The Lost Jackson Boy,” reviewing a work lately published in Chicago, entitled, Life MAGAZINE. [September, and Adventures of William Filley, who was stolen Srom his home in Jackson, Michigan, by the Indi- ans, August 3d., 1837, and his safe Return Srom Captivity, October 19th, 1866, after an Absence of Twenty-nine Years. 3 As the article in question will be extensivel read, and is written in full faith that William Filley is what he represents himself to be, will yor permit me to scrutinize his narrative more critical ly than is there attempted. { That a boy by the name of William Filley wa lost near Jackson, Mich., in 1837; and that a per son appeared there about a year ago claiming t be this boy admits of no doubt. This person we are told, ‘‘ speaks eleven different Indian dialects ‘¢he has been in seventeen different Indian tribes: ‘he understands the secret of making steel out ¢ ‘‘iron by means of a liquid; he makes his razor ‘out of old horseshoes; he is skilled in the ‘¢ preparation of medicines, and has” [ for sale? ‘“ specimens of valuable medicines prepared by his ‘¢ own hands in caverns beneath perpetual snows.’ We are also informed that he intends to trave through the United States, when, for a consid eration, doubtless, these medicines may be put chased. This looks ‘‘fishy.” It looks like: first-class advertisement of an itinerant qu doctor. | The suspicion here excited rises to a certainty when we pursue the narrative. He says he was medicine man and chief of the Camanches, ¢ favors us with a description of their religion, an adds two ‘‘ Sones TO THE GREAT SPIRIT,” in th original Camanche tongue. (p. 82.) They a in the Ojibeway-Algonkin dialect, and are copie word for word from SCHOOLCRAFT’s Indian Tribes ii., 899! This language is no more like Camat che, than English is like Hebrew. The book evidently an impudent attempt at imposition Bb an illiterate vendor of nostrums. The deseri tions of the manners and customs of the Osage an Camanche tribes are shallow and absurd, eviden' ly picked at random from some popular work 6 ‘¢Indian Traits.” 4 The work is fraudulent, and deserves to b classed with the Narrative of John Hunter am kindred fictions, only it is a far more impote attempt at deception than Hunter’s story. } I remain &c., D. G. Brinton, M. D. PENN., Oct., 9, 1867. Li West CHESTER, BaTtTLE OF Ramsour’s Miiu.—In the accor of the Battle of Ramsour’s Mill, in Hisrorte: MaGazing, July 1867. p. 27., ‘‘the moment t ‘‘ other put his head behind his tree, &c.” ought be ‘‘ beyond his tree, &c.” . The following may be added thereto : In traveling through that part of the count y
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1867.) HISTORICAL ew days ago we heard of the following stratagem “practiced by one of the Tories to save his life, and afterwards related by himself. When they were defeated he ran into the mill-pond; and as he did 60, he took up a large turtle lying on the bank, ‘and waded into the water until it came up to his ‘nose, just enabling him to breathe; he then put the turtle upon the top of his head, and kept it there. Being at a good distance from the shore, he thus passed unnoticed, and saved his life. ‘This was equal to any device practised by Federal ‘or Confederate soldier in the late war. tase } ‘Davipson CoLuEGE, N. C. a 4 ~ ' Tue Barrie or Kine’s Mounrar.—tThe fol- Towing is said to have occurred at this battle : - A soldier on the American side noticed a good deal of execution done in a particular place in his line and from a particular spot on the other side. On close inspection, he discovered that the firing on the British side was from behind a_hol- tow chestnut tree and through a hole in it. _ Heaimed his gun repeatedly at this opening, ‘and stopped the firing. After the battle was over, he examined the place and discovered that he had killed one of his own brothers, and wounded ‘another, who had joined the British forces and had concealed themselves behind the tree. He teflected upon himself very severely, and became “almost deranged in consequence. a KE. F. R. - Davipson CouuEer, N. C. GENERAL WASAINGTON’S Last SICKNESS. ‘Enrror or Tre Historican MAGAzine: _ Sm: In looking over some back numbers of your Magazine my attention was attracted to a “communication, in Vol. IX, No. 12, from Brantz Mayer, Esq., on ‘‘ Washington’s Mortal Sickness,” ‘containing a version of the certificate of Drs. Craik and Dick who attended the General in his ast illness. I say a version because I have two ‘other versions of the same, varying essentially both in phraseology and in important facts from ‘the one sent you by Mr. Mayer, and differing also Mm a slight extent from each other. One of these which I have is to be found in the last number for 1799, of The Monthly Magazine and American Review ; and the other in the Works of William Cobbett, who copies it from The N. Y. Daily Advertiser of December 30th, 1799. _ In both of these New York versions, a fourth bleeding-—at which thirty-two ounces (a quart) of blood was drawn—is mentioned; but is left ‘out of the Baltimore version altogether. | _ Cobbett makes use of this in one of his attacks MAGAZINE. 18t on Dr. Rush. I am aware that Cobbett is not generally considered first-rate authority ; but as his version of the certificate does not vary mate- rially from that of The Monthly Magazine and American Review, I see no cause to doubt his in- tegrity in this matter, but am, on the contrary, in- clined to believe with him that General Washing- ton was doctored to death. New YorK. C. L. W. Toe EARLY SETTLERS IN KANSAS. To THE Eprror or THE Historical MAGAZINE : Str: The way in which Kansas was settled, and the privations of those who, in her early state, went there, will become interestingly histor- ical; and every little incident in this direction will be worth present preservation: I have a letter now before me, dated ‘‘ Law- ‘RENCE, Kansas, August 28, 1859,” written by a young Irishman, named William J. King, which shows what privations he and two companions suffered and what befell a number of emigrants who had preceded him. By the way, the writer died a short time ago of typhus fever at Lawrence. It may be well I should give you the whole of his epistle, written to his father in Ireland. ‘*T have just returned from the gold mines of ‘¢ Western Kansas, in good health and spirits. Itis ‘¢now a fixed fact that these mines are as rich as ‘‘those in California. I intend returning to the ‘mines again with a stock of goods about the first ‘of next April; and I have every faith that it ‘‘ will pay me well there next summer. I made ‘‘about enough money to pay my expenses out ta ‘**the mines and back to Lawrence, and have got ‘**a good mining claim which I think will pay me “ten dollars per day, next Summer. ‘There are ‘‘about twenty thousand persons there already, ‘¢and nearly all are doing well, while the emigra- ‘- tion next summer will be large. I wrote to you ‘¢ that I had started to the gold country with three ‘others on horseback ; and I assure you we had ‘‘a hard trip of it. On the route which we went ‘‘ we had to travel about six hundred miles over ‘¢ a barren desert, without any road to travel on, ‘and nothing but our compass to guide us. We ‘- encountered a great many snow storms, which ‘* delayed us so long on the way, that our provis- ‘ions gave out, and we lived for four days with- ‘‘ out tasting food, and three days at one time ‘without any water. There had been at least ‘twenty persons starved to death on that route, ‘¢and I know of one person who was so insane ‘¢ from hunger that he ate portions of two of his ‘¢own brothers after they had died, while a great ‘¢many others devoured snakes, roots, etc. So ‘* you may guess how we had rather a bad time of ‘¢it. But it was all occasioned by our starting to ‘* the mines too early in the season.
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182 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (September, ‘We had a very valuable setter dog along with ‘¢us ; and when we had lived three days without: fe eating, it was determined by the balance of the « company to kill the dog and feed upon him. I “begged so hard to let him live one day longer ‘< that his life was spared for a single day. Be- ‘¢ fore that time was passed, we reached Bent’s ‘Fort, were we where supplied with plenty of *¢food ; and here we remained a week to recruit ‘** our exhausted bodies. The balance of the way ‘¢to the mines, two hundred miles, was pleasant, ‘as we had aroad to travel on and a quantity of ‘* provisions with us.” Yours faithfully, CHARLES EDWARDS. New YOorK. XVI.—QUERIES. Lossters AND New YorK.—It was said in an old New York newspaper, that the first vote of thanks passed by the New York Legislature, was some years before the Revolutionary war, when the thanks of the Colonial Legislature were given to William Richards of Philadelphia, for having come to New York for the purpose of planting lobsters, which formerly were imported from Rhode Island. Is this true? If soa copy of such vote ought to find its way into the columns of the HisToRIcaAL MAGAZINE. PRAWN. _ Dutcu ScHoots In New Yorx.—A subscriber desires to know, up to how late the Dutch lan- guage was taught in the schools of New York? | New York Histrorican Socrery.—It would be a very acceptable service to students and col- lectors if a carefully prepared list of the various publications under the imprint of this Society could find a place in THe Historica MAGazIne. The Editor of that work, with probably a single exception, is best able to furnish such a list ; and I earnestly hope he will do so. | A. COLLECTOR. CLEVELAND, O. Mason ANDRE. Utica, N. Y., October, 1, 1867. H. B. Dawson, Esq., DEAR Str: Can you or any of your correspon- _ dents inform me as to the veracity of a singular dream prefiguring the arrest. and execution of Major Andre, as found on page 818 of vol. ii., Seaficld’s Literature and Curiosity of Dreams ? If Mr. Cuningham actually had the dream there related, it seems to me to be one of the most Te: 70 markable, as well as an interesting incident con- | nected with pee Andre. | Yours truly, i R. 8S. WILLIAMS. © EMIGRANTS FROM ViRGINIA.—The clerk of the Augusta County Court asks for the names and post-office address of all persons who have emi- erated from Augusta, Rockbridge, and Rocking- ham Counties ; also the names of their decendants. _ Address box 134, Staunton, Va. a JEFFERSON AND ApAmMs.—In a little volume of travels published in 1833, by Thomas F. Ash, of Philadelphia, and written by Godfrey T. Vigne, i Esq., page 112, we read, ‘‘ The circumstances at- os tending the deaths of Presidents Jefferson and E “4 Adams, were very extraordinary. A Committee f ‘‘ of five * was originally appointed to draw up ‘* the articles of the Constitution. Jefferson and ‘¢Adams were selected as a sub-committee, and ‘*were in fact the real framers of the Constitu- ‘‘tion. These two gentlemen died onthe fourth of ‘¢ July, in the same year,” [1826, fifty years after the Declaration of Independence, which the author means evidently by The Constitution, | ‘‘ and the» ‘news of their decease arrived at EXACTLY THB” ‘‘ SAME TIME, ON THE SAME DAY, at Philadelphia, ‘‘where the Declaration of Independence was cc SI] ed. ” 4 It is to the latter part of this statement that we call attention ; the words in small caps and italics, - which we have seen nowhere else. If this is true, it renders the matter very providential indeed. Was it so ? | E. F. R. To Tar Eprror or Tar HisrortcaL MaGazIne. Srr : [read the following in Lord John Russell’s Memoirs of Tom Moore, (vii., 194.) ‘* Breaks ‘* fasted with Rogers to meet again the Ameri- ‘“eans, Conversation turned, curiously enough, ‘* before the son of Hamilton, though none of us ‘*seemed to have thought of this at the time, ‘¢ypon the prevalence of duelling in America; ‘‘and Hamilton told some strange stories on the ‘*subject. Mr. Hamilton said there was no longer ‘* any oabe of his fathers’ having been the writer ‘of almost all of Washington's addresses.” 4 Pray, how far is this historically known to be true? Isit sufficiently ascertained that Hamilton composed. Washington's addressés ? i. [Can any one tell us which of the sons of Hame j *The committee consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman and ’R. RL Livingston. ig
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867. HISTORICAL Iton ~ thus referred to by Moore? Ep. Hist. HAG. Tae CLERICAL MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL THAT JISMISSED JONATHAN EDWARDS FROM NORTH- AMPTON.—In the June number of Tuer Hisrort- AL MAGAZINE, an attempt is made to show from yhat list of clergymen the ten members of the 70U incil by which Jonathan Edwards was dis- nissed from Northampton must have been select- d. Some further light is thrown upon this sub- ect by ‘‘ A Letter to the Rev. William Hobley, *in answer to his vindication of a protest against *the result of an Ecclesiastical Council met at *‘Northampton.” This letter is signed by four it of the five members who were in sympathy vith the Church and opposed to Edwards. For ome reason the name of Jonathan Ashley, of Jeerfield, a cousin of Edwards, does not appear : ‘the list. From this letter it appears, that beside the Deer- 2 ministers, those who were opposed to Ed- rards, were Robert Beach, of Springfield ; Joseph 3h od of Sunderland ; Timothy Woodbridge, af Hatfield, and Chester Williams, of Hadley, vho is stated in the article above referred to have een the Scribe of the Council. : he letter also gives the name of one of the niends of Edwards in the Council, not mentioned n the article. This was Rey. Mr. Reynold, of Infield. If to these we add the names of David Hall, of Sutton; William Hobley, of Reading, nd Edward Billings, of Belchertown, who are nown to have been members of the council, only e out of the ten clergymen who were members bit remains unknown. Whoever he was, he was a friend of Edwards, and must be found on the ist of the other ministers of the County. Thomas rong, of New Marlborough, whose ordination ermon Edwards preached, and who had been a arishioner of Edwards; Jonathan Todd, of jouthampton: John Ballantine, of Westfield ; tephen Williams, of Longmeadow ; James Bridg- am, of Brierfield; Samuel Hopkins of West ringfield ; or his more distinguished namesake, amuel Hopkins, of Great Barrington. It seems ‘ some accounts most probable thatit was Thomas trong, of New Marlborough. Can any of the eaders of the Magazin throw light on this ques- ion—who was the still unknown clerical member f the Council that dismissed Jonathan Edwards fom the Church at Northhampton ? ecru. mas E. H. G. / sure that we speak the sentiments of the great bod readers when we say that the contributions thereto of the able historian of West Point will always be welcome, MAGAZINE. 183 XVII.—REPLIES. AMERICAN FLAGS. I. SrarE Lrerary, AuBany, Oct. 7, 1867. H. B. Dawson, Esq., Dear Str: I beg to offer to you the enclosed for THe HisrortcaAL Maaazineg, if acceptable. ‘* American Flags” are inquired about, (H. I, IL, ii., 119). The inquirer has probably seen Schuyler Hamilton’s The History of the National Flag of the United States of America. Phila., 18538, pp. 115, 120. Respectfully and sincerely yours, H. A. Homgss. WEst Pornt, N. Y. Sept. 28, 1867. DEAR Sire: Your correspondent, ‘‘B. A.,” on page 119 of Taz HisrortcaAL MAGAZINE for Au- gust, desires information regarding the origin of - the American Flag. : It may be found in a work entitled The Histo- ry of the National Flag of the United States, by [now] Brevet Major-general Schuyler Hamilton, U. 8. A., published by Lippincott, Grambo & Co., Philadelphia, 1853. IT am truly yours, E. C. Boynron.* Ii. An interesting account of our early National - banners will be found in Smith’s History of New- . buryport ; and it is partly from this work, and Savage’s Lectures, (1853) we give what follows : The first colors spoken of in connection with our war of independence were called Union Flags. They are repeatedly noticed in the newspapers of _ 1774. The first American Flag displayed in ~ South Carolina was that unfurled by Colonel Moultrie, 1775. It bore a crescent on a blue ground. In October of the same year, a pine tree on a white ground, with the words, ‘‘ Appeal ‘¢to Heaven,” was raised on the floating batteries, and was adopted by the Massachusetts cruisers in 1776. The great Union Standard, the basis of © that of the present day, was first unfurled on the — second of January, 1776. This was followed by a naval flag, which bore a rattle-snake, with the motto, Don’r TREAD ON Mz. Some of the ban- ners, however, previous to 1776, exhibited a snake with thirteen rattles, in a crimson ground inter- =~ laced with white, by some supposed in compli- ment to France, but more recently by others as representing those in the armorial bearing of Gen- * We welcome Captain Boynton to our pages; and we are Ep. Hist. Mae. of our 23
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184 eral Washington. A description of this flag is given in a London paper published in 1776. It is claimed that the ‘‘ Stars and Stripes,” as the American ensign, were first displayed on the river Thames, Connecticut, by Captain Nich- olas Johnson of Newbur yport, Commander of the ship Count de Grasse ; but this honor has been since claimed in behalf of the barque Maria, which subsequently went into the whaling trade. She returned to New Bedford, Massachusetts, in 1856; and is asserted to be the oldest craft in the United States. Paul Jones was the first to carry oe American banner to Europe. This was in 777, A new ‘‘ Star-Spangled Banner” made its ap- pearance in the river Thames, London, in October, 1851, showing five stars, emblematical of the British Colonies of New South Wales, the Aus- _tralias, and Van Dieman’s Land. War in Diseuise. [HistoricaL Magazine, N.S. ii., 41, 121.]-—The Answer to War in Dis- guise, New York, 1806, is ascribed in the Cata- logue of the Library of the Albany Institute, and also in that of the New York State Library to Governeur Morris. The copy in the Institute Library had belonged to the late Stephen Van Rensselaer, who is the author probably for the statement. In Sparks’ Life of Morris, the pam- phlet is also spoken of as Morris’s. ALBANY, N. Y. Bas Ht. Toe ‘*Ronic INscRIPTION.”’ To THE Eprror or THE HistoricAL MAGAZINE : The Richmond Hxaminer shrewdly suggests that ‘‘ Thomas C. Raffinson, Fellow of the Royal ‘** Society of Northern Antiquities,” who contri- buted to the Washington Hvening Union ‘‘a de- ** scription of a discovery made by him recently, ‘‘of a Runic inscription on a rock near George- **town,” has been hoaxed. It seems very prob- able, on the contrary, that both papers have been hoaxed by some foolish joker. If so, the intro- duction into the story of the name, ‘‘ W. Langly, ‘¢ 1758,” may afford some clue to the motive. Charles C. Rafn, for many years the Secretary | of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, died, I believe, within three or four years. He took a deep interest in the early Icelandic History, and his great work entitled Antiquitates Ameri- cane sine Scriptores Septentrionales verum Ante- Columbinarum in America, was published by the Society in 1837. ‘*Thomas C. Raflinson” is most likely an assumed name, intended to suggest that of Charles C. Rafn, and so to set the story afloat among those who have simply heard the name of the Secretary of the Royal Society. The insertion of the story in your Magazine, even un- der the heading of FiLorsam, makes it worth HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [Sepeember, — while to notice this, what, seen in the daily and~ weekly papers, seemed worthy only of a smile. Perhaps it may be of interest to add that on the ~ twenty-third of December, 1851, I addressed a — note to Secretary Rafn, with a copy of a newly ~ published School History of the United States, in — which two or three pages were devoted to the — Ante-Columbian History of this Continent. In_ reply, he states that ‘‘the section of the discoy- — ‘‘eries of the Northmen contains sundry inaccu-~ ‘*racies and material errors owing to the author's — ‘¢ having been unacquainted with my work entitled — ‘* Antiquitates Americane. This has occasioned — ‘‘the drawing up of a brief sketch directly based — ‘*¢ upon the ancient records in the Old Northern or - ‘¢ Old Danish language, which have been preserved *¢in Icelandic MSS., at Copenhagen. : “This sketch is now transmitted to you, (and to — ‘‘ the Historical Society of New Jersey,) and may, — ‘*at pleasure, be regarded as a manuscript for in- ‘¢sertion in ———’s History of the United States, ‘ ‘*or in any other publication where it may find **a suitable place, and serve to diffuse the knowl- — ‘edge of this historical fact.” This under date — of July twenty-ninth, 1852. Speaking of the same sketch, under date of — August second, 1852, he says, ‘‘ I have drawn up “a brief sketch, ete.” His first note being indefi- — nite as to the author of the compilation, he adds, — ‘*¢ Alexander Humboldt, and other inquirers, who ‘‘have had an opportunity of consulting the © ‘above-mentioned work, have fully acknowl- — ‘‘ edged this [hestorical ‘fact ?| as well as also the ~ ‘¢ position given in the work to the countries dis- ‘* covered, the accurate knowledge whereof seems — “to deserve to be more widely diffused.” This sketch would fill about two pages of your ~ Magazine, and as Tam not aware that it has ever been published in this country, save in the Pro- — ceeding of the New Jersey Historical Society, Sor” 1853, it might be well to transfer it to your more — widely circulated Magazine. See said Proceed- ings, pp., 166, 167, 168, 167, 168, (sic.) Very truly yours, ‘¢ VREDERYCK FELYPSEN.” TARRYTOWN, N. Y. ApInc RANK oF Tithe. (H. &, Il., li. 11958 August, 1867.)—The Sovereign of Ava is entitled to be designated ‘‘ The King of the Twenty-four — ‘Umbrellas ;” while the Governor of Massachu- — setts is really by law ‘‘ His Excellency,” and the ~ Lieutenant-Governor, ‘‘ His Honor.” And it has — been common with us to give the prefix of honor- — able to ministers named to foreign courts, judges, — senators and mayors, while they hold office; but — they all, when their term of office expires, drop — into themselves, and can have nothing more about — them than their unfledged Christian and surname. —
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pee. HISTORICAL "They may remain honorable in their conduct, but their wings of honor are gone. _ GovERNEUR Morris. (H. &., IL, ii., p. 41.) ‘This distinguished statesman lost his leg in May, /1780. In driving his phaeton through the streets _ of Philadelphia, his horses took fright and threw him to the pavement with such violence as to dis- locate his ankle and fracture the bones of his left q i. His favorite physician, Dr. Jones, being out of town, two others were called in, who advised E "immediate amputation as the only means of saving his life; and his leg was taken off below the knee. " It has been said that Dr. Jones was never satisfied ee the precipitancy of the attending physicians, - ‘not thinking amputation necessary ; and the case _ is often referred to by surgical lecturers as a cau- tion against rash and precipitate decisions. He had a rough oak stick fitted to his limb, and used _ that through life in preference to a cork leg. WASHINGTON, D. C. XVII.—BOOKS. 1.—ReEcENT PUBLICATIONS. _ _ 1.—Battles of the United States, by Sea and Land. By Hen B. Dawson. Revised and corrected edition. Volume _ Morrisania, N. Y.: 1867. Battles of the War of the Revolution By Henry B. Daw- son. Volume I. Morrisania, N Y.: 1867. Quarto and octavo, Prrart I.] pp. two titles, 96. _ Atlength, after many provoking delays, the _ first number of this long looked-for work has been issued to the subscribers ; and, although we have - not yet seen all the typographical beauty in it _ that we have been led to expect, we have seldom seen a more beautiful specimen of printing. _ Itisa carefully revised edition of a widely known ' work, to be made complete by the addition of _ those portions which were omitted from the orig- inal edition and of descriptions of the many Battles ‘i of the recent Warsboth, Indian and Civil; and _ it has been printed, as far as it has gone, ’ with a care, by Messrs. J. M. Bradstreet & Son. e portrait of Washington, after Trumbull by Mr. H. B. Hall, of this town, is one of the finest _ specimens we have yet seen of that gentleman’s _ work. _ The Prospectus promised an edition of twenty- ' five quartos and one hundred octavos, ‘‘ and no _ “more ;” and wetrust that there will be less delay. ~ than usual in getting out the remainder of the ~ work. ‘* Life is short ;” yet we shall be glad to _ see the work finished during the era of the present ' generation. wy ges Ay s from the Harvest-field of American FOety: _ By Henry B. Dawson. PartI. Morrisania. N. Y.: 1867. The Park and its Vicinity, in the Citi y of New York. By ‘Henry B. Dawson. Morr sania, N. Y.: 1867. Octavo, pp. _ This is the first number of its author's Glean- _ ings ; as it was the first-fruits of his earliest at- MAGAZINE. 185 tempt to write on American History, nearly thir- teen years ago. There is perhaps only one other of our ‘‘ Works” which possesses as deep a hold on our regard as this, since it was our first ; and now, nearly thir- teen years after it was written, as we look back » over the intervening period, on our lonely toil, and scanty income, and broken health, and un- ceasing cares, and paralysing disappointments, we sometimes think that we have dearly paid for the small amount of knowledge which we have acquired.and disseminated, and as dearly pur- chased. the very small bubble of public respect which bears our name. Indeed, these thirteen years have been crowded with almost ceaseless toil and trouble ; and it is only when we turn to the personal friends—ever indulgent, ever extend- ing their sympathy, ever prompting us to still greater efforts to ascertain and protect the Truth —which our pen has secured for us, that we take courage, ‘‘ pick our flint,” and continue our labor. We have read the proofs of this handsome re- print of our first born Historical pages; and we have found nothing which needs our correction therein, save a couple of allusions to buildings which have since disappeared and now require amended descriptions of the places where they stood. It was originally written in haste, from materials gathered. on the spot, with the printer’ S boys waiting for the manuscript; yet we are proud to recognize it, unrevised, as our own ; and shall never be ashamed of anything which is not less worthy of respect. It is exactly uniform with our Putnam, and Stony Point, and Howes’ Diary ; and, as a specimen of fine printing it reflects credit on the Bradstreet Press, where it was printed. The edition numbered Two hundred and fifty copies ; and only one size was printed. 3.—History and General Description of New France. By Rey. P. F. X. DeCharlevoix, 8. J. Translated, with Notes. by John Gilmary Shea. In six volumes. Volume II. New aah : J. G. Shea, 1866. Quarto and octavo, pp., 6 unpaged, Books IV., V., VI., and VII, of the original edition of this standard history, have been re-pro- duced in this splendid volume ; and the learned and amiable Editor has increased their importance by adding a series of original Notes, of very great value. Although the edition numbers only Two hun- dred and seventy-five copies, we regret to learn that so many have failed to honor their’ subscrip-. tions that the actual cost of manufacturing the volumes has not yet been secured ; and Mr. Shea has been constrained to appeal for an increased. patronage to save himself from loss thereon. May not we add our earnest request that all who respect
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186 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. {September, 4 the. History of their Country, especially those in the mighty West, whose cries of exultation on the Westward march of Empire are so very note- worthy, will extend to this modest, but patient and indefatigable scholar the support which he merits ? ; 4,__Fulogy on George Washington. By Francis Kinloch of Georgetown, 8. C. New York: Privately printed, 1867. Octavo, pp. ii, 19. This is one of those elegant trifles which are produced now-a-days, for presents only, by the few whose fortune, and taste, and love of choice literature combine in prompting to good works. It is a carefully prepared retrospect of the Life and Services of General Washington ; and was prepared at the request of the inhabitants of George- town, to be delivered on the twenty-second of February, 1800, a few weeks after his death. ' This re-print, apparently a fac-simile, is the work of the Bradstreet Press; and the edition numbers sixty copies. tleman in New York ; and is only used for pres- ents to his personal friends. 5.—The Descendants of John Phenix, an Early Setiler in Kittery, Maine. By S. Whitney Phenix. New York: Pri- yately printed, 1867. Large octavo, pp. vi., 53. John Pheenix, the ancestor of those whose names are recorded in this volume, was an honest Scot who settled at Kittery, in Maine, prior to 1664, and lived to a good old age, leaving, at his death, a son and two daughters ; and this volume narrates, with great detail, the descendants of these to the present day. This ancient family seems to have been known, successively as FFENNICKE, F FENIX, FENNICK, FFEANIX, Fentck, Poenrx, FENWICKE, FENIX, FENNIcKs, Frick, Frrnrx, etc; until, at length, the name has become fixed on PHasnrx; and in this elegant volume our respected friend, Stephen Whitney Phoenix, of another family, has faithfully traced its members through their various styles. If we are not mistaken, Mr. Phenix has now entered the brotherhood of authors for the first time ; and we heartily bid him welcome. The patient research which he has displayed in the preparation of this work for the Press, be- speaks his fitness for more generally important labors in the field of History and Biography ; and as the laborers in that harvest are few, so worthy an addition to the force which is now there will be very acceptable. Of this work, Typographically, we need only say that it is printed in the best style of the Brad- street Press, with old-style types on one side only of the finest tinted, laid paper. The Edition num- bered, originally, Five quartos and One hundred It was printed for a gen-' octavos ; but Mr. Phoenix has destroyed Sixty ~ copies of the octavo, and the work is already — very rare. It is printed only for private circula- — tion. 6.—Vassar College and ita Founder. By Benson J. Los- sing. New York: C, A. Alvord, 1867. Octavo, pp. 175. There are few men who have passed through such varied scenes as Matthew Vassar, the cele- brated brewer of Poughkeepsie. Born of poor parents, removed to a strange country at an early age, without fortune or influence, he has never- theless built a name for himself, in his business relations, which will be long remembered in the annals of American enterprise ; and now, in his old age, he has seized other honors, in other fields, | to which no one supposed, until within the past few years, he had ever aspired. His munificent foundation of. Vassar College, for the education of young women in all the higher branches of knowledge is well known;. and in the elegantly illustrated volume before us, prepared by an early and dear friend of ours, we have a fit tribute to the worth of the Founder of that important institution, Opening with a sketch of Mr. Vassar’s life and the origin and progress of his devotion of a princely for- une to the cause of female education, it closes with a minute description of the institution itself in ‘all its departments. It is written in the easy flowing style which marks all Mr. Lossing’s productions ; and as a specimen of book-making, wood-engray- ing and printing—it is peculiarly noteworthy, re- flecting the greatest credit on both Lossing & Bar- rett, by whom the blocks were cut, and Mr. Al- vord, by whom they were printed. We believe the volume was printed for private circulation only. 7.—-History of Bacon’s and Ingram’s Rebellion, in Virginia, in 1675 and 1676. Cambridge: John Wilson & Sons. 1867. Octavo, pp. 50. In December, 1812, the late Josiah Quincy, then in Congress, received from Hon. William Burwell, a Representative from Virginia, an ancient manu- script, apparently contemporary with the event, concerning the Rebellion of Bacon and Ingram, in 1675-6 ; and it was deposited with the Massa- . chusetts Historical Society, in whose custody it ~ still remains. 3 | It is very important, as materials for History, and the Society has recently printed it verbatim et literatim, ina volume of its Proceedings. Two — hundred copies, in a separate form, with a brief | Prefatory Note, have also been printed for pri- — vate circulation ; and we are indebted for the copy before us to the kindness of Charles Deane, Esq., of Cambridge.
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1867.] HISTORICAL itis yery beautifully printed. _ §8.—A Sermon preached at Boston, in New England, upon ‘Fast Day, the 19th of January, 1636-37. By the Rev. John Wheelwright. Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Massa- shusetts Historical Society, for 1866-67. Cambridge: John Wilson & Co. 1867. Octavo, pp. 22. _ Those who have seen THe HistortcaL MacGa- mNE for April, 1867, have noticed in its pages a copy of this celebrated State-paper, therein jirst printed: those who shall see this tract and the yolume from which it was taken, will be very likely to suppose that Boston had first ushered ato the world this most notable piece of contem- porary evidence of Boston's primitive intolerance. We make this note of what seems to be a very inconsistent way of fairly doing one’s duty to our eighbor as we would he should do his duty to ** Nothing more.” - Our readers know all about this Sermon; and re will only detain them long enough, therefore, to say that Twenty-five copies only were printed in this edition, all of which were for presents. - 9,.~Remarks on Sebastian Cabot’s Mappe-Monde. By Charles Deane. Reprinted from The Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, for April, 1867. Cambridge: ghn Wilson & Son. 1867. Octavo, pp. 8. _ While Mr. Deane was in Paris in 1866, he pro- cured a copy of the celebrated re-print, by M. Jomard, of Sebastian Cabot’s Mappe-Monde ; and in October of that year he addressed the Society on that subject. At the meeting in April last, Mr. Deane formally presented this Map to the Society, and accompanied it with some remarks illustrative of the history of the Map, which are here reproduced, with very elaborate foot-notes, for private circulation among the friends of their author. _ Mr. Deane has very carefully elaborated his Notes; and to every student of early American History, this Tract will prove very acceptable. _ The edition numbered fifty copies. _ 10.—Seal of the “ Council for New England.” Cambridge, ass.: John Wilson & Sons. 1867. Octavo, pp. 4. _ The seals of the Virginia Company and the Bermudas Company have been known to arche- 0 ogists, but that of ‘‘ The Council for New En- *“oland” has been a mystery; and Mr. Deane, not without reason, supposes he has discovered it in the elaborate design which is on the title-page of John Smith’s Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer Isles, Edition, London, 1624, and on the reverse of the title-page of the same Author’s Advertisement for the Un- aperienced Planters of New England, Edition, uondon, 1631. Like all such works from Messrs. Wilson’s ‘Press, . MAGAZINE. 187 3 As we said, Mr. Deane seems to have good reasons for urging this supposition ; and we know no reason to dispute it beyond the naked fact that there is no other evidence on the subject than Mr, Deane’s very reasonable guess—indeed, that will hardly be considered as evidence, although it will be considered as an inference, which seems to be well-founded. . The tract before us is a private print, for pres- ents only ; and the edition numbered thirty copies — only. | 11.—The Last Will and Testament of Captain John Smith ; with some Additional Memoranda Relating to Him. Re- printed from the Proceedings of The Massachusetts Histori- cal Society, for January 1867. Cambridge: John Wilson & Sons, 1867. Small quarto, pp., title, and verso, and 7. There is so much romance connected with the stories concerning Captain John Smith, that the discovery of hidden truths concerning him cannot be otherwise than acceptable to every student of History. There is a peculiar fitness, also, that such discoveries should be presented to the world. by Mr. Deane, who has done so much to strip the memory of the Captain of very much renown which never truly belonged to it. | It seems that the father of Smith was a small farmer, a tenant on the Willoughby estate in Lin- colnshire ; and that John was born at Willoughby, near Alford—the latter, subsequently, the home of Anne Hutchinson—on the sixth of January, 1579. He had one brother and one sister; made a will on the twenty-first of June 1631 ; and died on the same day. In the volume before us, we have an extract from the will of the Captain’s father, the entry on the Parish Register of the Captain’s birth, his will, a jfac-similie of his signature, the Broadside Prospectus of his Generali Historie, and the epi- taph on his tomb—the latter now obliterated. It will be seen that the volume contains a curi- ous and interesting collection of authentic ma- terial concerning the notable Captain; and al- _| though Mr. Deane has scattered the story of his adventures in Virginia and rescue by Pocahontas, he has not left us without an equivalent in the more useful papers which we have enumerated. This little volume is beautifully printed, exclu- sively for presents ; and the edition numbers fifty copies only. | 12.—Genealogy of a part of the Ripley Family. Compiled. by H. W. Ripley, Newark, N. J.: A. S. Holbrook, 1867. Duodecimo, pp. 48. A very neatly printed and modest attempt to place on record the members of a family which originated, in America, with William Ripley, an emigrant from Hingham, Norfolk, England, who was one of the early settlers in Hingham, Mass.,
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188 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (September, _ having drawn a town lot in whatisnow Hingham | But it is to the Appendix of the volume that we Centre, in 1638. | The writer, a stranger to us, is evidently an aged gentlemen, who has amused himself by cor- responding with the different members of the family, not always with satisfactory results, and arranging the materials which he has thus ob- tained, for the Press, As we have said, he makes no undue pretensions and affects no airs; but in the most simple business-like style, he has ar- ranged his statistics, and submitted them to the world. He has, in his quiet way, rendered a ser- vice to his kinsmen and to the student of our Country’s History, which merits their warmest gratitude ; and we earnestly bope that it will not be withheld—we most certainly tender him our own. We believe the little work referred to is not offered for sale. L. Booth. 13.—History of the City of New York. By Ma . C. Clark, Tilustrated. [In two volumes.] New York: W. 1867. Royal octavo, pp. 892. In our number for July, we invited the attention of our readers to the general excellencies of this newly revised History of the Metropolis, and our surprise that the worthy authoress had succeeded so completely in her difficult and thankless task. We have how the equally agreeable duty to remind them of what we said of this work, while we ac- knowledge the receipt of a most sumptuous copy, on tinted, laid paper of large size and fine texture, from the Bradstreet Press; and we trust that Miss Booth will receive, in this branch of her enterprize, the solid support of all who admire handsome books. The edition numbers one hundred copies. 14.—Dictionary of the United States Congress, compiled as a manual of reference for the legislator and statesman. By Charles Lanman. Third Edition; revised and brought down to July twenty-eighth, 1866. (Washington, D, C.:] Goy- ernment Printing Office. 1866. Octavo, pp. viii., 602. We are indebted to our friend, the Author, for a second copy of this work, the first of which did not reach us; and although behind time, we de- desire to bear our testimony to the usefulness of the compilation, to those whose leisure is too lim- ited to allow them to investigate for themselves, in out-of-the-way places, concerning the Federal authorities. | Of the members of Congress referred to, we need only say that the best as well as the worst of our countrymen have been in Congress ; and as the personal vices of such as Webster have not been more notable than the personal virtues of such as Calhoun, sucha compendium of the lives and. services of every Member of Congress aswe have here must, necessarily, be exceeding useful for refer- ence. desire to direct especial attention. There is — therein a perfect mine of information concerning ~ every branch of the Legislative, Judicial, and — Executive Departments of the Federal Govern- — ment, and the Diplomatic Corps ; and we have no- — ticed very few drawbacks which are of sufficient — importance to require notice. We must, however, object to the statement, (pp. 514-516) that Zhe Declaration of Indepen- dence, which was agreed to on the fourth of July, 1776, was then or at any other time, ordered to ‘‘engrossed and signed by members,” and to the inference which such a statement conveyed that that was the particular Declaration which was thus signed and transmitted to us. Had Mr. Lanman examined the archives of the Secretary’s office, he would have made some very interesting discoveries on this subject ; and we commend the subject to his notice. j The Articles of Confederation are presented in an unexceptionable form, as is, also, the Constitu- tion for the United States, except the title of the latter, in which a very important change has been made, and the Amendments thereto, from which have been omitted, in their proper places, the exceedingly important Preamble to the first ten Amendments thereto, and the several Pream- bles, less important, of those which have been subsequently ratified. There is, also, in this Appendix, a great deal of very important information concerning the several States which cannot readily be found in any other work; and we understand that still further improvements are in progress for the next edition. | 15.—Centennial Celebration of the Town of Orford, N. H., containing the Oration, Poems, and Speeches, delivered on Thursday, September 7, 1865, with some additional matters relating to the history of the place. [Sine loco, sine anno.,] Octavo, pp. 145. We have been favored by our valued friend, David E. Wheeler, Esq., with a copy of this ex- ceedingly interesting local, and we propose here- after, to make special mention of at least one subject which is herein presented to our notice, while, to-day, we shall content ourself with a general notice of the volume .and the occasion which it commemorates. Orford, we understand is one of those quiet little towns in New Hampshire, which are better able to produce great men than to retain them; and like some of her sisters, she seems to have called back the wanderers from her borders—her prodigal sons, it may be—on the occasion of her one-hundredth birth-day ; shaken them by the — hand and received their respectful compliments; _ given them a good dinner and an opportunity to put their best feet foremost ; and then dismissed them to the distant scenes of theirrespective labors.
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1867.) Orford rang her bells, discharged her artillery, flung out her banners, blowed all her music, dis- _ played all the sturdy sons who had not abandoned her, and all the frugal daughters to whom those - sons had become subject, the four hundred chil- dren—ruddy with good health, joyous because of the strange scenes which passed before them, and patriotic as their little heads and hearts could make them—which God had given her, and, - generally, made a great hubbub in the outside - corner of creation, on which she had rested these _ hundred years or more ; while Orford’s children, - wanderers from Orford’s fold, and Orford’s neighbors, as all good neighbors should, ‘‘ poured. _ ‘in from every direction,” showed themselves to Orford and to each other, listened to Orford’s eloquence, joined in Orford’s choruses, sat down _ at Orford’s well-filled tables, congratulated the centenarian on her good fortune, eat her ‘‘ fatted * calf,” which had been killed forthe occasion, and _ then, with good wishes for her continued happi- ness, bade her ‘‘ Good-bye,” and returned to the _ places from which they had come. - The Oration was a good one—historical and without any clap-trap. The Hymns were appropri- ~ ate and well-written—we have no doubt they were also well sung. The after-dinner Addresses were admirable, in every respect, since Orford kept every one sober and sensible. The volume before us commemorates this com- memoration and speaks to those of the next cen- tury concerning that which has past. It is just such a volume as Orford should have sent down the stream of Time; unless the want of an _ imprint shall set the Orford boys of§ 1965, won- dering who printed and published it. It is neat, inexpensive, complete: what more was required ? what more will be desired ? 16.—General Conference of the Congregational Churches in Maine, Churches and Ministers from 1672 to 1867; with the Minutes of the Forty-first Annual Meeting, held with the Pine-Street Congregational Church, Lewiston, June 25, 26, 27. 1867. Portland: Brown, Thurston & Co. 1867. Oc- - tavo, pp. 157. _ This volume, the work, we believe, of Deacon __ E. F. Duren of Bangor, is a monument to his in- dustry and good judgment, and when he modestly says, ‘‘ it will be found a convenient record for ‘present use, and form a basis for the future _ ‘historian,’ he says far less than could have been said, justly. _. Thus: every Church appears in its place on the record, with the date of its organization, thenames ofeach of its successive Pastors or Stated-sup- plies, the date of his settlement, that of his dis- mission, and that of his death, or, if still living, his present residence. There is an Appendiz, also, in which each Church again appears, with a col- lection of ‘‘ additional facts,” of great interest as HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 189 special local histories of each parish—brief, yet clearly expressed and not unimportant, even to strangers; and there is, also, a Chronological ar- rangement of the Churches, according to the or- der of their formation. The Minutes close the volume; and in these, too, we find the most elaborate tabular statements, displayed with all the labor and skill of the most patient statistician. | We believe the volume can be bought for Fifty cents ; and we advise every collector of ‘* locals” to obtain a copy. 17.—Short Studies on Great Subjects. B Froude. New York: Charles Scribner & octavo, pp. 534. Price $3. In this volume we have a collection from the. periodical literature of England, of the Essays of England’s great Historian ; and the impress of his genius may be found on every page. Indeed, although we do not admire his religious opinions, as we understand them, there is so much originality and independence of thought in Mr. Froude’s writings, and so many attractions of style, that we find it more difficult to return this volume to the table than it was to pick it up, even at the close of a hard day’s work; and we can do no less, therefore, than to commend it to the attention of our readers. Hear what he says of History, and tell us, you who know, if Froude has not read our American newspapers; ‘‘ It often seems to me as if History ‘¢ was like a child’s box of letters, with which we ‘¢can spell any word we please. We have only ‘to pick out such letters as we want, arrange ‘them as we like, and say nothing about those ‘¢ which do not suit our purpose.” Who will say that the writer of these lines was not worthy of such setting as the Riverside press has awarded to him in this handsome volume ? James Anthony 0. 1867. Crown 18.—The Human Element in the Inspiration of the Sacred Scriptures. By T. F. Curtis, D. D. New York: D. Apple- ton & Co. 1867. Octavo, pp. 386. The writer of this volume, if we do not mistake is a Baptist clergyman, with whom, many years ago, we were associated in one of the Historical Societies in New York ; and our recollections of him are agreeable and have always commanded our warmest respect. He has since been Professor of Theology at Lewisburg, Penn. ; and this vol- ume is a condensation of his lectures before his class in the University at that place on the great subject of the Inspiration of the Scriptures. Whatever Professor Curtis may have been when he was called to the Ministerial office by an Evan- gelical Baptist Church, it is very evident that like Strauss, he has become more and more skeptical as he grows older; and he stands now, if we un-
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190 HISTORICAL derstand him aright, openly denying the truth of the current theories of the infallibility of Scripture Inspiration—that the Bible is of Divine origin and the only Rule of Faith and Practice. It will not be expected of us to enter into a dis- cussion of the merits or demerits of the work, in | all its details; yet we cannot deny ourself the pleasure of saying that nothing which we have found in the volume before us has convinced us of the stability of this, the Professors last resting place while on his way to Infidelity—it is evi- dently anything else than a Rock, and is not such a spot as a wise man would have selected as a site for his dwelling. We cannot wish that success to the work which we should havc been glad to have extended to lt, under other circumstances. 19.—Home Life:'aJournal. By Elizabeth M. Sewell. * gl York: D. Appleton & Co. 1867. Duodecimo, pp. This ‘‘ Journak” is in fact a tale through which the Authoress desires to illustrate not only a few fundamental principals of education, but the dif- ficulties and disappointments attendant upon the endeavor to carry them out under ordinary cir- cumstances and amongst ordinary people. It is neatly printed and will doubtless find many admirers, especially among those who are engaged in teaching ‘‘ the young idea how to shoot.” 20.—Manual of Physical Exercises: comprising Gymnas- tics, Rowing, Skating, Fencing, Cricket, Calisthenics, Sail- ing, Swimming, Sparring, Base-ball, together with Rules for Training and Sanitary Stiggestions. By William Wood. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1867. . Duodecimo, pp. 316. _ Inthis very handsome volume we have what appears to bea very complete manual of Gymnas- tic and Athletic Exercises, illustrated with One hundred and twenty-five well-executed illustra- tions ; and as it has met the hearty approval of sun- dry young Gymnasts and Ball-players at Morris- ania with whom we are acquainted—all of whom ‘know more of these subjects than we do—we feel at liberty to say that it is of unusual excellence and will be exceedingly acceptable to the young people in every part of the country. 21.—The Life and Adventures of Nicholas Nickleby. By Charles Dickens. With Eight Illustrations. Boston: Tick- nor & Fields. 1867. Smali Octavo, pp. x., 155. 22.—The Life and Adventures of Martin Chuzzlewit. By Charles Dickens. With Eight Illustrations. Boston: Tick- nor & Fields. 1867. Small octavo, pp., vii., 522. These volumes form Numbers II., and III., of ‘* The Charles Dickens Series ” of Dickens’ Works, now in course of publication by Ticknor & Field of Boston. Of the character of the works themselves, we a. in full, correctly describes the contents of this neatly printed volume. MAGAZINE, [Septeniber, ee en ne need say nothing, since our readers know quite as much concerning that subject as wedo; but ¥ cannot forbear referring again to the beauty of the typography and the extremely low price at which these volumes are sold. To the multitude of Boz’s admirers, the publi- cation of these works is a perfect God-send. | 23.—Indiana Miscellany: consisting of sketches of Indiana Life, the Early Settlements, Custom, and Hardships of the Feople, and the introduction of the Gospel and of Schools, Together with Biographical Notices of the Pioneer Metho- dist Preachers of the State. By Rey. William C. Smith Cincinnati: Poe & Hitchcock. 1867. Duodecimo, pp. 304 — The very extended title, which we have copied It is a Western ‘‘ local” of considerable inter: est and value, without being very elaborate in its details or very full of pretence. It seems to have been written by a Methodist clergymen, a native of Indiana, and an enthusiastic lover of the home of his father—the State where he was born, and of which he is a citizen—and, strange as it may seem to some, the fear of ‘‘ sectional pride ” seems never to have haunted him. Weare glad to commend it to the collectors of local histories, as well as to those of our readers who love to trace the rise and progress, in the wilderness, of the Christian Church. 24.—Diary of a Southern Refugee, during the War. By: Lady of Virginia. New York: E. J. Hale & Son. 1867, Duodecimo, pp. 360. This seems to be a Diary, written by a lady, the wife of a clergyman, as her family was driven from place to place, during the eventful days of the recent war. It is written with exceeding great ability ; and as it presents an inside view of the seceding States, with their stirring rumors and_heart-rend- ing realities, it will continue to be of great service to all who desire to look into the History of that period, from the Confederate stand point. | It will be very acceptable to those who are’‘mak- ing collections concerning the recent war. 25.—Biographical Sketches of Distinguished Living New York Physicians. By Samuel W. Francis, A. ‘ = New York: George P. Putnam & Son. 184% Duodecimo, pp. 228, Into this volume, a son of our late honored friend, Doctor John W. Francis, Ll. D., has col- lected some very pleasant little sketches of living New York physicians, including Doctors Paine, Draper, Griscom, Baker, Sequard, Anderson, Stewart, Gardner, Taylor, Wood, Delafield, Beales, Hammond, and Greene, some of whom are our personal friends ; for one of them we en- tertain the most complete contempt. f
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1867. ] HISTORICAL These sketches have already appeared in 7’he — (Phila,) Medical and Surgical Reporter ; and, _ although the author has gained the literary mar- _ tyr’s crown for writing them, we have no doubt of their usefulness, as memorials of the notable men of this notable age.* The little volume is printed on heavy paper ; and is a very neat affair. .26.—The Sayings of Dr. Bushwhacker and other Learned Men. By Fred. 8. Cozzens. New York: A. Simpson & Co. - 1867. Duodecimo, pp. [ii.] 10,213. Price $1.50. A very neatly printed volume of short articles, written for 7’he Wine Press and other periodicals ; together with a few original articles now first in- troduced to the public. They are from the well- known pens of the author of Zhe Sparrowgrass _ Papers, M. Paul Dinet, Professor Walcott Gibbs, - Charles G. and Henry P. Leland, Colonel Peter A. Porter, and Gulian C. Verplanck ; and they are r 2 dedicated to the last named gentleman, the hon- _ red and venerable friend of the editor. The articles themselves are short, sparkling, and interesting ; and these good qualities added to the attractive style in which they are pre- sented, will secure for them a host of gratified readers. 27.— The Poetical Works of John Greanleaf Whittier. Complete edition. Boston: Ticknor & Fields. 1867. 16mo. pp. xi., 40. a The taste of Ticknor & Fields, and the mechan- ical ability of Welch, Bigelow & Co., have been united in the production of this exquisite little gem—one of the Diamond Edition of the Poets, now passing through the hands of the enterprizing house whose imprint it bears. So long and so widely have the verses of the Quaker Poet been known to his countrymen, and so generally elsewhere than in the United States 4 _ have their merits been recognized, that our read- ers need be told nothing concerning them: con- cerning the collection, we can only say that it evi- dently contains all that the author now recognizes as his works ; and as a specimen of book-making it is a very pattern of neatness. 2.—ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. : The following works remain on our table and will be carefelly noticed at the earliest pos@ble - opportunity : | Life of Timothy Pickering, Vol. I. Little, Brown & Co. Swinton’s Decisive Battles of the War. Dick & Fitegerald. : Father Tom and the Pope. A. Simpson & Co. a in nn nn ee ee MAGAZINE. 101 Macmiiuan’s Bible Teachings in Nature. JD. Appleton & Co. | Hoxuann’s Kathrina. C. Scribner & Co. Pavipine’s The Bulls and the Jonathans. @% Scribner & Co, | Skxny’s Hysteria. A. Simpson & Co. | Erioart’s Curate’s Discipline. Harper & Broth- ers. Draper’s Civil War in America. Harper & Brothers. Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presby- terian Church in America. Vol. XIV. Presby- terian Publishing Commitee. XLVIth Report of the Mercantile Library Asso- ciation, New York. é Opinion of Corporation Council on Power of Corporation to Issue Tavern Licenses. CALDWELL’s Anniversary Discourse. Hammond, Angell & Co. HammMonp’s Opinion in the Johnston Will Case. Baker, Voorhies & Co. Personal Representation Society’s Memorial. A. Simpson & Co. | Minutes of the General Association of Massa- chusetts. Congregational Board of Publication. Proceedings of the Meeting held at the Inau- guration of the Rutgers Female College. A. Simpson & Co. DrPeystEr’s Decisive Conflicts. No. I. Pri- cately printed. & CCXXIX Anniversary of the Ancient and Hon- orable Artillery Company. 1867. Privately printed. . GENERAL EAR.LyY’s Memoir of the last Year of the War for Independence. Privately printed. JonEs’s Indian Bulletin for 1867. Privately printed. , The Relation of the Right Honourable the Lord De-La-Warre, Lord Gouernour and Captaine General of the Colonie, planted in Virginiea. Lon- don, 1611. Privately re-printed. eT te Wuitnery’s Language and the Study of Lan- guage. C. Scribner & Co. N. Y. Colonial Tracts. No. I. Journal of the Voyage of the Sloop Mary from Quebec. Joel Munsell, Albany, N. Y. —_——__————-No. II. Voyage of George Clarke to America. Joel Munsell, Albany. Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates at Boston, 1780, Joel Munsell, Albany. Memorial Volume of the Semi-centennial An- niversary of Hartwick Seminary. Joel Munsell, Albany. Scorr’s Early New England Marriage Dower. Privately printed. BEECHER’s Prayers from Plymouth Pulpit. C@. Scribner & Co. | ‘Srevens’s Records of the Chamber of Com- merce. The Author. NEILL’s Terra Marie. J. B. Lippincot & Co.
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192 ae Old Roman World. 0. JONES’s History of the Church of God. The Same. StitEs’s History of Brooklyn. The Author. Guizor’s Meditations on Christianity. C. Scrib- ner & Co. | | # or Songs of the United States. .4. Simpson 0. CO. Scribner & PauLprne’s Tales of the Good Woman. @. Seribner & Co. On eee 3.—MISCELLANY. Scraps.— The Pall Mall Gazette says that in the library of the House of Lords, the original copy of the Sealed Book of Common Prayer, which has been so long missing, has been discovered. It is found in the manuscript that the bishops had ordered that the Communion Tables should stand at the east end of the chancel, and that the cele- brant should stand eastward; but they subse- quently erased the rubrics. —The New York Times and a Western paper agree that Mr. Bancroft ‘‘ would have greatly ‘* improved his style by five years’ drill on a first- ‘* class newspaper.” —A spelling-book, published in 1790, was re- cently put up at an auction sale in Washington, and, reaching the sum of $25, was bid in by the auctioneers and presented to the Oldest Inhabit- ants Association. The same firm also presented to the above-named society a dinner plate made about the year 1800, on which is a figure of Washington surrounded by guns and flags. —We recently had the pleasure of examining the manuscript of the History of Augusta, upon which Hon. James W. North, of this city, has for many years been engaged, and which will proba- bly be published another Spring. The work, so far as completed, makes about 1500 large manu- ‘script pages, closely written, and, when finished, the number will probably reach nearly two thou- sand. It commences about the year 1600, is to be brought down to the present time, and the amount of labor bestowed upon the collection and arranging of the great mass of facts presented in the work, can only be realized by those who have been engaged in similar undertakings. No fact of interest relating to the history and progress of our city has been omitted, while many portions are treated with considerable elaboration and full- ness. The biographical sketches will form an im- portant division of the work, and its genealogical registers, which are very full and comprise records _ of many of the old families, will not be the least HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [September, interesting portion of the work. When issued, we understand it will be illustrated to some ex- tent, with views of scenery, buildings, portraits, &c., and will form a most important addition to our State history.— Maine Farmer. : REVIVAL oF ‘‘ PuTNAM’s MAGAZINE.”—On the first of January next, Mr. George P. Putnam will revive Putnam's Magazine. It is announced that the plan of the new magazine will generally re- semble that of its prototype, with the addition of new features, and that ‘‘it will aim ata broad ‘‘and generous nationality, and an enlightened ‘* pursuit of all topics, whether of politics, society, — ‘*art, science or literature ; while no effort will ‘* be spared to present in its pages, in every va-_ ‘‘riety, the productions of the most accomplished ‘‘authors of the day.” The high reputation of — the old magazine is the best introduction for the new one.—V. ¥. Evening Post. —General William Schoulers History of Mas- sachusetts in the Rebellion is passing through the press and will shortly be given to the public Few have had the opportunities of Gen. Shouler, — whether as regards his official position as Adju- tant-General of Massachusetts during the war, or his intimate relations with prominent men, to ac- quire a minute and accurate view of the tremen- dous struggle now happily ended ; and his ripe experience as a journalist and author well qualifies him to put in judicious and attractive shape the materials thus collected. . — Charles Sumner, in his Prophetic Voices About America, published in a recent issue of the. Atlantic, quotes from Seneca as saying ‘‘ the sea ‘twill disclose new worlds.” 4 Dr. Hedge, in a note to the Boston Transcript, convicts Mr. Sumner of confounding Seneca, the philosopher, and Seneca, the tragedian, and of misquoting and misrendering his lines. The whole passages, as written by the old poet, liter-— ally translated, read thus: ‘‘In late years there ‘* will come ages in which the ocean shall unloose” ‘*the band of things, and the great earth shall ‘*lie exposed, and Typhus shall discover new ‘‘worlds, nor shall there be an uttermost Thule ‘¢ for the lands.” Hedge well remarks, ‘‘ That ‘‘the passage should ever have been considered ‘‘as prophesying anything so specific as the dis-— ‘* covery of America, is a literary wonder. Taken ‘‘in its context, it seems to be mere poetic rhap- ‘‘sody, suggested by the new activity of maritime ‘¢adventure, in the time of the author.” Mr — Sumner is probably indebted to Bacon for the idea of the prophetic import of the passage, and his use of it illustrates the value of the second- hand scholarship of which we have so much.