The Historical Magazine, and Notes & Queries Concerning the Antiquities, History and Biography of America (August, 1867)
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bd ~ . . - rR EN Vol. Il. Sxrconp SeErixzs.] I—THE CONGREGATIONAL CHUR3CH IN WESTMINSTER, VT. w » A Sermon preached at Westminster, on the eleveniih of June, 1867, the One hundredth Anniversary of» the Orgunization of the Church. By Rev. Purny H. Watts, or Coventry, PREsI- DENT OF THE VERMONT HiIsTORICAL SocIETY. The hundred years during which this church has had existence, have constituted the most memorable century in the history of the world; with the sole exception of that in which Christ came from heaven to earth to make atonement for the sins of men. Events of unparalleled magnitude have succeeded each other with un- precedented rapidity, “as if,” to use the language of an eminent Scotch writer, “they had come “under the influence of that law of gravitation, by “ which falling bodies increase in speed as they de- “scend, according to the squares of the distances.” Within that period, our own country has emerged from the condition of a weak and dependent col- ony, has passed through one long and bloody wur to achieve a national existence, and a tenfold; bloodier one to preserve that existence and make: it worth preserving; and, having extended its! territory trom the Atlantic to the Pacific, and in-: creased its population from less than three mil-! HiST@RICAL MAGAZINE. « AUGUST, 1867. “y ahicaiabead aa we tury of revivals. THE eee eee surpassed in number, magnitude and importance, those of any preceding century since time began. The application of steam-power to the purposes of traveling, manufacturing, and especially of printing,—the employment of electro magnetism In the telegraph—the discovery of chloroform and other waneesthetic agents—the improvements in the art of printing—not to mention a multitude of other icnventions, discoveries, and improvements, have rade the world so different from what it was za century, or even half a century ago, that it can *hardly be recognized as the same. a @entury, too, has arisen that brilliant constella- tioch of societies for the spread of the gospel, the M.issionary Societies, Bible Societies, Tract So- cy.eties, and their kindred associations, in Europe ajnd America, through whose agency'the news of Within alvation has been made known in regions gloomy with the shades of death, and millions of the most degraded of the human race have been en- ubled to read in their own tongues the wonderful works of God. More than all, it has been a cen- We search the history of the Church in vain for any record of such frequent and powerful effusions of the Holy Spirit as have been experienced within the memory of some in this audience. What a privilege it is to have lived in such a eriod. How much greater the privilege and the onor to have had any agency, however humble, in carrying forward any part of so noble a work. lions to more than thirty-three, it stands to-day ), What cause for gratitude to God has this Church, equal to any of the empires of the other continent, if not superior to the greatest of them in all that constitutes true greatness. In the Southern half of this continent, in Europe, and in Asia, political revolutions, almost as remarkable as our own, have taken place within the same period. More important than these changes, which have not been accomplished without confused noise and garments rolled in blood, have*been the rev- olutions that have taken place in the departments of science and the practical arts, of social life, education, literature, and civil and religious prog- ress. “Peace hath her victories no less re- “nowned than war,’ and the peaceful victories that have been achieved within a century have HIST. MAG., VOL. 11. 5 ‘not merely that it has had existence for a century, but that it has existed in such a century, and has been identified to some extent with the great move- ments of “such a time as this.” ‘Not to dwell longer upon the general subject, though the theme is a fascinating one,—we come to that which is the specific duty, and enjoyment toc, of this hour; to “call to remembrance the “former days,” in which the fathers of this Church laid the foundations of many generations, and to put on record the facts of its history as fully and accurately as the materials at our dis- posal will enable us todo. Itis to be regretted that the records for nearly the whole first quarter of the century long since disappeared, and that the
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66 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August, Ranney has special claims to remembrance as the ancestor of seven preachers of the Gospel, of a many more members of the other learned ™ fessions, and of numerous deacons. Ame 1 : as cu fib-vng the constituent members was »1s9 Jesse © u0odell, who on the same day was or ained pastor of the little flock.* He remained <t&), the haeborhte “ between “two and three yearS during which period fif- teen persons united “’hy profession und sixteen by letter or by certif{cate, increasing the number of- members to fort*9y, of whom half were males and half females. 4 }fe lived in a house on “ the Wall “lot,” a few Prods North of the present residence of Josiah Dax¥is, and the only building in the town whose for fr sides faced the four cardinal points. Traditicson says that he abandoned his pastorate t in withe%ut a formal dismissal, and that he left town and extending Northwardly till it struck the | secvlfetly, under charges seriously affecting his river, a burying-ground was established on the | n»Joral character. land now occupied for that purpose, “and.*’the) Mr. Goodell was brought up in Abington ‘“‘meeting-house platt is fixed in the middle +of the | Connecticut, was graduated at Yule in 1761 and “aforesaid ten rods highway right again, st the| was licensed by the Hartford North Association “ twenty-fourth lott,” where in fact a housé: was | 4 October, 1763. After leaving Westminister he afterwards built. A few persons moved intée the | was in the Revolutionary Army, but in what wilderness and began a settlement, but the esti8ab-| capacity is not known. He died in 1779. lishment of the Northern boundary of Massja-| In 1/69 a house of worship was raised, and chusetts so far South as to leave Number Une oujt| during that and the following year it was so far advanced as to be capable of occupancy. It stood of that State discouraged the settlers, and the} breaking out of the Cape Breton war led them§| in the centre of the highway, directly East of its entirely to abandon the enterprise. In 1751 the |) present site. By what means the needful funds settlement of the town wis again attempted, and )) were procured does not appéar. It is evident in 1754 or ’5 it was again abandoned, for fear of |“ however, that the resources of those who en- "gaged in the enterprise were but scanty, and the Indians who had recently made an attack upon Charlestown, N. H., and carried several of its| “lepended wholly upon voluntary contributions. Wor a long term of years it remained in an un- inhabitants into captivity. It was not till 1761 fXnished condition. ‘The underpinning was not that such measures were taken as secured a per- manent settlement. From that time the popula- | stufficient to prevent sheep from going under the house for shelter, and as the floor was of loose tion rapidly increased, and at the expiration of bourds, the noise of the animals beneath some- ten years Westminister was the most populous times mingled discordantly with the singing and town in Eastern Vermont. This Church was organized 11 June, 1767, by | preaching above. ‘The desk of the minister and tkie seats of the congregation were rude and incon- a council consisting of representatives of the churches in Charlestown, Keene, bake eh West-| venient in the extreme; and whatever other vir- tiues might fail to receive cultivation, the patience moreland, and Winchester, New Hampshire ; Northfield, and Warwick, Massachusetts; and | aind endurance of the worshippers were subjected 0 very Salutary discipline. In this connection it Abington, Connecticut. Of the three hundred is well to finish what needs to be said in regard persons, or more, who then constituted the popu- lation of the town, only nine were found ready | to completing the house. By an act of the legis- to be constituted a Church, and, singular to} lature passed in 1781, towns were authorized to say, not one of these was a woman.* Among’) levy taxes upon the land, for the purpose of the constituent members were Ephraim Ranney | building houses of worship. It is not to be in- und John Sessions ; who were afterwards (4 May, lack of them can be but partially supplied by less authoritative documents and by tradition. As long ago as 1736, the first steps were taken for the establishment of the institutions of the Gospel in this place. In that year, the legisla- ture of Massachusetts, supposing that its juris- diction extended as far North as this, and much farther, granted “ ‘Township Number One,” as it was then called, to a number of persons resident in various towns in Massachusetts and Connecti- cut. By the terms of the charter, the grantees were required to build and furnish, within three years, “a convenient meeting-house for the public “ worship of God, and settle a learned orthodox “ minister.” In June 1737, a highway, ten rods wide, was surveyed and located on a line coinci- dent with that of the main street in this village, pro- 1769,) elected deacons, and held that office, the former for thirty-three years, and the latter for nearly fifty-three years. The memory of them both is still fragrant in the Church, and Deacon * These nine persons were Jesse Goodell, William Willard Ephraim Ranney, Bildad Andros, John Sessions, Dan Dickin- son, Zachariah Gilson, John French, Azariah Dickinson. * The exercises of the ordination were as follows: Rev. Micah Lawrence-of Winchester, N. H., made the opening prayer, Rey. Mr. Hedge, of: made the [ordaining?] prayer before the charge to the pastor, Rev. Bulkiey Olcott of Charlestown, N. H. gawe the charge, Rey. Clement Sumner of Keene, made the sprayer after the charge, and Rey. Thomas Fessenden of Walpole, ) gave the right hand of fellowship. It does not appear that any sermon was preached on the occasion. If there was, it was prob- ably preached by the candidate himself, as was the custom a century ago.
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1867.] ferred from this, that the legislators of that day surpassed those of the present time in love for religious institutions and desire to advance them. On the contrary, they designed by this law mainly to promote the more rapid settlement of towns, and increase the value of the lands, and this de- sign was expressly recognized in the preamble of the statute. In 1783, at a session held in West- minister, the legislature went still farther, and authorized towns or parishes not only to build meeting-houses, but also to support the preaching of the gospel, by taxes assessed, as well upon the polls and other ratable estate of the inhabitants as upon the lands. Under this statute, familiarly known as the ministerial act, the town and the parish were identical, and all the property was liable to contribute for religious purposes, according to the vote of the majority. There is no evidence that this town took an decided action under the ministerial act till 1788. At that time the meeting-house was still un- painted, unglazed, and only partially provided with pews. At a meeting held 23 June, 1788, the parish voted to receive the house from “ the “ancient proprietors,” on condition that they should pay all debts outstanding on its account, and ex- ecute a conveyance of all their title. <A tax of ten pence on the pound, on the list of 1788, “‘ payable in beef, at twenty shillings per hundred, “wheat at five shillings per bushel, und other “grain equivalent, or money,” was assessed for the purpose of finishing the house. In April, 1789, the parish voted to give.Hon. Stephen R. Bradley the pew on the right hand of the pulpit, on condition that he should procure glass enough to glaze the house, by the first day of August then next. This condition not being complied with, the time was subsequently lengthened till 1 May, 1791, but the glazing was not actually completed till 1798, when the proceeds of the sale of four pews were appropriated to that purpose. In the spring of 1789, a contract was made with Asa Gage to finish the house, for the sum of £175 “ lawful money, to be paid in wheat “at five shillings per bushel, beef at twenty shil- “lings per hundred, or other grain or neat stock ‘“‘in that proportion ;” and a tax of nine pence on the pound on the grand list was assessed, paya- ble in such specific articles, for the purpose of meeting the contract. Mr. Gage completed his undertaking, but the parish failed to pay him at the appointed time, and he prosecuted his de- mand to judgment and execution, which occa- sioned the parish a good deal of annoyance and trouble. For several years the body of the house was not divided into pews, buc was furnished with long seats, holding five or six persons each. From time to time, as the means of the parish allowed and convenience required, the seats were | the highest. | HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 67 replaced by pews till the floor was covered. It was voted, 3 January, 1793, “to make two pews, “one each side of the broad alley of the seats,” and to rent six pews which had previously been made. At the same time it was voted “ to give “Mr. Jonathan Kittridge fifteen shillings in cash, “to sweep the meeting-house and take care of the “pall and keys, for one year,” and Lieut. Zachariah Gilson and Ensign Asa Averill were chosen “ to take care and clear the meeting-house “of dogs on the Sabbath according to their dis- “cretion.” It does not appear when the house finally assumed the condition of a finished struc- ture, within and without, but it could not have been far from 1800. Externally, the house is still what it. was at the first, save only as the storms of nearly a century have left their marks upon it., It were a good thing to keep it well repaired and let it stand as a perpetual memorial of the toils, und sacrifices, and self-denials, which our forefathers cheerfully endured that they might have a house in which to worship God. Its tim- bers are sound and its joints are strong, and, special providences excepted, there is nothing to prevent it from lasting till the millenium, and then being occupied again, and by larger congre- gations than ever assembled in it in the former days. The interior of the house has been changed so completely, that a description of its former state will be interesting to the present generation. From the front door an aisle ran through the center of the house, and upon each side of the uisle was a block of pews, eight in number, four opening upon the central aisle and four upon another aisle parallel with it. A row of pews ran uround the house, broken, however, into four divisions by the entrance-ways on the north, south and east, and the pulpit on the West. The pews were a step higher than the aisles, and this was not seldom a step of stumbling to the unwary. They were large square pens, built up as high as the head of the occupants, and within them wooden seats ran around the four sides, with only a single break for the door. A pew would ac- commodate from twelve to sixteen persons—they had patriarchal families in those days—and by the arrangement just mentioned, a part of them must needs sit with their backs to the minister. These were, of course, the children, who being thus under the double watch of their parents’ eyes and the minister’s, could hardly fail to be becomingly subdued. ‘The seats were hung upon hinges, and were turned up when the congrega- tion rose in prayer,.and let down again at the end of the prayer, not without a bang and clatter which greatly delighted the little ones. ‘The pews nearest the pulpit were the first built, and were occupied by those whose social rank was Gen, Stephen R. Bradley sat in the
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68 wall-pew next the pulpit on the right hand of the. minister, and ‘John Norton, with his numerous daughters, had the corresponding pew on the left. The front pew on the right of the central aisle was “the minister’s pew,” and directly opposite was the pew of Hon. Mark Richards. The pulpit was on the West side of the house, high up the wall, and access to it was by a flight of several stairs. Over it was a huge “sounding “board,” apparently upheld so slightly as to occasion continual fear in the minds of children lest it should come down with a crash on the minister’s head. At the foot of the pulpit was the ‘“deacon’s seat,” a long, narrow enclosure, the occupants of which paid dearly for the honor of their place by the cramped and inconvenient posi- tion they were obliged to maintain. ‘The minister occupied a part of this seat when a child was to be baptized or the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper was to be administered. Upon three sides of the house was a gallery, to which ascent was made from the entry-way of the North and South wings. Around the gallery and next to the wall wasa row of pews similar to those below, and in front of these were two rows of hard wooden seats. It is hardly necessary to add that, both above and below, the aisles and pews were uncarpeted, and the seats uncushioned, and that for many years there was no means of warming it, even in the coldest days of winter.’ This was the house in which our fathers worshipped, a house rude and uncomfortable, according to modern notions, but hallowed by many precious memories, and to be held in everlasting remembrance by not a few souls, as the place in which they were born again, of water and of the Spirit. This account of the meeting-house has taken us many years in advance of the main current of discourse, and we now return to the point of de- parture, namely, the year 1769. After Mr. Good- ell’s leaving, there was no settled pastor, and probably no stated preaching for about five years. During that period only five persons were added to the church. Rev. Joseph Bullen was orduined pastor 6 July, 1774, and sustained that relation about eleven years, during which period forty-six persons were added to the church. He was born in Sutton, Mass., was graduated at Yale, 1/72, und married Hannah Morse, a relative of the inventor of the telegraph. He was a man of learning, talent, and piety, a fine writer, and a clear, sensible, and instructive, though not eloquent preacher. His usefulness, however, while in Westminster, was much impaired by his devotion to money-getting. He kept a store, manufactured potash, speculated in land, and was considered quite shrewd enough at a bargain. Having acquired a large quantity of wild land in Athens, he remoyed there in 1785 or soon after; the rela- tion between him and the church being informally HISTORICAL MAGAZINE: [ August, dissolved, by his asking a dismission, the church granting it, and his certifying in writing, 26 Sep- tember, 1785, that he accepted the dismission and released the church from all obligations to him. In 1788 and 1791, he was the repres‘ntative of Athens in the Legislature of Vermont. For several years he preached in that town, with little or no compensation, and in 1797 his labors resulted in the organization of a Congregational church, of which he and his wife were two of the eleven constituent members. Soon after that, he was appointed by the New York Missionary Soci- oy a missionary to the Chickasaw Indians, among whom he established a mission near where the town of Pontotoc, Miss., is located. In 1803, he settled near Uniontown, Miss., and there organ- ized a Presbyterian church, the first Protestant church in that State. There and in that vicinity, he labored for about twenty years, preaching the Gospel and establishing churches. Like Paul, at Corinth, he for the most part “made the “ Gospel of Christ without charge,’ his salary, for preaching half the time to the church near which he lived, being only fifty-five dollars annu- ally ; in view of which it may well be questioned whether his shrewdness at a bargain ought not to be regarded with a good degree of charity. Having labored in the ministry more than fifty years, he died at an advanced age in 1825. He was the first Protestant minister who settled per- manently in Mississippi, and the first Moderator of the Presbytery of that State. His only publi- cation was a sermon preached before the General Assembly of Vermont in 1783.* After Mr. Bullen’s dismissal, an interregnum of nearly five’ years took place, during which there were several candidates for settlement, whose names have not beenpreserved. Five per- sons only were added during this period. ‘The church and parish concurred in a yote, 24 June, (1790, calling Mr. Sylvester Sage to the pastorate, with a salary of one hundred pounds, lawful money, and thirty cords of good fire wood, the money purt of the salary “to be paid one quarter “in money, and the residue in wheat at five shil- “lings per bushel, or other grain equivalent.” This call was accepted, and the ordination took place 13 Qctober, 1790.4 At that time the * An apocryphal and highly embellished account of a case of discipline which occurred during Mr. Bullen’s pastorate, may be found in Graham’s Descriptive Sketch of the Present State of Vermont, pages 111-115, and is repeated with varia- tions, in Hall’s History of Eastern Vermont, pages 732-733. It must be taken cum grano.salis. + The churches represented in the council were those in Marlboro, Putney, and Rockingham, Vermont; Charlestown, Keene, and Walpole, New Hampshire; Berlin, Connecticut, and Granville, Massachusetts. The exercises were as follows: Rev. Aaron J. Booge of Granville, (pastor of the candidate’s intended wife,) offered the Opening Prayer; Rey, Nathan Fenn, of Ber- lin, (pastor of the candidate,) preached the sermon; Rey. Bulk- ley Olcott, of Charlestown, offered the Ordaining Prayer; Rey. Thomas Fessenden, of Walpole, gave the Charge (to the pastor?) ;
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1867.) church consisted of thirty-two male and thirty- seven female members, sixty-nine in all. Consid- ering the state of the times, and the disadvan- tages under which the church had labored, this was a large growth to have attained. From 1767 to 1790 the country was ina state of violent agi- t.tion, being involved first in war, with its excit- ing, impoverishing, and demoralizing influences, and then in sharp political conflicts occasioned by laymg the foundations of the government. It was a transition period, in the affairs of which it was necessary to expend time and toil, and treas- ure. The State of Vermont had the additional agitation of the long conflict with New York and the struggle for admission into the Union;. and some of the most exciting events in that conflict, took place in Westminster. That, under all these adverse circumstances, the church made such progress, is good evidence that it was a vine of God’s own right hand’s planting and _presery- ing. Its growth, however, had been the result of immigration and addition by letter, more than of conversion and profession ; and such it continued to be, the additions by profession during the sey- enteen years which constituted the first period of Mr. Sage’s ministry, averaging only about three a year. In 1794-5, the peace of the church was much disturbed by a case of discipline, not especially important of itself, but made important by the stubbornness with which the offending member re- sisted, and by the extensive publicity given to the case in the periodicals of the time.* One of the female members had been led to become a be- liever in Universalism, by her brother, who was one of the early preachers of the doctrine. She absented herself not only from the Lord’s table, but also from public meeting, and in various ways showed contempt of the church and its or- dinances. For more than six months the church and community were agitated by the proceedings necessary to adjust the difficulty. Numerous church meetings were held, into some of which, persons not members of the church intruded themselves and attempted to take part in the de- fence of the delinquent. The excitement was made more intense by her own tears and passion- ate exclamations, which sometimes rendered it difficult for them to proceed. After six months of patience and forbearance on the one hand, and of unyielding obduracy on the other, a sen- tence of excommunication ended the case. The pastor, giving the most literal application to the teaching of the apestle,—*“ with such an one, no, Rey. Aaron Hall, of Keene, gave the Right Hand of Fllowship, and Rey. Gershom C. Lyman, of Marlboro, offered the Conclud- ing Prayer, - The parish paid £1. 15s. 4d. for the board of Mr. Sage and the council at the time of ordination. * Farmer's Weekly Museum, 2 June, and 7 July, 1795, and Vermont Repository, June, 1795, HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 69 | “not to eat ’—afterward felt it his duty not to sit at the table with her, even though visiting at her house. ! In 1793 the members residing in the West parish requested to be organized as a separate church ; and in view of the great inconvenience to which they were subjected in attending the ordinances of the Gospel, their reasonable request was granted. This movement was a permanent benefit to the cause of Christ, as well as to the persons directly concerned in it; but its immedi- ute effects upon this church were injurious. The removal of thirty or more members not only weakened the church numerically and morally, but seriously diminished the pecuniary resources upon which reliance could be placed for the sup- port of religious institutions. The difficulty of raising the salary of the pastor was greatly in- creased by an act of the Legislature passed in 1801. Until that date every person was by law * considered as being of opinion with the major “part of the inhabitants of the town in which he “dwelt,’”’ and liable to be assessed on his grand list for the support of such preaching as the ma- jority desired, unless he should procure and ex- hibit to the town clerk a certificate, signed by some minister, deacon, or elder, that he belonged to some other specified denomination.* In con- templation of law, every man had some religious preference, and was bound to contribute, accord- ing to his ability, to support the institutions of the Gospel. But in 1801, a statute was enacted, al- lowing any person to relieve himself from liabil- ity to support the established preaching, by de- livering to the town clerk a certificate signed by himself, that he did not agree in religious opinion with a majority of the inhabitants. Nor were the opponents of “ the standing order ” satisfied, till they procured the passage of a law in 1807, divesting towns of all power to assess taxes for the building of meeting-houses or the support of ministers, and leaving every person to decide for himself, whether he would contribute anything, and, if anything, how much, for those purposes, It was greatly feared that this law would prove disastrous to the cause of religion, and it did tem- porarily embarrass and discourage many churches.f How much effect the law had upon the ability of the parish to pay Mr. Sage’s salary is not to be known, but there can be no. doubt that it was much more difficult to raise the salary under the new Jaw than under the old. In April, 1805, Mr, Sage requested a dismissal, but the parish unanimously declined to comply. Two * Compiled Statutes of Vermont, 1790, page 203, + When a similar change in the laws of Connecticut was pending, Rev.. Lyman Beecher preached one of his most power- fuland eloquent sermons, deprecating the plan of leaving re- ligion to voluntary support, as one that would inevitably open the flood-gates of ruin upon the State,
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70 years afterwards, he renewed the request, a ma- jority of the parish voted to grant it, the church reluctantly concurred, and he was dismissed 19 May,1807. During his pastorate, ninety-five per- sons were added to the church, of whom fifty- six united by profession, and thirty-nine by let- ter. Soon after Mr. Sage’s dismissal, Rev. Jason Chamberlain, afterwards Professor in the Univer- sity of Vermont, commenced preaching as a can- tidate for settlement, and supplied the pulpit for several months. In 1808 Rev. Mr. Beardsley preached some months as a candidate. Early in May, 1809, negotiations were commenced with Mr. Sage to induce him to resume the pastorate, and in the following August he was engaged to act as pastor for the term of ten years, his salary be- ing payable half in cash and half in grain at cash price. Without the formality of an installation, he thus entered upon a pastorate which continued for twenty-nine years. For several years preced- ing and following the commencement of Mr. Sage’s second pastorate, a very low state of re- ligion prevailed, and it was not till 1810 that any change for the better took place. This had its origin, so far a8 means were concerned, chiefly in the earnest and diligent labors of a young man who united with the church in January of that year. He was a recent convert in a powerful revival at Middlebury, where he was a student in college. With all the warmth and zeal of a first love, he endeavored to arouse Christians to a sense of their duty, and to lead sinners to the Saviour. A marked increase of religious interest took place, and though it did not amount to what would be called a revival, the spirituality of the church was greatly promoted, and ten or twelve persons were hopefully converted. Two of those who united with the church at this time, the young man just mentioned and his brother,* be- came ministers of the Gospel, and their praise is still in many of the churches in Vermont, New Hampshire and Connecticut. Among the con- verts in that revival were two women, whose names are entitled to be mentioned—Mrs. Lucy Lovejoy and Mrs. Roxanna Goodrich These women, with Mrs. Olive Reed and Mrs. Lusk, es- tablished in 1812 a female prayer-meeting. The first meeting was held at Mrs. Goodrich’s on the very spot where this house stands, a spot thus consecrated by the prayers of faithful Christian women a quarter of a century before it became the site of a house of worship. This prayer- meeting was continued, with occasional interrup- tions, till 1829, when the brethren were admitted to it and it became “ the Saturday evening prayer- “ meeting,” which has remained one of the insti- tutions of the church to this day. * Seth 8. Arnold and Joel R, Arnold, HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August, It would seem that a similar awakening oc- curred in 1816, but no facts in regard to it can be ascertained, except that on the last Sabbath of October in that year, twelve persons united with the church by profession. In 1825 more than usual religious interest existed, and seventeen per- sons united with the church. With the excep- tion of these two seasons of awakening, there was almost nothing in the history of the church from 1812 to 1830, of sufficient importance to deserve recording. ‘Fhe annual additions were few, and were nearly or quite balanced by removals and deaths. It was not until 1831 that any such spiritual blessings were received as added largely to the church, both in numbers and in grace. That was a year of revival throughout the American churches; the year, indeed, in which revivals’ of the modern type were first experienced. It was the era of protracted meetings, anxious seats, and other new measures, from which new and large results were obtained. ‘This church, not without some misgivings on the part of the pas- tor and many judicious Christians, adopted the new measures, and gained by them perhaps as much good and as little harm and loss, as it was reasonable to have expected. During the Fall of 1831 Sabbath evening meetings were held alter- nately on the plain and the upper street, and in connnection with them were held ee meet- ings which were largely attended. On the 15th of November a protracted meeting commenced, and was continued for four days. Rev. Timothy Field of Westminster West, preached the opening sermon—from the text,—“ Prepare to meet thy “God,” a plain, pungent, and powerful discourse. Rev. Jonathan McGee of West Brattleboro, Rev. Uzziah C. Burnap of Chester, Rev. Benjamin A. Pitman of Putney, Rev. Elihu Smith of Ches- terfield, N. H., and several other ministers preached during the progress of the meeting. The style of the preaching was for the most part hortatory ; and while it awakened Christians, and sent conviction into the hearts of many sinners, it also aroused the anger and bitter opposition of the enemies of truth and righteousness. There was great excitement both in the church and out of it, and the effects of the movement were felt for several vears. One of the immediate results was - the addition of twenty-five persons to the church, many of whom remain unto this present, but some are fallen asleep. Among these last is “ the be- “loved physician,’* whose mortal remains we followed yesterday to the grave, sorrowing that we should no more behold his face in the flesh, yet rejoicing that his ransomed spirit is with God whom he served and with Christ in whom he trusted. Perhaps even now he is looking down upon us from the upper world, and his affection- * Dea, Pliny Safford, M.D,
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ene 1867.) ate heart glows with joy at beholding the jubilee of the church which he loved. This revival gave origin and impulse to several benevolent and reformatory movements, the most important of which was the organization of a temperance society. The evils of intemperance had been severely felt, not only in the community at large, but also in the church, where it had oc- casioned several painful cases of discipline, end- ing inexcommunication, as well as some disci- plinary proceedings which fell short of that re- sult. It became apparent that some special ef- fort must be made to arrest the evil, and in the winter of 1832-3 a temperance society was or- ganized of which Dea. Pliny Safford was Presi- ident, Michael Gilson, Vice President, Erastus A. Holton, Secretary, and Zacheus Cole, Treasurer. In regard to the success of this movement, a resi- dent of the town wrote in July, 1833, as follows: * —“ The temperance cause flourishes here beyond “our most sanguine expectations. At our last . sege: ir society numbered one hundred and “ ten. e have three temperance stores and one “temperance tavern. There is no store in town “ where ardent spirits are kept, but there are two “taverns that yet keep it.” It soon became the practice of the church not to receive as members any persons whose piety was not sufficient to re- strain them from the use of intoxicating liquors, and in January 1839, it was declared by a for- mal vote, “that in the present light of the tem- “ perance reform, and of Divine ‘nspiration, it is “not expedient to receive any members to this “church who make, vend, or use distilled liquors “as a beverage.” In 1842, another step in ad- vance was taken by the organization of a society which interdicted the use of alcoholic liquors of every kind, distilled or fermented. Under the auspices of this society the total abstinence ques- tion received a very thorough discussion through- out the community, temperance meetings were held at the meeting-house for several successive days, and for some months there was hardly a Sabbath evening on which there was not a tem- perance meeting in some school-house in the par- ish. Though this was regarded by some as “ an “intemperate agitation of the subject of temper- “ ance,’’ it is believed that the good effects of that agitation are felt to this very day. The revival of 1831 was the occasion also, though indirectly, of the building of the meeting- house now occupied by the church. It drew the _ dividing line between the church and the world far deeper than it had ever been drawn before, and it inflamed to violent hostility many persons who had been merely indifferent to the church till it assumed the attitude of an aggressive body. Their hostility showed itself mainly by proceed- HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 71 the control of the parish meetings, established a distinction between the parish and “ Mr. Sage’s “society,” and in April, 1834, voted that Mr. Sage’s society were not entitled to occupy the house more than three-fourths of the time, and that for the other fourth there should be a “ lib- “eral” preaching. “ Liberal” preaching was accordingly maintained on the 2d Sabbath in each month for a few years, and in the meantime the church took measures to build a house that should be wholly their own. This house was completed in the fall of 1835, and was dedicated 18 November 1835. In connection with the dedication, a three days’ meeting was held, at which there was preaching by several ministers, but the opposition was so great that the meetings were somewhat thinly attended and no conver- sions took place. Some of the leading men in town positively refused to enter the new house even on the Sabbath day, and it was feared that the new house, though much smaller than the old one, would be too large to be filled by any con- gregation that could be induced to worship in it. Those fears, however, were not realized, and subsequent events have fully demonstrated the wisdom of our fathers in deciding that a small house well filled is every way to be preferred to a large house half filled. Having preached the Gospel nearly half a century, and being now burdened with the in- firmities of threescore and ten, Mr. Sage decided to close his labors with this church, and, on the © last Sabbath in April 1838, he preached his fure- well sermon from, Phil. 1:27. It is suitable that a somewhat extended account should be given of one who served God and his generation so long and faithfully. Mr. Sage was born in Berlin, Conn., 24 January 1765, a son of Deacon Jede- diah and Sarah (Marcy) Sage. He was graduated at Yale College, in 1787, studied theology with Rev. Cyprian Strong, D.D. of Chatham, and was licensed by the Hartford South Association in June 1788. In 1790, he preached in Shelburne, Mass., as a candidate for settlement, and on the question of giving him a call, the church was equally divided ; twenty-two voting for the call, and twenty-two against it. From Shelburne he came directly to Westminster. He married, 20 January 1791, Orpah Robinson of Granville, Mass., of whom, however, he was deprived by death, 18 February, 1792; and he married, as a second wife, 7 January 1793, Clarrissa May, youngest daughter of Rev. Eleazer May of Haddam, Conn.* After his dismissal here he went to Braintree, Mass., and was there installed as col- league with Rev. Ezra Weld, 4 November 1807. Rev. Hezekiah May, of Marblehead, preached the sermon. The climate of the seaboard prov- ings calculated to embarrass the church in the} — occupancy of the meeting-house. They obtained * She died 16 December 1836.
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72 HISTORICAL ing unfavorable to Mrs. Sage’s health, he resigned the pastorate and was dismissed 4 May 1809. His ministry there had continued a year and a half to a day, and his farewell sermon was from the appropriate text: “and he continued there a “year and six months, teaching the word of God “among them.” Acts 18:11. From Braintree he returned to Westminster, and here he re- mained till his death, which took place 21 Jan- uary 1841. When in the prime of life. Mr. Sage was a man of mark. His personal appearance was prepos- sessing to an unusual degree. Indeed, he was a model of manly beauty. He had an almost perfect form, of full size, erect and symmetrical, and his movements were at once graceful and dignified. His features were regular and the expression which habitually rested upon them was that of kindness and benignity. It was said of him by one of his ministerial brethren,—“ If “the epithet handsome were allowable to be ap- “lied to men, no one deserved it more than Mr. “Sage.” He was very neat in person, and taste- ful in dress, and in everything that relates to appearance he was absolutely faultless. He pos- sessed fine social qualities, and in conversation was easy, agreeable and familiar, indulging oc- casionally in innocent pleasantry, but always preserving the quiet dignity becoming the posi- tion which he occupied. In the fullest sense of the word, he was a Christian gentleman. Intellectually, he held a good standing. His mind, like his body, was sound and well bal- anced. If he was not so acutely metaphysical or so profoundly logical as some of his neighbors in the ministry, he had a clearness of perception of Divine truth and an ability to make that truth plain to others, in which he was not surpassed, if indeed he was equalled by any of them. In the pulpit his appearance was commanding. [is enunciation was deliberate and distinct, his man- ner solemn and impressive. His sermons were distinguished for clear statement, sound thought, orderly arrangement, purity of language, and neatness of style. In doctrine he was strictly evangelical. While some of his associates in the ministry were lax in their theology, he preached the pure doctrines of the Gospel, with an earnest- ness which was inspired by the unwavering con- viction that they, and they alone, are able to make wise unto salvation. He answered to the letter, Cowper’s description of a preacher, such as Paul, were he on earth, would hear, approve and own— 7 — “Simple, grave, sincere ; “Tn doctrine uncorrupt, in language plain, “ And plain in mannner, decent, solemn, chaste, “ And natural in gesture; much impressed “ Himself, as conscious of his awful charge, * And anxious mainly that the flock he feeds “May feel it too; affectionate in looks, *“ And tender in address, as well becomes “A messenger of grace to guilty men,” MAGAZINE. (August, Mr. Sage’s reputation as a preacher was such — that he was frequently invited to preach on special occasions. In 1803 he preached the “ election sermon” before the Governor and Leg- islature of Vermont. He preached at the instal- lation of Rev. Jesse Townshend at Durham, N. Y.,in 1798, and at the ordinations of Rev. William Hall, at Grafton, Vt., and Rey. Ephraim H. Newton, at Marlboro, in 1814, of Rev. Seth S. Arnold, at Alstead, N. H., in 1816, of Rey. Jonathan Nye, at Claremont, in 1821, and, doubt- less, on other similar occasions that have not come to my knowledge. His farewell sermon at Braintree, his election sermon, and his sermon at the installation of Rev. Jesse Townshend, were given to the press. On the Ist Sabbath in May 1838, Rev. Seth S. Arnold began to labor as acting pastor, with the understanding that he would give place to an acceptable candidate for settlement, when-- ever such a one should appear. The state of religion was very low, and the general aspect of affairs discouraging. But man’s extremity be- came God’s opportunity. Christians betook them- selves to Him with deep humiliation and fervent prayer, and he had regard for them in their low estate. In the latter part of November 1838, a series of meetings began to be held in the afternoon and evening, and continued two weeks. During the first week, Rev. A. D. Barber, of Saxton’s River was present, and preached with great pungency and power. It soon became apparent that the Holy Spirit was giving un- wonted efficacy to the means of grace. The meetings were in general very quiet and devoid of mere animal excitement, while at the same time the souls both of Christians and of awakened sinners were moved with the most intense emo- tions. The number of hopeful conversions at- tributed to this revival was between sixty and seventy ; insomuch that the aged ex-pastor, seeing this abundant upspringing of the precious seed — which he had so long gone forth to sow in tears, must need have felt, and doubtless said,—“ Lord, — “now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace, “ for mine eyes have seen Thy salvation,’ Among the converts in this revival was Erastus A. Hol- ton, who afterwards employed in the service of God a large measure of the remarkable energy and business ability with which he had before served the world, and whose abundant labors in the causes of temperance and Sabbath Schools, entitle him to be held in long and grateful re- membrance. As the results mainly of this work of — grace, forty-one persons united with the church in 1839. Some of them still live and are pillars in this church or others, some have gone to their account, and some did run well for a season, but were hindered. In 1839 Mr. Aaron R, Livermore preached as
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1867. J a candidate for settlement, and to so good ac- ceptance that the church and society gave him a call to the pastorate. He accepted the call, a day was fixed for his ordination, and letters mis- sive to convene a council were called; but while the church, with unusual harmony, and increasing interest in the pastor elect, was looking forward to receiving him as pastor, he withdrew his ac- ceptance and requested a release from the en- gagement. A few months after this unhappy experience, a cull was given to. Mr. Calvin R. Batchelder, with an offered salary of $450, which he accepted, and the ordination took place 22 April 1840.* A low state of religion prevailed for nearly three years, but in February 1843, an interesting work of grace commenced, and con- tinued for some weeks. This work was a marked illustration of the truth that “the kingdom of “God cometh not by observation.” Without the _use of any but the ordinary means of grace, and while to all appearance an unusual coldness prevailed in the church, it was found at a Satur- day evening prayer-meeting that an unusual number of non-professors of religion were present, some of whom were in an inguiring state. The interest deepened and extended, but was con- fined almost entirely to the young, nor were the reviving influences of the Spirit felt in the church, in a measure at all proportionate to what was experienced by them that were without. Desire for the conversion of souls seemed to be held in check by the fear of producing an unhealthy excitement. With the exception of an inquiry- meeting and an additional weekly prayer-meeting, none but the usual means of grace were em- ployed, and in about two months the interest entirely subsided. During the year, seventeen persons, most of them converts in this awakening, and only three of them men, united with the church. After a ministry of about five years, Mr. Batchelder requested a dismissal, and was dismissed 26 February 1845. * The exercises of the ordination were as follows: Invocation and reading the Scriptures by Rev. Broughton White of Putney; Prayer by Rev. Timothy Field of Westminster West: Sermon by Rev. John Wood of Newport, N. H.; Charge to the Pastor by Rey. Charles Walker of Brattleboro; Right Hand of Fellowship by Rey. Abraham Jackson of Walpole, N. H.; Charge to the people by Rev. Jubilee Wellman of Westminster West; Concluding prayer by Rey. 8. A. Benton of Saxton’s River. + Rev. Calvin Reddington Batchelder, son of Zechariah and Mary (Knowlton) Batchelder, was born in Wendell, (now Sunapec,) N. H.,9 August 1818. Without taking a collegiate course, he pursued classical and theological studies at Bangor Theological Seminary, where he was graduated in 1838. He was a sound scholar, a faithful pastor, and a good sermonizer. After his dismissal from Westminster, he entered the ministry of the Episcopal Church. From 1847 to 1859 he was rector of St. John’s Church, Highgate, during a part of which time he also taught a family school for boys, e was rector of Zion Church, Manchester, from the fall of 1859 to the fall of 1864, and since the last date has resided, with the exception of one year, at Bellows Falls, officiating in Immanuel Church, though not holding in form the office of rector. One of his sons, James E. Batchelder, was a soldier in Co, E, 5th Vermont Regiment and subsequently was appointed a cadet at West Point, HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. : 73 Revs. 8S. S. Arnold and Isaac Esty, who were then resident members of the church, were en- gaged to supply the pulpit on alternate Sab- baths, and continued so to do till March 1846, when Rev. William H. Gilbert became a candi- date for settlement. He soon received and accepted a unanimous call, (with a salary of $450,) and was ordained 21 October 1846.* In view of the low state of religion, the church observed a special day of fasting and prayer 10— December 1846, but without any marked results. For some years, the condition of the church was improved not so much by the addition of new members, as by the exclusion of members who had proved themselves unworthy. Discipline was enforced with commendable strictness. The names of persons who had long been absent and not heard from, or heard from only to their discredit, were erased from the records, and several persons who had departed from the faith or fallen into evil habits were removed by ex- communication. These proceedings diminished the membership of the church, but added ma- terially to its real strength. After a pastorate of a little more than four years, Mr. Gilbert requested a dismissal, and was accordingly dis- missed 5 March 1851f. Rev. J. W. Pierce became acting pastor soon after Mr. Gilbert’s dismissal, and continued to sustain that relation about two years. He was * The exercises were as follows: Invocation and reading the Scriptures by Rev. Edwin 8. Wright of Acworth, N. ta Prayer by Rev. Alfred Stevens of Westminster West; Sermon by Rey. Emerson Davis, D.D. of Westfield, Mass.,; Ordaining Prayer by Rev. 8. 8. Arnold; Charge to the Pastor by Rev. Amos Foster of Putney; Right Hand of Fellowship by Rey. Joseph Chandler of West Brattleboro; Charge to the People by Rey. E. H. Barstow of Walpole, N. H.; Concluding. prayer by Rey. A. D. Barber of Saxtons River. + The council on occasion of Mr. Gilbert’s dismissal affirmed as an important principle of the Congregational polity, “ that “every member of the church is bound by Christian principle “and by his covenant obligation to do his part in the pastor’s “support, and he cannot be released from this obligation. If “reasons do not exist sufficient for the pastor’s dismission, they “are not sufficient to justify any in withholding support, and “any member so withholding should be made a subject of dis- “ cipline.” Rey. William Hinman Gilbert, son of Ezra and Rebecca (Minor) Gilbert, was born in Weston (now Easton) Conn., 12 February 1817, was graduated at Yale College in 1841, studied theology one year at Andover, and two years at New Haven Theological Seminary, at which last he was graduated in 1845. From 1 April, 1845 ‘to 1 March, 1846, he was acting pastor of the 1st Congregational Church in Haddam, Conn. After his dismissal from Westminster, he spent a few months at An- dover, pursuing his studies. He was installed 3 Deeember 1851, pastor in Ashfield, Mass. Rev. George H. Richards of Boston preached the sermon. He was dismissed 27 August 1855, and was installed in Granby, Gonn. 2 July 1856. Rev. Jairus Burt of Canton preached the sermon. He closed his labors in Granby, 24 September 1864, to go into the service of the Christian Commission and. the American Bible Society among the soldiers, and continued in that service till the close of the war. He was dismissed 1 October 1865, and within a few weeks was appointed agent of the Vermont Bible Society, in which service he still remains. His published works are a Farewell Discourse in Ashfield, 1855; a Statement of Facts pertaining'to the ‘pigeon the Congregational Church in Ashfield, 1855; and a Manual of the Congregational Church in Granby.
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74 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [ August, succeeded by Rev. Isaac Esty, who also supplied the pulpit two years, (from the Spring of 1853 to the Spring of 1855.) Rev. Edwin Seabury began his labors as acting pastor 27 May 1855, and closed them 25 April 1858. His salary was six hundred dollars. During his ministry, the pres- ent parsonage was purchased and put in good repair, and he began to occupy it 14 October 1856. Rev. Harrison G. Park, began to supply the pulpit 9 May 1858, was called to the pastor- ate in the following October, with a salary of five hundred dollars, (including the rent of the par- sonage at one hundred dollars,) and was installed, 17 November 1858* His pastorate was short. He was settled with very little opposition, and was dismissed, with none ut all, 13 March 1860.+ For fifteen years the membership of the church had now been steadily decreasing. During that period only thirty persons had been admitted, and half of these were by letter; while more than sixty had been removed by death, by dis- missal, or by discipline. The tendency, was downward, and that at a rapid rate of progress ; and but for the interposition of Divine grace, the church could look forward to nothing other than speedy extinction. The ministry of Rev. Andrew B. Foster, which commenced 1 July 1860, was the means of arrest- ing and reversing the downward current. With- out any ge effort to produce it, or. any pre- ceding tokens of its approach, an unusual degree of interest manifested itself, in the summer of 1861, principally among the young. No extra measures were employed to maintain or increase the interest, but inquirers voluntarily sought the counsel and prayers of Christians, and, one by * The exercises were as follows: Introductory Services b Rev. ©. D. Jefferds of Chester; Sermon by Rev. Calvin E. Park of West Boxford, Mass.; Installing Prayer by Rev. J. M. Stow of Walpole N. H.; Charge to the Pastor by Rev. Amos Foster of Acworth, N. H.; Right Hand of Fellowship by Rev. Benjamin Ober of Saxton’s River; Charge to the People by Rev. J. G. Wilson of Bellows Falls; Concluding Prayer by Rey. Henry M. Grout of Putney. + Rev. Harrison Greenough Park, son of Rey. Dr. Calvin and Abigail (Ware) Park, was ‘born in Providence, R. L., 28 July 1806, was graduated at Brown University in 1824, and studied theology at Princeton and with Rev. B. B. Wisner, D. D., of Boston. He also studied law three years, with Bradford Sum- ner, Esq., of Boston and Hon. J. Fisk of Wrentham. He was ordained pastor of the Congregational Church in South Ded- ham, Mass., 16 December 1829. Rev. Calvin Park. D. D. preached the sermon. He was dismissed in 18385, and was installed in Danvers, 1 February 1837. Rev. Alvin Burgess, D. D. of Dedham preached the sermon, After a short pastorate he was dismissed, and was then employed as traveling agent of the Mother's Magazine andsin the publication and editorship of the Father's and Mother's Manual He was installed in Burling- ton, Mass., 15 November 1849, Rev. R. 8. Storrs, D. D., of Brain- tree preached the sermon, and was dismissed in 1851. He was installed in Bernardston, 16 August, 1854, Rev. L. L. Langstroth of Greenfield preached the sermon, and was dismissed in 1858: Since his dismissal from Westminster, he has not been again installed, but has preached at several places in New Hampshire. His publications are a Memorial Sermon of Rev. George Cowles, 1837; A Voice from the Parsonage, or Life in the Ministry ; a volume of shady-side literature 1854; and the Shortened Bed, a sermon preached at Saxton’s River, 1859, one, were led to give themselves to God, and to rejoice in his mercy. This work of grace effected a pleasing change in the prayer-meeting, the church and the whole cummunity; and as the result of it twenty-four persons united with the church. Mr. Foster’s ministry was in all respects acceptable and useful, and would doubtless have continued longer but for protracted sickness in his family, which induced him to close his labors, 26 April 1863. The pulpit was then supplied for some months by Rev. Selah R. Arms. In August 1864, Mr. Francis J. Fairbanks who had pre- viously preached as a candidate, was called to the pastorate, with hearty unanimity on the part both of church and people, and he was ordained 31 August 1864*. His ministry, and the happy results of it, are too fresh in your minds to need any recital on the present occasion. Upon reviewing the history of the church for the century, we see that it has had seven pastors and six acting pastors,—not taking into account any ministers who have supplied the pulpit less than a year, as candidates or as temporary sup- plies. The aggregate term of service by pastors has been thirty-four years and a few months, an average of not quite five years to a pastor. The longest pastorate was that of Rev. Sylvester Sage, which continued for sixteen years and seven months ; the shortest was that of Rev. H. G. Park, which lasted only a year and four months. The aggregate term of service by acting pastors has been forty-three years and some months, an aver- age of more than seven years. ‘The longest service as acting pastor was by Rev. Sylvester Sage, who labored in that capacity twenty-eight years and eight months. During nearly twenty- three years of its existence the church has been either destitute of preaching, or supplied irregu- larly, and for short terms. eh all of this destitution, however, occurred in the first forty ears of the century.. Since Mr. Sage resumed his labors in 1809, the whole period in which the ~ church has been without a stated minister does not amount toa year and a half. Three hundred und eighty-two persons have united by profession and one hundred and sixty-eight by letter, making five hundred and fifty in all; from which number * The exercises were as follows; Invocation and Reading the Scriptures by Rev. Benjamin F. Foster of Dummerston ; Prayer by Rey. T. M. Dwight of Putney; Sermon by Rev. William James, D.D., of Albany, N. Y.; Ordaining Prayer by Rev. George P. Tyler, D.D., of Brattleboro; Charge to the Pastor by Rev. Alfred Stevens of Westminster West; Right Hand of Fellowship by Rey. A. B. Foster of Bernardston, Mass, ; Charge to the People by Rey. J. D. Crosby of Ashburnham, Mass. Rev. Francis Joel Fairbanks, son of Emery and Eunice (Hay- ward) Fairbanks, was born in Ashburnham, Mass., 8 September, 1835, and was graduated at Amherst College in 1862. He studied theology one year at Princeton and another at Union Theologi- cal seminary, at which last he was graduated in 1864. He was licensed by Worcester North Association, 28 April, 1863. His sermon on the National Thanksgiving of 1864 was published in the Bellows Falls Times,
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1867.) some deduction must be made for persons who have united more than once. Of all these, less than one-fifth still remain resident members of the church; and of that number, more than half have been admitted within the last twenty years. The fathers and the mothers have rested from their labors. They who toiled side by side in the Christian work, and stood shoulder to shoulder in the Christian warfare, have received a gracious release from labor and conflict. Only here and there one, who in the strength of manhood or the zeal of womanhood, had stemmed the current of life, or bore the burden and heat of the day, during the first half century of the church’s ex- istence, remains to tell us of the former days. We rejoice to see here to-day a venerable father in the ministry, who as long ago as 1810 gave himself in the prime of life to God and this church, and who for nearly sixty years has watched over it and prayed for it, and, more than once or twice, has been the instrument in God’s hands of its deliverance from declension and imp2nding death ; and a mother in Israel, who became a member in 1811, and who, as she looks backward two generations to her grandfather, Ephraim Ranney, and forward two generations to her grandchildren, children of this church, can testify in the fullness of her soul, that God is a God that keepeth cove- nant with His people and with their children and their children’s children unto the third and fourth, and even to the fifth generation. We have called to remembrance, though im- perfectly, the former days, and have seen how God has preserved this vine of his right hand’s planting, amidst all the changes and fluctuations of a hundred years, causing it to take root down- ward and bear fruit upward, and ever and anon returning to “visit His vine and the vineyard “which His right hand planted, and the branch “which He made strong for himself”? But how insignificant a part of the history of the church has been narrated. We have attended merely to external events, and of these a hundred have been unnoticed while one has been recorded. The inner history is unwritten, except in the great book of account. When that shall be read, and then only, it will be seen what a work this church has wrought in the earth. The history of a single soul, as seen by the eye of God, is of more account than the history of an empire. There is joy in the presence of the angels of God over one sinner that repenteth. How much has the happiness of heaven been increased by the three hundred and eighty sinners that have re- pented, and united with the church. Making ample deduction for those who have run well only for a season, the influence direct and indirect, of these Christians upon families, upon communities, npon States, upon the nation and the world, influ- ence going down from generation to generation, HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 75 and broadening and deepening asit goes,—can only be adequately estimated by God himself. The church universal on earth, and the world itself, are a very different church and world from what they would have been but for the parents, the teachers in common schools, academies, and col- leges, the ministers of the gospel, the ministers’ wives, and the business men, the superintendents und teachers of Sabbath-Schools, the men of in- fluence in every walk of life, who have in this church been trained to piety and sent out to work in the vineyard of the Lord. From the hallowed memories of the past we do not turn away. But from the past itself, we do turn, and, in the strength which God i address ourselves to the way which yet lies before us. How long or how difficult that way may be, God only knows. Upon some of us the lengthened shadows of life’s evening hours are already fall- ing, and the day will soon be gone. To some the sun seems to ride high in mid-heaven. The dewy freshness and fragrance of the morning rest upon the pathway of others. But not one of us shall take part in the anniversary which this church will celebrate a hundred years hence. What changes will then have taken place. Who'll pass along this village street A hundred years to come? Who'll tread this church with willing feet A hundred years to come? Pale, trembling age, and fiery youth, And childhood with its brow of truth; The rich and poor, on land and sea— Where will the mighty millions be A hundred years to come? We all within our graves shall sleep A hundred years to come. No living soul for us will weep A hundred years to come. But other men our lands will till, And others then our streets will fill, And others words will sing as gay, And bright the sun shine as to-day, A hundred years to come. We send forward our greetings to those who will then celebrate the two hundredth anniversary of the church, and may God grant that we shall look down upon that scene from the upper glory. II—EUROPEAN SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. By Hon. THomas Ewsank, First Vicre-PREs- IDENT OF THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL Society. Whatever may be thought on this point there can be no harm in keeping alive old statements respecting it,
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fod 16 In Rivero and Tchudi’s Peruvian Antiquities, the opinion is confidently expressed that Irish Colonies were planted in the Carolinas and Flor- ida as early as the Ninth Century. They quote from documents, published by Rafn, “which “make mention of a nation that, according to the “traditions of the Esquimaux, dwelt in their “ neighborhood, wore white vestments, uttered “cries, and made use of long rods with pieces of ‘** cloth attached to them ;”’ indicative of a chaunt- ing procession of monks. The authors strangely infer, “ according to a probable [?] conjecture the ** Country occupied by this nation was Huitraman- “naland, the country of white men, which lay “along Chesapeake Bay, extending down into “Qarolina and even still farther South.” On this, Dr. Hawks, the translator of Rivero, ob- serves that we know of no other testimony than what is contained in the text. There is however other testimony and to even earlier settlements, though of a character per- haps equally, if not more doubtful. But us nothing of the kind should be entirely lost sight of, let it be taken for what it is worth. I refer to “ Monas- “tichon Britanicum : or, a Historicall Narration of “the first founding and flourishing state of the “ Ancient Monasteries, Religious Rules and Orders “of Great Brittaine, in the Times of the Brit- “taines and Primitive Church of the Saxons: ‘* collected out of most authentic authors, Leiger ‘¢ Books, and Manuscripts. By that learned Anti- “quary, Richard Broughton.” - London 1655. The author diedin 1634. For the character of this book see Allibone. ’ S$Succoth, who took the name of Patricius and subsequently known as St. Patrick, was born in the latter half of the fourth Century. He passed four years with and was ordained by his uncle, St. Martin of Tours; was captured by pirates and taken to Ireland; and died about 460. That he was a genuine travelling teacher, confining himself to no particular nation, is obvious from ancient accounts of him; while to people he could not visit, he deputed Monks of the Order of St. Martin. “These he sent” says Broughton, “ into many remote places, and “ Nations - - + - We finde in the old written life “of 8: Brendan that many of them were sent “unto, and lived in the Jsles of America, and had “been there, some 80 years, some 90; brought “up by St. Parricxk in his Monasteries in these “parts before. Mbrnnivus proveth that S. Pat- “rick preached forty years to diverse extern “nations, who could not be only to the Irish in “Treland, who were but one extern nation to “Britain.” Page 131-2-* * The marginal authorities for the preceding are MANUSCRIPT. Antig. Capgrave in 8. Brendan. Mennius’ Histor—supra, Matru. Westm. Anno 491. Antig. Glastonien. Capgruve im 8. Piran. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. ——— ——_— See eee ee [Aug ust, “Of &. KenrigerN, who lived on the plainest . ‘‘fare, wore coarse garments and carried his pasto- “ral staff, not round and gilded, or sett with pearles, — “but of plaine wood, only bended backward, our “ antiquaries, even Protestants, with others assure “us he had in his colledg at Elgu, besides others, “ always 365 learned, apostolick men, and sent of “them unto the Orchades islands, to Norway, “Tsland [Iceland] and other extern nations. it ae oa wlso, to Greenland, accounted part of “ America and to many other lands and “isles of the East Ocean to Russia ...... and “many other islands beyond Scautia [Scotland] “even until the Pole Arctick.” Page 187-8. Broughton mentions a disciple of Brendan, named Machutus, “who was Bishop both in- “Great and Little Brittaine [Brittany]... . and “both in Brittaine and America.” Page 334-5. Leaving the statements respecting America for Time to clear up, I think there is enough in this book from which to infer that an active European navigation in the North Seas was carried on in the — fourth and succeeding Centuries, equalling that of Scandinavian rovers. Columbus visited Iceland — or Greenland, I forget which, before his immortal voyage. May not Arctic climates have been, Thirteen hundred years ago, less severe than now. © Supposing the accounts of missions from MSS. quiet by Broughton exaggerated, there is evi- dence that the spirit of extending the Gospel to — all nations, in the early Centuries of our era rivalled that of the Apostles themselves; but unfortunately, of marine enterprise in those days next to nothing is known. If the means of reflect-_ ing light on it exist, Time will bring them eh q III—COLONEL ISAAC HAYNE. From THE Famity Recorps, BY HIS GRANDSON, I. W. Hayne, LATE ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF SoutnH CaroLina.* Joun Hayng, the progenitor of all of the name — in South Carolina, emigrated to this Srute, from near Shrewsbury, in Shropshire, England, about the year 1700. He brought with him some prop- erty, and settled down as a planter, in the neigh- borhood in which his grandsons were found at — the period of the Revolution. | The eldest son of the emigrant was John, who — married an Eddings, and left two sons, William — and Abram. * This paper has been communicated, for ‘publication in Tue HistoricAL MAGAzInE, by our valued friend, Wiii1am GiL- MORE Simms, LL.D., Carolina’s distinguished historian; and we are sure our readers will be glad to learn that it is only the first of a series of important papers, from the same source, which they may expect to find, Rom time to time, in our pages.—Eb, Hist. Maa,
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1857] Wiliam married a Miss Bullen, and left no son. His only daughter married John Simmons, father of Doctor William Hayne Simmons, James Wright Simmons, and Mrs. M. J. Keith. Wil- liam Hayne died before the period of the Revo- lution. | Abram, the second son of John, the son of the emigrant, married a Miss Branford, and left sur- viving him a son, William Hayne, the father of Colonel A. P. Ilayne, late of the Army, the friend and companion in arms of General Jackson, and of Gefleral Robert Y. Hayne, the distinguished Senator. The only son of the emigrant other than John, who left descendants, was Isaac Haynp, who, in 1741, intermarried with Sarah Williamson. He died in 1751, and left as his only surviving child, Isaac Hayne, the subject of inquiry. Colonel Isaac Hayne was born on the twen- ty-third of September, 1745; and in July, 1765, before he was I'wenty years of age, married Eliza- beth Hutson, daughter of the Rev. William Hut- son, then of Beaufort District, afterward Pastor of the Congregational Church, since known as the Circular Church, in Charleston. Before the period of the Revolution, Colonel Hayne’s life was uneventful. Ile was a planter, eminently domestic,a country gentleman, whose pride and pleasure it was to maintain that char- acter, par excellence. Ue had large possessions, chiefly in Beaufort and Colleton, but had em- barked in an enterprise in York District, with Colonel William Hill of that district, who himself became afterward a conspicuous Whig partisan. The fumily seat was in Colleton District, a few miles from Jucksonboro, known as “ HAYNE “ Haun,’ a very lurge and elegant residence, with accommodations and grounds fitted up after the English style. It was the center of a hospi- tality profuse, genial, and elegant. At the beginning of the War, though he was yet but Thirty years of age, he had been married Ten years and had already Five children. Though somewhat English in taste and habits, averse to politics, and exhibiting, certainly, no military am- bition, he, from the first movement in the country, espoused warmly the Whig cause; and his predi- lections were shown in attaching to the family name of “John,” in his second son, the name of Hampden. Of the part he took in public affairs the histories of the time afford my only informa- tion. Doctor Ramsey is most to be relied on for accuracy, as he was a personal friend. Colonel Henry Lee, in his Memoirs gives an interest- ing account of some incidents in addition to the capture and execution. I am not sure that Botta or Garden afford anything not previously re- lated. General R. Y. Hayne’s article in the first number of the old Southern Review, contains EVERYTHING in regard to the capture, the mock HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 77 trial, and the execution. Colonel Hayne wanted near I'wo months of being Thirty-six years of age, at the time of his death, and was in the full vigor of manhood. He was very handsome, and remarka- ble for activity, strength, and physical accomplish- ments. He was high-spirited, eminently social, singularly amiable, and of irreproachable private character. With such advantages, personal and adventitious, it was but natural that he should have had “ troops of friends,” and, without any signal public services, have become a man of mark and consideration in the Province. The Revolution found the Hayne family, after a sojourn of Seventy-five years in South Carolina, from the period of emigration, with only the Z’wo adult males, who bore the patriarchal names of ABRAM and [saac. The former, though less known, was really as much a “martyr,’ as his more distinguished cousin. He, too, bore arms in the Whig cause, was taken prisoner, marched to Charleston by his captors on foot, in the heat of Summer, cast into prison, and died of a fever contracted in the ex- posure. | Both were wealthy, and the fortunes of both were dissipated or destroyed in the troublous times of the Revolution, and their descendants have inherited their fame alone. Colonel Isaac Hayne made a large investment in Iron Works in York District, near the North Carolina line, in connection with his compatriot, Colonel William Hill. These works, owned by such noted patriots, and engaged at the time, under a contract with Governor Rutledge, in the manufacture of cannon and ball for the Whig forces, were naturally a mark for the enemy, and in the year were burned down by a force of British and Tories, under command of a Captain Huck, and a very large number of negroes em- ployed in the works carried off and never re- covered. : Doctor Isaac Hayne, eldest son of Colonel Hayne, died in 1802, leaving tio male descend- ants. John Hampden died unmarried. William Edward, third son of Colonel Hayne, when he came of age, found only the Iron Works in York District, which had been rebuilt, remaining of the once splendid fortune of his father, and the estate burdened with a debt more than equal to the value of the property. After some years.of una- vailing efforts, he sold out those possessions for just enough to pay the debts incurred. His sur- viving sons are: Isaac W. Hayne, Attorney-Gen- eral of South Carolina, and William Edward, a . merchant in Charleston. The name is still con- fined to South Carolina. The dust of the martyr rests in the grave-yard at the ancestral seat, where so many of the name, of an earlier day, repose. None of the family, in the olden times, when that region was their Sum-
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78 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (August, mer as well as Winter home, passed the age of Thirty-eight. I have recently come into the own- ership of the old homestead, and mean that it shall, for all time to come, continue to be the burial place of every Hayne who desires to rest by the side of his fathers. Colonel Isaac Hayne was famous in the Prov- ince for his stud of blooded horses, and, at the time of his capture,.was mounted on his favorite, an imported stallion, called King Herod; and his friends thought at the time, from their knowl- edge of horse and rider, that he would certainly have effected his escape, notwithstanding the sur- ‘ prise, but for the fact that King Herod had just recovered of a founder and gave way in leaping a ditch and dam, in his flight. The British Dra- goons Came upon him, encumbered by the fallen steed. I have the sword he wore,—a light short sword, silver-mounted, with a green shagreen scabbard. I have seen the silver-mounted small pistols he wore in his belt. “Hayne Haun” consisted of a center building of Three stories with a cupola, and Two spacious wings. It was of wood, and was burned while in possession of Doctor Isaac Hayne, about the ear : The flower-garden and shrubbery were partic- ularly admired. ‘he remains of an artificial fish- pond, and an old brick smoke-house, of the shot- tower style, are all that is left of the old improve- ments. I. W. Hayng, March 5, 1858. For W. GiumMorE Sms, LL.D. IV.—GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE. REPLY oF Proressor GEORGE WASHINGTON GREENE TO THE EprTor or Zhe Historical Magazine.* My Dear Dawson: I have read with care your review of my pamphlet, and you must take this answer as a prootof my personal regard.f I notice Bancroft’s first assertion, first, because { regard it as an entering wedge, and secondly, because it is false. ‘'he insinuation of Greene’s having joined in misrepresenting Washington at * Although the following letter is dated “ Murch 28, 1867,” the envelope in which it was enclosed is postmarked, “ East “ GREENWIOH, R. I., Jul. 27,” and it was received by us on the twenty-ninth of July. We make room for it in the earliest issue of 7’he Magazine, subsequent to that date, which was not previously occupied and in the hands of the printers; and shall take occasion, hereafter, to examine the statements of the writer, contradicting our own, as well as some of his conclu- sions.—Ep. Hist. Mae. + The review to which this is a reply may be found in the February number of this work. (i., 124.) Ep. Hist. Mag. Kip’s bay belongs to the same insidious class. Both were designed to produce an impression and that impression, a false one. Need I remind you that by such impressions artfully given the mind is prepared for grave accusations? For the same reason I notice the manner in which Greene is introduced in connection with the attempt upon Staten Island. These insinuations may not affect the mind of an historical scholar like you: but a common reader who receives them for truth will find himself all ready to re- ceive with unquestioning acquiescence the damn- ing assertions that follow. If you doubt it read the review of Mr. Bancroft’s [Xth volume in the October number of that sedate and thoughtful journal, the New Englander. With regard to Fort Washington I had to choose between the discussion of un opinion and the refutation of an assertion. I chose the latter, and still believe that I chose right. Discussions of opinion generally leave both parties equally convinced of the correctness of the opinion with which they started. Whether the holding Fort Washington was right or wrong, will, in the present state of the evidence, as far as I am acquainted with it, continue to be a question for discussion. I believe that General Greene was right. Mr. Bancroft believes that he was wrong. We might write volumes and each of us carry his original conviction unchanged to the grave. I did not care to. meet my opponent on this ques- tionable ground, when there was a question of fact to be squarely met. He threw the responsi- bility upon Greene. I have proved it to have been Washington’s. And there, for the present, I am willing to let the discussion rest. I differ from you equally with regard to the importance of the sixth and seventh charges. They are links in a continuous chain. To have passed them over would have been to concede that they were true. Few things are more to be guarded against than false coloring, and no instrument is so prompt in the production of false coloring as words. Your remarks upon the ninth charge show me that you have misunderstood my aim. Mr. Ban- croft makes assertions. I undertake to refute him by documents. Where a simple arrangement of the documents seemed to me to carry its argu- ment with it, | have not attempted to force my reasoning upon the reader. I do not see in what way I could have so effectually met his assertions as by showing that they contradict the documents to which all history must make its final appeal. You cannot see the force of either my tenth or my eleventh division. I am sorry for it. My charge in both instances is a charge of omission for the purpose of confirming the unfavorable opinion of Greene, already expressed in other connections. I was certain that Mr. Bancroft had
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1867.] read Hamilton’s statement concerning Greene’s share in “the conception” of the movements in New Jersey, and knew the impression which that statement made upon the candid and judi- cious Sparks. And I had reason to believe that he had given some attention to the subject of the mistaken choice of a camp at Red Clay creek, altho’ as that mistake implies an error of judg- ment on the part of Washington, he does not see fit to mention it. It is not only for what we have done but for what we have left undone that we are taught to ask forgiveness. It is not only by what he says, but by what he leaves skilfully unsaid that the defamer blasts character. I should have been untrue to my instincts as an historian, false to my duty as a grandson, if I had failed to meet either of these implications. My twelfth division you regurd as a “sad “botch.” I regret the expression, which seems to me unfit, either for literary criticism or his- torical discussion. But I pass this as a matter of taste; the substance of your criticism is, that I endeavor, “by inuendo,” to claim the merit of the day for Greene, introducing Gordon for this purpose. I deny the accusation. I have intro- duced Gordon here, as I have introduced him elsewhere, in order to call the attention of my readers to the irreconcilable contradiction be- tween Mr. Bancroft, writing Ninety years after the event, and a contemporary historian, person- ally intimate with almost all the principal actors, and writing with his extracts from their letters, and his memorandums of their statements, before him. ‘Thus much for the reason of my quotation from Gordon. Now for the facts, premising that I hold it to be an established principle, that the credit of a campuign belongs to the Commander- in-chief, the credit of a battle to the commanding general, the credit of a particular movement, us an executive act, to the commander of the wing or regiment that performed it; credit and re- sponsibility going hand in hand throughout. And therefore, to conceal, misstate, or slur over the services of a subordinate, is to be guilty of a historical falsehood. My charge against Mr. Bancroft is, that he misrepresents Greene’s services, claiming for the Commander-in-chief an executive merit which really belongs to his subordinate. Am I right or wrong? ‘lhis is the true question between Mr. Bancroft and me. With the first part of the battle of the Brandy- wine I have nothing to do. ‘The defence of the much-abused Sullivan may safely be left to Mr. Amory. But for the left wing Greene is re- sponsible. Let us see how he met the reponsi- bility. According to Mr. Bancroft, Washington, “ at “the sound of the cannon on the right, taking “with him Greene and the two Brigades of Mihl- HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 79 “enberg and Weedon,’ marches swiftly to the support of Sullivan, checks the pursuit, designates the position Greene is to occupy, and thus saves the army. First, now, it is generally conceded that Wash- ington and Greene were together when the battle began. I shall accept this, therefore, as wn established fact. Did they remain together ? Mr. Bancroft asserts that they did, and conse- quently that Washington conducted that swift march to the support of the right wing which has always been regarded us one of the brilliant feats of the day. What authority has he for the assertion? He does not tell us, and therefore we must try to find it for ourselves. , It is not Gordon, whose narrative, giving to Greene the merit of the march, implies that Washington, pausing only to give his orders, hastened personally to the front, leaving the ex- ecution of those orders to Greene, (ii.,.511, Ed. 1788, London). 7 .. It is not Greene, who, in his letter of the fifth of July, 1788, to Henry Marchant, claims the march for himself. Marshall, however, says, “on the commence- “ment of the action on the right, General Wash-- “ington pressed forward with Greene to the “support of that wing” (i., 157, of 2d Ed.; ii., 149, Ed. of 1804). Now this statement must either be modified, or we must reject the testimony of Joseph Brown us given by Dr. Arlington. Dr. Arlington’s character puts his words beyond dispute, and all the laws ot historical evidence justify us in ac- cepting Brown’s narrative. He told the story to Dr. Arlington’s father, the father to his son. Both father and son lived near the ground, and were familiar with the local details and local anecdotes. Had Brown’s story been false, they must have heard some contradiction of it. Neither of them hints a doubt. If we reject such testi- mony, what can we believe ? Marshall’s presence in the battle would, even if his personal character were not such as to place his truthfulness above suspicion, entitle him to full acceptance for whatever he states as un eye-witness, and to respectful consideration upon all points within the observation of a sub- ordinate officer. But his account of this battle is meager, and except for a skirmish in the fore- noon, without detail; Washington’s letters fur- nished none, and they were his chief reliance. 1 believe, therefore, that between Marshall’s un- supported assertion, and Brown’s narrative, sup- ported by the concurrent testimony of Greene and Gordon, we are bound to say that Marshall’s words must be modified. This is not difficult. Washington, on hearing the cannon, gave his orders. Greene instantly began to put them in execution, and the advance commenced while
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80 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August, Washington was still with him. The sounds of the conflict came faster and faster. Washington hastened to the front by a cross road, leaving Greene to carry out his orders and join him as soon as he could by the main road. Greene ac- complished this in forty-five minutes, and in look- ing back upon this march the next year felt justified in saying, “I marched One Brigade of “my Division, being upon the left wing, between “Three and Four miles in Forty-five minutes.” But did he take both Brigades with him? He positively says, “I marched One Brigade,” and 1 believe even Starkie would say that, under such circumstances, and with no conceivable motive for mutilating or concealing the truth, his evidence must be accepted. You, however, if I understand you correctly, believe that he had both Brigades with him. You cite Mihlen- berg’s Life of Muhlenberg, 94, 340. Now Muhl- enberg gives no authority but Johnson (i., 76), and Johnson no authority whatever. I say no authority but Johnson, for I have expressly stated that the volume of mine, which he also cites, is to be regarded as “an earnest of what I “hoped” some day to do with my grandfather’s manuscripts before me, not as the result of a careful study of those manuscripts. Marshall says nothing about Brigades, but simply that ‘Washington pressed forward with General “ Greene,’ a form of expression which leaves room for either both-or one. But Gordon ex- pressly says, “‘ Greene immediately hastened his “first Brigade; the second Brigade is ordered by “ Washington to march a ditferent route” (ii, oi shall Miihlenberg and Johnson, the only Two who make the positive assertion, be accepted without a document to bear them out, aguinst Greene and Gordon, who make a contrary asser- tion ? I come now to the question of the position taken by Greene to cover the retreat of the right wing. Mr. Bancroft says, “a strong position “chosen by Washington, which completely com- “ manded the road.” This, you say, is confirmed by General Mihlenberg, Gordon, and Judge Johnson. If General Muhlenberg had said this, or left it on record, I should have felt bound to accept his statement; but Henry A. Muhlenberg, writing in 1848, and referring to Johnson, who gives no authority for the statement, and to the sketch by Messrs. Bowen and Futhey, who give no authority, cannot be received as a witness. Gordon, at least in the pages to which you refer, makes no allusion to Washington’s having chosen the position ; indeed, he is so far from saying this that he distinctly ascribes the choice to Greene. Now, what was the origin of this story so readily taken up and so contidently repeated by succeeding historians? ‘The following passage, I presume, in a certificate given by Colonel Pinck- ney to General Sullivan, on the twenty-fourth of September, 1777. “ General Sullivan, turning to “me, requested I would ride up to General Wee- “ don, and desire him to halt Colonel Spottswood’s “and Colonel Stephens’ regiments in the ploughed “ field on our right and form them there, which I “did.” (Proc. of Hist. Soc. of Penn., i. No. 8, p. 50.) Returning to this subject in 1820, Colonel Pinckney repeats substantially the same story in a letter to Judge Johnson; I say substantially, for the additional details leave the material statements unchanged. It was still the ploughed field, and not the wooded pass, that Washington. pointed out (Hist. Mag., x., 203). It is not difficult to conceive, although strongly suggestive of caution to observe, how completel the story has been changed, leaving only shonin of its origin about it to serve as an excuse for historians who do not feel the necessity of verify- ing all their assertions. According to some, Messrs. Bowen and Futhey, for example (wé sup. p. 12): “In the course of “the day, Washington had pointed out to Gen- “eral Greene a suitable position for a second “stand in the event of their being obliged to fall “back from either point.” According to John- son, it was the Commander.in-chief and General Sullivan who had noticed this spot (i., 76.) Now, if we can place reliance upon Dr. Arling- ton’s researches, “General Washington’s Head “ Quarters were at Benjamin Berg’s tavern, about “three-quarters of a mile East of Chad’s ford” (Proc. Hist. Soc. Penn, ut sup., 58). “He was ‘there and thereabout all the fore part of the “day of the battle.’ Why, indeed, should he have been riding a circuit Four or Five miles from his quarters, with Knyphausen to watch, and tidings every moment expected which might im- peratively demand his presence on some other point? Why, even if he chose that moment to reconnoitre for positions, should he take either Sullivan or Greene from their commands ? lf Pinckney and Dr. Arlington are right, Washington was with Sullivan when Weedon's Brigade cume up. Greene would naturally hasten forward to join them and get his new orders, These, with perhaps some other officers, would form the “ Council of war,’ which, according to Gordon, was held on the field. Sullivan might very naturally have suggested the order con- veyed by Plasvuey to Weston, and the “ ploughed “field” would thus have become the first stand of the second part of the battle. From that — point to the pass where the final stand was made, was, according to Gordon, half a mile, over which Greene slowly retreated, using his field- eg freely till he came to the pass, which he eld till dark, saving the artillery, and giving the broken troops of the right wing time to make
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1867.] their way to a place of safety. Miuhlenberg’s Brigade I suppose to have come up very soon after Weedon’s marching, as Gordon asserts, by a different road. If I have allowed my feelings as a grandson to lead me to attach an undue importance to Mr. Bancroft’s misstatements concerning Greene’s part in the battle of the Brandywine, I must look for my justification to Greene’s own words: “I trust “history will do justice to the reputation of those “ who have sacrificed every thing for the public “service.” These words must also be my protection against the charge of excessive sensitiveness in the two next sections, or rather throughout the remainder of my pamphlet. Mr. Bancroft’s allegations form a whole, closely connected and artfully welded together. Mr. Bancroft’s omissions are full of significance. I see no cause for regretting that I have met them both. I have now answered in a candid and respectful tone the substance of your eriticisms without re- garding the form. I wish that that had been more consistent with our personal relations, and with the dignity of our common studies. The truth of history has nothing to gain from sarcasm, nor her votaries from mutual recrimination. The most industrious will sometimes fall short of the exact- ness at which they aim, the most cautious will sometimes stumble, the most upright sometimes err. To help and be helped in turn ; to respect earnest jJabor even when we cannot accept its results; to keep our own frailties in view as a guard pepenne the rash condemnation of the frailties of others ; and to bear constantly in mind that the facts of history are worthless unless the spirit that animates the narrative be the spirit of a pure, a zealous, and a generous sympathy with honora- ble endeavor and noble aspirations—are not these the first and highest duties of the historian ? Vang truly yours, EORGE WaAsHINGTON GREENE. East Greenwica, R. I, March 28, 1867. V.—SELECTIONS FROM PORTFOLIOS IN VARIOUS LIBRARIES.—ContTInvED. 55.—GENERAL WASHINGTON TO GENERAL JAMES MARSHALL.* Mount VERNON 10‘ Augt 1796. Drak Sir, : If you can recollect by whom, or in what man- ner the letter for General Pinckney, which went under cover to you, was sent to the Post Office in Richmond, I would thank you for information re- specting it.— * From the collection of F. 8, Hoffman, Esq., of New York, HIST. MAG. VOL. L 6° HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 81 That letter, with a note enclosed. therein, con- taining three bank bills for one hundred dollars each, for thesufferers by fire in Charles’ton, had not on the 26" of July been received by that Gen- tleman ; although duplicates, written after I had been favoured with your answer has been ac- knowledged by him.— In confidence, I inform you that General Pinck- ney accepts his appointment to France, and will soon be in Phil* to prepare for the Mission. With very great esteem & reg? I am D' Sir Y* Obt Serv! G° W.asHINGTON Gen! MARSHALL. Outside address} ENERAL MARSHALL in Richmond. President U.S. 56.—Davip Crockett, M. C. rrom TENNESSEE, To Peter B. Porrer, SEcreTARY oF War.* Wasuineton 24 January 1829. Dear Sir | a cording to your Request I have here in Re- comended to your Consideration Mr Amos R. Johnston of Paris Henry County in my district as an aplicant for the appointment of a Cadat Mr Johnston is a Young man of good Morrel Char- ecter and of a Respectable Parance I have no doubt but what he is well quallifyed and about 18 years of age also Mr William B Partee the young man that I left his letter with you is also of good Chareetor and as promising a youth as I am acquainted with he is about 16 years of age Mr Partee is the first aplicant and if I am only to have one I wish him appointed I will call and see you on the subject Respectfully your obt serv‘ Davip CROCKETT P: B Porter | 57.—Genprat LAFAYErte To Mr. JEFFERSON.} Paris, May 13 1823. My prar FRIEND I avail myself of Mr Gallatin’s departure to let you hear of the old friend who would be Happy to Embark with Him, but is now embarked en a political ocean more wide and less to be trusted than the Atlantic. The cause of freedom, after the miscarriage of Italy and some faint attempts elsewhere, is now confined to the penin- sula; the limits of a legal opposition in France, * From the collection of C. C. Helmick, Washington, D. C. t From the collection of Nath’l Paine, Esq., Worcester, Mass.
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82 and ministerial liberality in England are soon to be found. _Every other exertion that may show itself is Hostile to our cause: Yet there is a gen- eral sympathy in its favor: Was it not for the impressions left by the excesses of the french revolution, Resistance to despotism and Aristoc- racy might be obtained. But the greater obstacle to energetic measure is to be found in the Habits of Egotism, Submission, in the diabolical ad- ministrative institutions which the imperial sys- tem Has settled upon this Nation. Yet it is more and more evident that on the dispositions and fortunes of france, European liberty Has chiefly to depend: . The period is truly critical. Should the peninsula be subdued or voluntarily Bend, our liberal chances are fur Removed. I hope it cannot be the case, and from that circum- stance, Better and nearer Hopes may arise. the Spanish War is no where so unpopular as it is in france. | You Have Heard of the transactions in our Charter parliament. the 4th of March has af- forded me a great pleasure, that of a flat refusal from the parisian National guard to an improper order given with much force & eclat. Since that day the cote gauche Have not Reentered the House; but the Counter Revolution is neverthe- less going on, and will go to every extremity of Anti. National pretensions unless it is manly stop- ped by effectual opposition. Four parties are generally Reckoned, Royal or legitimate—Bonapartist, orleanist, and Republi- can. those of whom Have now come to acknowl- edge the sovereignty of the people and their right to choose a government: But the very de- nomination of two of them demonstrate that in the Republican alone there exists a determination to have those rights truly & fully exercised. far Iam from denying the Republican inclinations and preferences which brought me to the United States, which I constantly Have acknowledged. Before 89, in the several courts of Europe and since, at the very moment when I Honestl endeavoured to support the Nominal throne whic the sovereignty of the people Had constitutionally established. I must add that the experiments of the past three and thirty years, in france, and elsewhere, are not very favorable to the Alliance of popular institutions with an Hereditary Roval Magistracy. and in the alternative between the one and the other Royalty should of course give way, it is However probable that the experiment may be continued in Europe for a quarter of a Century, and whatever is now said among our Civil and Military statesmen, Respecting our Un- bending Republicanism we would in case of a commotion only insist upon an immediate Resto- ration of Elective Municipalities and departmental administrations. Upon the general armement of National Guards, naming their own officers, and HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [ August, upon the convention of a Constitutional Assembly originating from the bulk of the people, leaving to them to organize the powers of government, every authority being r’t then considered as provisory. So far and no farther do the Republican party go in their demands, reserving themselves'to recom- mend the more National and cheaper institutions which it will be in their power to obtain. : There is now a series of Memoirs on the Revo- lution published by faithful editors, where amidst the accusations, revelations, apologies of men be- longing to the several parties the impartial reader must, | presume to say, do justice to the motives and conduct of the patriots who were designed in the year under the name of Constitutionals and Have evinced more love of legal order, and more genuine republicanism than most of their detractors under other denominations. Your former correspondent, Emperor Alex- ander, Has Become the chief of Anti-liberalism in Europe, leaving the Greeks to their fate, which, thanks to their Herote exertions, Has not, I think, been a misfortune to them. Ilis mind is Haunted by the progress of freedom in West and South of Europe which [le labors to crush and retard as much as he can. Quantum Mutatus ab illo. Whom I have Conversed with in 1811 at the House our illustrious friend M™ de Staél. M. de Tracy is in tolerable good Health ; He Has the use of His eyes, not so well however as to be able to apply to studies. all my family are well and de- sire their most affectionate respects to you. Vic- tor Tracy and George are members of the House of deputies. I have been lately reelected in Spighte of the efforts of government. ‘The inde- pendent Arrondissement de Meaux, (Seine et Marne my actual department) Have been pleased to return meas the Representative of their electo- ral College. I Have Some time ago mentioned the Work of a young female friend to whom I am attached by the ties of paternal affection, & of whom our old — friend Bentham has said “she was the strongest and “ sweetest mind that ever was cased in a female ~ “body.” Isend you a second edition of her views on the State of Society and Manners in America, in which a few alterations have been made, one particulaly respecting yourself. I also send a small book entitled a few days in Athens. Her High Respect for you makes me particularly wish you to know these two publications. Adieu, my dear excellent friend ; present my affectionate respects to Mrs. Randolph and think sometimes of an old Companionin the cause of Mankind whose greatest and very necessary com- tort is in the Remembrance of our American exertions, and their Happy Consequences, while Kuropean transactions are ever thorny, too often sullied, at the best will never afford the admirable products and pure enjoyments of our Colombian
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1867.] times. let me hear from you, my dearest Jefferson, and receive the love and good wishes of your affectionate friend LAFAYETTE. Tracy’s excellent book has been reprinted in a small cheap edition ; He presents the most grate- ful regard for the fine edition. I am very sorry to part with Mr. Gallatin. But he goes only on furlough, and may Be will return. 58.—Rurus Kine To GovERNOR TOMPKINS.* WasHINGTON January 25. 1815 SIR, | According to the suggestion which I took the Liberty to make in a former Letter, I have now the Honor to send enclosed to your Excel- lency, a Copy of the Bill providing for the raising of State Corps—the Bill is before the President, and doubtless will become a Law—We are still in anxious suspense concerning the State of N. Orleans—the last Letters are of the 24. Dec’. the day after the affuir between Gen!. Jackson and the Enemy—a letter from Warrington, N. C. to Goy'. Turner of the Senate, dated Jany, 20' -says— We have just rec’, News here by a Letter “to Doctor Berton from some Person in Granville “(a neighbouring County) stating that a Gentle- “man had just passed thro that County from N. “Orleans, und stated that General Jackson had “defeated the British and: Indians, near that “ Place—the number killed and taken Prisoners “is said to be very great”’— Hopes are cRerished that this Intelligence may refer to an action subsequent to that of the 232. | with great Respect IT am y" Ex’. ob Ser Rurus Kine PS 2 The mention of the Indians renders that Report suspicious as we have no intimation of these having joined the Enemy in this Descent 59.—Gmn. Scotr Tro GEN. WINDER.T PLAIns OF BurraLog May 6% 1814 My DEAR GENERAL, Permit me with heartfelt gladness to congratulate you on your happy return to your fumily the army your country. Lieut Smith has brought us the pleasing intelli- gence, nothing can be more auspicious—the return—the exchange—the opening of the cam- aign Write me my dear General to inform me ow these happy changes have been brought * From the collection of the Editor. “+ Communicated by W. H. Winder, Esq., of Philadelphia. — HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 838 about, and shall I not have the happiness of seeing you soon on the frontier? I know your predi- ection for this theatre from what passed between us at Albany the past Winter. I have a handsome little army (M. Gen! Brown has been absent in the direction of the Harbour since the 21 past) of about 1700 total, to wit the Bib ]1t Qist & 25 Regt* and two companies 2%4 art’. Brig Gen! Ripley who received his noti- fication last evening is with me. If many recruits are not forwarded he will be without a Brigade. I am most partial to these Regts. The men are healthy, sober, cheerful and docile. The field officers highly respectable, and many of the platoon officers are decent & emulous of improvement. ‘If of such material I do not make the best army now in service by the first June, I will agree to be dismissed the service. Our friend Capt Towson is with me. With the manly tears of joy he heard of — return. But a few days since he learned from my aid Lieut Worth that a report had prevailed in Balti- more said to be derived from Cap‘. T. somewhat to this effect, that he Capt T. very much censured your conduct at Stony Creek & & &. Towson is most indignant at the foul aspersion of himself, for so he considers the report and holds. you in the highest esteem and respect as he has uniformly: expressed himself with all the energy of his honorable and high-toned sensibility. I also assert that not a man in the army at Fort George last summer ever expressed within my hearing or to my knowledge a whisper to your prejudice. This said not on your account for you do not Stand in need of my support, but on account of my friend Towson lest you should imagine he is less than what he professes. I write you my dear General in haste in the first flush of joy I am with esteem ever yrs W. Scorr Tell me how you left my friend Roach? Van- deventer, Machesney &*. I calculate certainly on having the happiness of receiving a letter from you Brig Gen' W. H. Wrinver. 60.—CoMMITTEE OF WAR OF THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY OF PENNSYLVANIA.* | Noy. 11. 12 o’clock at Noon GENTLEMEN The Congress having come to the En- | closed Resolution, and the Situation of Affairs requiring in our opinion, the utmost Dispatch we beg Leave to request that you will immedi- ately appoint a Committee of your honorable * From the collection of F. S. Hoffman, Esq., of New York city. j
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84 Board to meet us at the War office as soon as possible— We are with Respect Your very obedt Servs BENJAMIN TLARRISON JAMES WILSON EpWARD RUTLEDGE Francis Licnutroot Ler [ Addressed] “The Honorable “The Council of Safety “for the State of Pennsylvania” [Indorsed | “War office “ Nov. 11. 1776” VI—AN ANCIENT MAP OF THE CENTRAL PART OF IREDELL COUNTY, N. C. By Proressor EH. F. Rockweu, or Davipson COLLEGE. This document, drawn with a pen, was found about Twenty years ago in the possession of Alex- ander Nisbett, Esq., of that County ; and a limited number of lithographic copies were procured in ‘New York, in 1847, by the present writer, A DESCRIPTION OF IT: The centre of it is about Two miles North-west of the town of Statesville ; and from that center it is laid off in a series of con- centric circles, One mile apart, to the number of Eleven, making as many miles from the center to the circumference, and embracing a tract of country Twenty-two miles in diameter, including the town above named, (not then in existence), and all the central part of the County. The following streams are more or less within the limits of it: Rocky creek on the North, and the Catawba river on the South-west; Snow creek, South Yad- kin, Third creek, Fourth creek, Fifth Creek, Young’s creek, Cavin’s creek, Reedy creek, Buf- falo-Shoal creek, Elk-Shoal creek, and their trib- utaries. Its paTE: This can only be determined by in- ference. It was drawn when all this tract of coun- try was included in the congregation of the Church called Fourth creek, which is now the Presbyte- rian church of Statesville, though still retaining its original name which it had more than Thirty years before the town was located there, which is about equidistant from Third creek on the South and Fourth creek on the North. These creeks, being affluents of the South Yadkin, ‘ are named in regular order as they are crossed by the traveller going from Salisbury, West. It was before the erection, within these bounds, of Two other Presbyterian Churches—Concord on the West, and Bethany on the North, each about Six miles from the old Church. And we learn from an old lady in the vicinity, who remembers the date from an important event in her early HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August, life, that the latter Church was erected in 1779. It was building when she was married. Both the date and the object of making the Map will appear from the following document, which, though not found in connection with it, yet throws light upon the origin of it. It is eaded, “A REMONSTRANCE, “To THE NortH CaroLINA PRESBYTERY WHICH “1s TO SIT IN APRIL, 1773. . “The petition of the members of Fourth creek “ congregation humbly showeth, that your petition- “ers have been congregated upwards of twenty “ years, and the place of worship in said congre- “ cation hath likewise been fixed this sixteen or “sevehteen years, and known by the name of “ Fourth creek Meeting House. “Some time the last fall a number of persons “that live nigh or adjoining to the Northern “ boundary of said congregation, made a motion “to have a division of said congregation in order “to have another house of public worship, and — “nominated sixteen men to carry the same into “ execution, and made an order that any thirteen — “of them agreeing on any point relating there- ‘unto, should be final ; by which nomination and “rule they were sure to gain their point, as they “had thirteen of said panel nigh upon their own “ borders. “ At another meeting, the aforesaid persons and “thirteen of the men nominated to make the di- “vision,and a number more of other extreme — “parts of the congregation proposed that the old “ Meeting House should be pt} 5 altogether, “and that the congregation should be divided and “two new Meeting Houses should be built, which “ would cut off a part of the South side altogether ; “which would be quite too far for them to attend, “and proceeded to appoint two places, such as “they said they thought most suitable to build “said houses, and would pay no regard to any- “thing offered to the contrary by the interior “ parts of said congregation, which was the only. “persons that was at the cost and trouble of — “ building the old house, and also of supporting “ what small measures of the Gospel, God and his - “ Providence has allowed them. 7 “ Now Reverend Fathers, we beg and beseec “you to take these our grievances under your “ consideration, and grant unto us the benefit of — “that Rule. of Presbytery by you made at a Pres- | “bytery held at Cathey’s Meeting House” | Zhya- tira Church,now in Rowan Co.] * last year, which “ we think seven miles round said house will be “sufficiently able to support and maintain a gos- “ pel minister in a decent manner.” This document would seem, then, to have been drawn up in the Winter of 1772-3, as the writer — speaks of what was done “ last Fall,’ and it was
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 85 for the action of the Presbytery of North Caro-| a name well known in history, and the Chief- — lina, in April, 1773. The petitioners had formed a congregation upwards of Twenty years, while the location of their house of worship had been fixed Sixteen or Seventeen years. Now the coun- try in this region began to be settled by emigrants from Pennsylvania, about 1750-51, and upwards of iwenty years will then come to 1772-3. And it is known that they differed about the location of their house of worship, and that a place was first selected about Two miles North of Statesville, near Allison’s Mill, where a grave- yard was commenced ; they then moved about a mile nearer town, where they prepared to build, and some families having begun to bring their dead there, they have continued the practice to the present time. The spot is inclosed, though in the uncleared forest, and is known as “ the “ Allison grave-yard.” | ~ “The Old House,” spoken of, is the second prede- cessor of the present house of worship, aud. stood in the rear of that one. The immediate prede- cessor of the present was built of very heavy logs, about 1780; it was removed a few years ago, when the present structure was erected with brick. The forming of this Map, then, was connected with the division of the congregation spoken of in this paper, which contemplated the giving up of the location finally selected, and the erec- tion of Two new Churches, One in the extreme North-east part of the congregation, near Rocky creek, where it will be seen, by an inspection of the Map, the number of families was larger: and another on the opposite side, at a place known at this day as “ Beattie’s Old Field.” And the time cannot differ much from.1773; as we see above, the paper was for a meeting of Presbytery about to take place in the ensuing April, the place not being stated; and we know from other sources that the Presbytery was not formed before 1770. And we know that in old times, party feelings ran high on the subject of dividing Churches and congregations ; and having more - than One Church within certain limits belonging to the same denomination ; hence the rule alluded to of “Seven miles round.” The writer knows of an instance of strife of this kind, where the opposing party could not get a majority to vote to remove the old Church to a more central position; and to carry out their purpose, they first set the Church on fire in the tower under the bell in the dead of winter; and not succeeding in the destruction of the house in this way, the following summer they came by night disguised as wild Indians with a large number of ox-teams; pulled it down, and carried the materials just One mile, and there re- erected it and changed themselves into a different denomination. Though the Governor of the State, justice, lived in the immediate vicinity, they were not interfered with in their work, but were made to pay for the riot afterwards; and the other part of the congregation erected a new Church of brick on the old spot, which is still standing. The transaction was published not only in this country, but also abroad, and even in the English papers in India. But to return: WHAT RENDERS THIS OLD MAP IMPORTANT ? It contains the names and the locations of all the heads of families belonging to the congrega- tion at that time; and as it is within about Twenty years from the time that settlements began in that region, we presume that these are the pio- neers in this then wilderness. ‘The Map is divided by a line passing through the “Old “House,” and by another at right angles to this, passing through the centre, making the Four parts unequal in size. . In the North-west quarter are Seventy-five fami- lies; in the North-east Fifty-four families; in the South-east, Thirty families; in the South-west, Thirty-seven families ; making in all One hundred and ninety-six families. | The following names are found: Adams, Alex- ander, Allison, Andrew, Archibald, Bailie, Beard, Beattie, Bell, Black, Bones, Bowman, Boyd, Brown, Caldwell, Carson, Cavin, Chambers, Clin- dermon, Cooper, Davis, Dobbins, Dobson, Duffie, Edmund, Fleming, Forgey, Freeland, Gay, Grey, Griffiths, Guthrie, Harden, Hall, Hamilton, I[arris, Henderson, Henry, Hill, Holmes, Houston, Ireland, Irvin, Johnson, Kilpatrick, King, Knox, Leach, Locke, Logan, Long, McCallom, Mec- Cletchy, McRary, McGuire, McHargue, McFar- land, McLelland, McLean, McKee, McKnight, McKinney, McKown, McNeely, McWhorter, Mil- ligan, Miller, Montgomery, Morrison, Morton, Murdock, Newbury, Nichols, Nisbett, Oliphant, Ormond, Porter, Potts, Purviance, Reed, Rodman, Rogers, Rosebro, Rowly, Rutledge, Sharp, Shay, Simonton, Sloan, Smith, Snoddy, Steel, Steven- son, Stinson, Stuart, Tazen, Thomas, Thompson, Thornton, Tracey, Trotter, Waddell, Wasson, Watt, Waugh, Whaley, White, Wilson, Wither- spoon, Woodfork, Woods, One hundred and eleven in all. Some of these names are misprinted on the Map, and that of Davis has in the course of time become Davidson. At least Ten of these names are found on the roll of the Committee of Safety for Rowan County in 1774-5,* viz.: John Archibald, John Montgomery, John Purviance, John Nisbett, David Caldwell, Samuel Harriss, Jacob Nichols, * See the Journal of that body printed for the first time in Wheeler's History of North Carolina, ii., 360-362. It had been brought to the notice of the public, a short time before by the present writer, in thé Salisbury Watchman,
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\ 86 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August, — Robert King, Ninian Steele, Wm. Sharpe, the author of the Map. These people, who settled in what is called the Mesopotamia of North Carolina, between the Yadkin and Catawba rivers, were mostly of the Scotch-Irish race, and emigrated hither from Pennsyvania, to which they, or their anccestors, had previously emigrated from Ireland. They could not find a resting-place in the “ Old Domin- “jon,” because the laws were oppressive to dis- senters from the Estalished Church; though, as we shall afterwards see, they labored under some’ disabilities here. Soon after they settled here, however, a colony of the Highland Scotch came. One of their principal settlements was about Eight miles West of Statesville, and formerly called New Scotland. In 1772 about a Dozen or Twenty families came and settled not far from the Catawba, near to Sterling Chnrch. There were the McKays, the McIntoshes, the Mathew- sons, the Campbells, &c. Colin Campbell was a kind of a chieftain among them. Here originated Geo. W. Campbell of Tenn., the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States in 1814, and after- wards minister to Russia , Another settlement of these was tormed about the sume time, and about the same distance from Statesville (not then built), Hast or South-east. They continued to come till within the present century. Some who came in 1804 returned to Canada. Others have emigrated to the Western country, and there are few families now remaining. ‘Times have greatly changed since they appeared here in their peculiar costumes, with their bonnets, kilts, and short clothes; with their long stock- ings and large silver shoe-buckles. A different set of names from either of the above classes came soon after the time of this Map, and from a different source, and occupied the country between Rocky creek and IIunting creek. They were from Montgomery county in Maryland. Some of their numes are Fitzgerald, Ferrill, Gaither, Lazenby, Keith, Shaw, Beggar- by, Giddings, Belt, Summers, Tomlinson, Ellis, Albed, &c. They came, it is said, between 1779 and 1795. They filled the space on the North border of our Map. They were different in some respects from ‘the Scotch-Irish, by the side of whom they built their cabins. They were, perhaps, more refined than the latter, and contributed to im- prove them in some things, while, in return, they learned of them what proved useful to them- selves.. Particularly in domestic manufuctures— the chief dependence at that time,—the Scotch- Irish were superior to the Marylanders ; while in the culinary arts, and in agriculture, the latter excelled. The Marylanders _were the better farmers, especially in raising corn. For a long time there was a deep-rooted prejudice in the rainds of each people against the other. Their. young people did not associate together, nnd parents would not allow intermarriages. One great distinction between these two races of people was, thut while the Scotch-Irish used mush mostly, the emigrants from Maryland thought hominy indispensable; and while the latter depended on a supply of meat, their Scotch- | Irish neighbors thought those most fortunate who abounded in milk ; with which an extensive open range of pasture furnished a ready supply. Said Mrs. Gaither to Mrs. Lazenby, “ Have you “plenty of milk at your house?” “ Yes,” was the reply. “Then I don’t mourn you” (i eT think you well off), said Mrs. G. All, both men and women, wore wool hats with an exceedingly narrow brim. short gowns and petticoats ; and the young men, hunting shirts, with trowsers of tow and cotton. Boots were not common; they were worn only by a few of the higher class. Both boots and shoes were sharp-jointed at the toes. For Sunday dress the men hnd coats and small clothes of cotton and wool mixed; and if colored a little black or blue, though not sheared, they were regarded as very fine. These early settlers here, though in the wilder- ness, did not forget their God; they were a church- going people. When they came here, they left — behind them the land of Churches and of a preached Gospel. And till then, these valleys und rocks had never been vocal with the praises of their Maker—had never smiled when a Sab- bath appeared. Yet scarcely had this log cabins of the pale faces become mingled among the wigwams of the copper-colored race, or had displaced them, before rude structures called “ stands’’** were erected in the woods, and men gathered around these to hear a sermon, when- ever a missionary from the Synod of New York, * The meaning of this term “stand,” for preaching, is well understood in the South and West, but perhaps not in the North and East. These structures are common in the new settle- ments, and consist of temporary arrangements for preaching and hearing when a Church cannot be erected. A small rude build- ing is raised in its floor a few feet above the ground, and a few feet square, and with a roof for the accommodation of thé speaker, There is a book-board in front to lay the Bible and hymn book upon, and this formerly, was sometimes fastened between Two trees which upheld the ends of it. One of these, thus arranged, where a missionary preached, about Three miles from States- ville, One hundred years ago, was seen not long since, with the ends grown deeply into the wood, Logs were laid at suitable distances apart, and at right angles to the front of the pulpit, and then split logs across these made the seats, leaving a pas- sage for an aisle out in front of the speaker; and similar ones in other directions. Large audiences could with comfort thus hear the Gospel under the shade of the trees. <
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1867.] . HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 87 or Philadelphia, came along to look after the sheep scattered in the wilderness. Thus they were cheered, and their hearts nerved against danger. But, at first, living at a great distance apart, most of them were compelled to travel each time, many a weary mile, and return home again the same day. To go Ten or Twelve miles to attend on the means of grace, was accounted then, little hardship, even if they all had to walk by the guidance of blazed trees. Often, as they journeyed thus in company to their homes on Sabbath evenings, they rehearsed to one another the good word of God to which they had listened that day. Many a weary mile did they thus beguile. The young women carried, tied up in a handkerchief, their fine shoes and stockings, together with ‘heir linen aprons of their own manufacture, bleached white us snow, nicely folded up and pressed in little squares an@ triangles, so that the folds would all show when spread out. . - When they came near the place of worship, they sat down on a rock, stump, or log, and put on these articles of finery to appear in public; and on their return replaced them as before ; and the same foldings of their aprons (on which they rided themselves) were carefully preserved to be opened again the next time; and their fine shoes would last a long time. _ They were in those days subject to few diseases ; dysentery, pleurisy, some fevers, and, rarely, fever and ague filled the list. ‘They lived in a simple, frugal manner, endured great hardships, eat their meat upon wooden trenchers, and drank their milk from little noggins also of wood, of which a friend of the writer has one carefully preserved, that his ancestors used in those days, and which holds about a pint. was little used. It is said that if a merchant brought from Charleston or Philadelphia a small sack of this article, of which such immense quan- tities are now used, or if a man went to market. and brought home « few pounds, he was thought extravagant. It was used only once a week, on Sabbath mornings, or assigned to the sick, while now itis often freely used in some families Three times a day, and regarded ‘as a necessury of life. When this country first came into their pos- session, it is represented as being most desirable land, very much like the famed prairies of the West, and altogether different in quality and appearance from what it nowis. It was open and mostly clear of timber, so that the sight could reach a great distance. The under-growth was kept down by the Indians burning it over so often. The bottoms were thick cane-brakes, and the hills and plains were covered with a natural growth of wild pea-yines, which furnished abun- Tea was unknown, coffee | dunt pasture for stock of all kinds, which needed | little attention, even in winter. Buffuloes, wolves, bears, deer, panthers, &c., roamed through all the land, furnishing pro- visions for the eurly settlers as well as the say- ages. ‘here are traditions connected with many spots where the ancestors of the present inhabi- tants Saw immense herds of buffuloes. But, alis! they with their associwtes, the Indians, have dis- appeared from here forever. Of the One hundred and eleven names on the Map, about Twenty have become extinct in this region, if not in this part of the country. But many of the descendants of these, families have drifted off to the West and Southwest, and may be found from here to Texas, New Mexico and California. Within the limits of this Map are found at this day, not only the parent Church at Statesville (which retains its original name, Fourth creek), but those of Concord and Bethany, the first colo- nies from it. Also, in part, the congregations of Shiloh, Bethesda and Fifth creek. There are, at least, Three Associate Reformed, Four Lutheran, Hight or Ten Methodist, and One Baptist Churches, muking more than a score of Churehes within the bounds of what was One congregation about One hundred years ugo. : And it would be interesting to know how many families there are now, in place of about Two hundred then. . ) As Episcopacy was then established here by law, this region was included in St. Luke’s parish ; the church being at Salisbury, Twenty-eight miles from where Statesville is. This was the case when Rowan was cut off from Anson county in 1753. <All freeholders were required to meet ut the church in Salisbury every third year to elect vestrymen, under a penalty of Twenty shillings. The author of the Map, William Sharpe, whose name is fonnd in the vicinity of Snow creek, eom- monly known as “ Lawyer William,’’. was the maternal grandfather of Hon. Duvid F. Culdwell, of Salisbury, lately deceased; whose grandfather on the other side, David Caldwell, is also on the Map. William Sharpe was born in Cecil county, Maryland, and when he became of age he migrat- ed to Mecklenburg county, N. C. Ile had only a common English education, and it is not known where he pursued his legal studies. ' He married, in 1768. a daughter of David Reese, one of the sign- ers of the Mecklenburg Declaration; and soon after settled in Snow creek, where his name is recorded. Ile practiced surveying extensively; was a member, and sometimes the chairman, of the Committee of Safety in his own county, in 1774-5 ; was wid to General Rutherford in his expedition against the Cherokees, in 1776. He was influential in estab- lishing that academy in his vicinity, so famous ‘in its day, and almost a college, called “Clio’s
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88 “ Nursery.” At the time General Davidson was killed at Cowan’s Ford, February, 1781, he was engaged in raising volunteers; and it is reported that he was so inimical to the British that Tarle- ton offered Five hundred guineas for his head. He was a member of the State Congress in 1775, and of the Continental in 1779-82. He was regarded as a most estimable citizen.* NOTICE OF SOME OTHER LOCALITIES : We have already remarked that Statesville was about equidistant from the North and South lines of the State; the Court House of the county was located at the “ Meeting House” of Fourth Creek Church in 1790. : It has now become an important village, with Two large hotels, and about a dozen stores, on the Western extension of the North Carolina Railroad. It has increased in population and business since the establishment there of the Concord Female College, a fine building on a beautiful site just West of the town, which it overlooks, fronting down the main street. It is now m successful operation, with an able Faculty, in which the North and the South are united; and parents at the North would find thisa most excellent place to educate their daughters. “ The situation embraces a picturesque moun- “tain scenery for a distance of more than One “hundred miles. Among the highest peaks, are “to be seen Table Rock, in Burke county, Grand- “Father, Hump-Back, Mount Mitchell, in one di- “rection, and Pilot Mountain in the other.”’ _ On the Northwest part of the Map, near the South Yadkin, is the name of William Wad- dell. We learn from Sprague’s Annals of the American Pulpit, that he landed in Charleston, from Ireland, in 1767, and after remaining there a short time he removed to this spot, where, in 1770, Moses, the’ last of Three sons, was born. He obtained his early education at the Clio Acad- emy in the neighborhood, and became at length Rev. Moses Waddell, D.D., the President of Athens College in Georgia ; and the father of Rev. John Waddell, D.D., the President of the State University at Oxford, Mississippi. ‘“ Iredell” (says one) “has been the nursery of great and “ ¢ood men.” | | A little West of the center of the Map is the name of William Morrison, on Third creek. He, with two brothers and their families, and the faum- ily of a fourth, who died in Pennsylvania, emi- grated from that State in 51, and they settled in this vicinity. They were the ancestors of a large number of families of that name, distinct from those of the same name in Cabarrus county and elsewhere. William, the eldest, built the first mill in this region, which, singularly enough, was spared by the Indians in the French * For other facts in his life, see Wheeler's History of North | Caralina, ii., 216 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [Avgust, qf war, when all the inhabitants were driven into the Fort not far off, and all the other buildings were destroyed. He was buried in the old graveyard, about a mile West of Concord church, and this request is engraved on his tombstone, “ that as he was the “first inhabitant of the country, and possessor of “this land, his grave and that on his left” [that of his wife} “should not be disturbed.” The reason of this request is, that,in Ireland, whence he came in 1730, the custom prevailed of opening graves after a certain number of years, to be filled with new occupants: Near his house, as an old lady said, “Concord — “ Church was raised the 11 of June beforé they | “ went to the Cherokee nation.”’* That is, the ex- pedition from this part of the State against that tribe in July, 1776, It has long since been re- placed by a new house. Near where James all oceurs, the father of Rev. James Hall, D.D., Bethany church was erected, in 1779, which stood about Eighty years, when, though the tim- bers were still sound, it was removed and a new building was placed near the spot. | Forr Dosss.: After the defeat of General Braddock at Pittsburg, in July, 1755, the Western settlements of the Southern provinces were left exposed to the attack of the savages, which they renewed with vigor and courage. In the course of that summer, Governor Arthur Dobbs, who came into office the year before, visited the West- ern counties, to ascertain what locations were most fuvorable for the erection of forts; and when the Legislature met at Newbern, on the twenty-fifth of September, we are told that “he “recommended the erection of a fort between “Third and Fourth creeks, near the South Yad- “kin, in the county of Rowan, near that of Ire- “dell, a central spot between the Northern and “ Southern boundaries of the Province.” Mar- tin’s History, ii., 82, 83. When Governor Dobbs came into office he — brought from England One thousand firelocks © and a few pieces of cannon as a present from the Crown to the Province. The year before his ar- rival the Legislature had appropriated “One “thousand pounds for the frontier counties of * Anson and Rowan, for purchasing arms and “ammunition for the use of the poorer inhabi- “tants of said counties; Five hundred pounds to “Mr, Caleb Howell and Mr. Charles Robinson of « Anson county ; and Five hundred pounds to Mr. “ James Carter and Mr. John Brandon, of Rowan “county, to be by them applied for the use of the “ respective counties.” F * About Twenty years ago, in making inquiries of old ple about matters of interest when they were young, an old lady gave this reason for the name Concord :—there was a strife about the location, and the party that conquered called it so. +See Laws of North Carolina. Printed by James. Davis 1778, p. 157. .
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 89 The spot where Fort Dobbs was built ¢s nearly in the middle of the State, North and South. And the historian tells us that the fort which the Governor recommended was built; and that for this and other purposes, the Legislature granted a supply of Ten thousand pounds. The site of the fort actually built does not corre- spond to the one recommended by the Governor, according to the historian. For that loca- tion would carry it Ten or Fifteen miles farthex East towards Salisbury; and remove it by so much from the frontier settlements where it was most needed. It would be brought near the present site of Third creek Church, in Rowan. But we can make the language of Martin cor- respond to the fact by supposing a mistake in one word; and we remember that Iredell did not exist till 1790, and he is speaking of 1755. Amend then by saying, “he recommended the “erection of a Fort between Third and Fourth “creeks, near the South Yadkin in the County of “Rowan now,’ (¢. e. at the time Martin wrote) “that of Iredell, &c.” Put now for near, and the statement comes right, and places it in the actual location, and where it was most needed. It was a Block House, “of an oblong shape, 53 feet “long by 43 wide; 24 feet high, ands had Three “ floors from each of which, above One hundred “muskets could be discharged at once.” It is not known what military force was stationed there. The families from the surrounding country fled there for protection, and more or less re- mained while the war lasted. An old woman born there in 1758, died in 1859. There was no safety for the people anywhere else; they were kept in a constant state of alarm; did they go out to cultivate their lands, they carried their weapons of war, as well as their implements of agriculture. Did they carry their grain to mill, they bore their arms, and imagined every stum by the side of the road an Indian lying in ambus for them. Did they assemble at a “stand,” to hear a sermon, their fire-arms were stacked near at hand. They carried their lives in their hands. Men were waylaid and killed in all circum- stances; families were found all murdered and scalped on their own floors, if, too confident, they remained at home. The most disastrous attack of the enemy of which any account is preserved, during the time of the Fort, was when a party of about Twenty men went out for forage to Moses Potts’ house, which stood on a branch of Fourth creek. They were attacked at the house very suddenly, and Seven young men were killed and buried there. Some of the remainder escaped and reached the _ of safety, but One fell mortally wounded, ied, and was buried in front of the house known as the Alex. Higgins place, where his grave is still seen. This is a specimen of what was of frequent occurrence. | | ‘Tradition preserves an account of One, and of only One, attempt of the merciless foe to storm the Fort. In what year, or at what time in the year, this occurred, we are not informed ; but it is said to have been, contrary to what we might have expected in Indian warfare, on a bright moon-light night. Their approach was indicated early in the evening by the unusual barking of the dogs. An officer was directed to take a squad of soldiers and go out to scour the woods and drive them away. He was reluctant to go, and was also dissuaded by a female friend, when the officer in command said he would go himself. He drew up his men in a line outside of the fort with the highest officers at each end; these the enemy endeavored to kill. And being in large force, the Indians fired once, and then ad- vanced with their usual war-whoop, and drove the men back into the Fort. They made a desperate effort to take it, but in vain; the well directed fire of muskets from Three floors, with the execu- tion done by the Two cannon of Governor Dobbs, was too much for them. They met with too hot a reception, and soon drew off, crying “ Pugh! “Pugh!” and made no further attempt to storm the Fort. It is supposed that they. lost a large number, as much blood was found on the leaves and on the ground; but, according to their custom, they carried off their dead, and retreated to the mountains, , ) - This Block-House was near to where the name of Alexander Newbury is found on the Map, and about Three miles North of the town. After the close of the war it was burnt; the remains are still visible. There has always been a tradition in the country that there was a deep well, as we may well suppose there must have been, in the Fort ; and that when it was destroyed, the field- pieces of Governor Dobbs were thrown into the well, and it was filled up. In February, 1847, the citizens of the town and vicinity, made an ef- fort to open the well and recover the cannon, but they did not succeed. They were unable to find the spot where the well was; after penetrating about Forty feet, where an excavation had before been made, they came to a solid rock, which the former operators could not penetrate, and must have dug again in some other place. So that those guns, if thrown into the well, are still there. otk As this was for several years an important point, and a place of refuge from danger, it be- came the great center of roads in this part of the country. And as Salisbury, Thirty miles dis- tant, was the oldest town in this part of the State, a military post, and the Court House of the county, there would be much passing between these Two points. But owing to great changes arising
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90 from new arrangements in the country, the roads have altered their direction. “The old Fort “road,” as it was called, is almost unknown to the present generation. It came out from Salis- bury on the track of the present. Sherrill’s Fort road to the Catawba, about Fourteen miles; then it crossed Third creek into the present States- ville road, which it followed till within Four miles of the town; it was then divided, and one part went to the right, passing near the house of the upper Thomas Allison on the Map; crossing the mill-pond of the late Andrew N. Allison, on the left-hand prong of Fourth creek, and thus on to the Fort. It isa long time since the last few miles of this road was in use. The other part passed up about a mile West of the town to Mor- rison’s mill, before mentioned, on Third creek, which it crossed a little above, and went thence near Sterling’s church to the Island Ford on the Catawba, and so on West. Over the upper por- tion, and near that ford, Twelve miles West of the town, General Morgan’s army passed flying into Virginia before Cornwallis, in 1781, after the battle of Cowpens. Query with regard to Fort Dobbs: It ap- pears that at that time the Americans had a chain of forts on this side of the Alleghanies corresponding to those of the French on the West side, intended to cut off the Colonies from the great Valley. There was Fort Littleton in Pennsylvania, Sixty miles above Fort Cumber- land,in Maryland. Then Winchester, in Vir- ginia, was a great center and rallying point for that State. In 1756, Governor Dinwiddie “ pro- “ jected achain of frontier forts, from the Poto- ‘mac to the borders of North Carolina,’ ‘The “plan of a frontier line of Twenty-three forts “ was persisted in.” “ As to the sites of the frontier posts, they were “decided upon by Washington and his officers, “&c.” “He visited such as were in progress “and near at hand.” “Inthe Autumn he made ‘a tour of inspection along the whole line, &c.” From the connection, we infer that this line ex- tended from Fort Loudon (Winchester), South, through Virginia to some point in or on the borders of North Carolina. For the historian adds, when he seems to be speaking of his return after having inspected “the whole line from the “ Catawba, he was escorted along a range of “forts by. a Colonel, &c.”* Was Fort Dobbs, erected by the direction of the Governor of North Carolina, in any way connected with this chain or line of forts in Virginia? Did it in‘any way come under the inspection of Washington and his officers? Did he visit it in the fall of 1756? It was within about Ten miles of the Catawba river, and the only place where, if he approached _ * Irving's Life of Washington, i., 216, 219, 224, 226. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August, the Catawba at all, he would return from it. But the line projected by the Governor of Vir- ginia was to extend only to “the borders of “North Carolina.” This was not in the prov- ince of Washington ; there is no tradition in the country that he ever visited this spot. More- over, he speaks of setting out (apparently from his Southern Jimit), “and by the protection of ‘‘ Providence reached Augusta Court House in “Seven days,” which he could not have done from here. But the Yadkin, with its tributaries, lies between here and the Virginia line, and if he did not cross that, it is difficult to see why the Author mentions the Catawba. What does he mean by saying, “ From the “Catawba, &e. ?” . K. F. R. VIL—PATRICK HENRY. sot 1.—A Memoranpum By THoMAS JEFFERSON.* My acq*® with mr Henry commenced in the winter of 1759-60. on my way to the college I past the X™*s holidays at Col° Dandridge’s, in Hanover, to whom mr Henry was a near neigh- bor. during the festivity of the season I met him in society every day, & we became well ac- quainted, altho I was much his junior, being then but in my 17" year & hea married man, The spring following he came to W™bg to obtain a license as a lawyer, & he called on me at college. he told me he had been reading law only 6. weeks. two of the examiners, however, Peyton & John Randolph, men of great facility of temper, signed his license with as much reluctance as their dis- positions would permit them to shew. mr Wythe absolutely refused. Rob: C. Nicholas refused also at first, but on repeated importuni- ties and promises of future reading, he signed. these facts I had afterwds from the gentlemen themselves, the two Randolphs acknoleging he was very ignorant of law, but that they percieved him to be a young man of genius, & did not doubt he would soon qualify himself. He was some time after elected a representa- tive of the county of Hanover and brought him- self into public notice on the following occasion, which, I think took place in 1762. ora year sooner or later. the gentlemen of this country had at that time become detply involved in that state of indebtment which has since ended in so general a crush of their fortunes. Robinson the Speaker was also Treasurer, an officer always chosen by the Assembly. he was an excellent man, liberal, friendly and rich. he had been drawn in to lend * From the original manuscript in the office of Zhe (Phila- - delphia) Age. : :
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1867.] on his own account great sums of money to per- sons of this description, & especially those who. were of the assembly. he used freely for this purpose the public money, confiding for it’s re- placement in his own means & the securities he had taken on those loans. about this time how- ever he became sensible that his deficit to the public was become so enormous as that a discoy- ery must soon take place, for as yet the public had no suspicion of it. he devised therefore with ’ his friends in the assembly a plan for a public loan office to a certain amount, from which monies might be lent on public acct & on good landed security to individuals. this was accordingly brought forward in the House of Burgesses, and, had it succeeded, the debts due to Robinson on these loans would have been transferred to the public, & his deficit thus compleetly covered. this state of things however was not yet known; but mr Henry attacked the scheme on other gen- eral grounds in that style of bold grand and overwhelming eloquence, for which he became so justly celebrated afterwds. he carried with him all the members of the upper counties, and left a minority composed merely of the aristocracy of the country. from this time his popularity swelled apace, & Robinson dying 4. years after, his deficit was brought to light, & discovered the true object of the proposition. The next great occasion on which he signalised himself was that which may be considered as the dawn of the Revoln. in March 1774. the British parliament had passed resolns. preparatory to the levying a revenue on the colonies by a stamp tax. the Virginia assembly at their next session, prepared & sent to England very elaborate repre- sentns addressed in separate forms to the King, Lords and Commons, against the right to impose such taxes. the famous stamp act was, however, past in Jan., 1765 and in the session of the Virgi assembly of May following, mr Henry introduced the celebrated resolns of that date. these were drawn by George Johnston, a lawyer of the Northern neck, a very able, logical and correct speaker. mr Henry moved and Johnston seconded these resolns successively. they were opposed by Randolph, Blood, Pendleton, Nicholas, Wythe & all the old members whose influence in the house had till then been unbroken. they did it, not from any question of our rights, but on the ground that the same sentiments had been at their pre- ceding session expressed in a more conciliatory form to which the answers were not yet received. but torrents of sublime eloquence from mr Henry, backed by the solid reasoning of Johnston, pre- vailed. the last however, & strongest resoln was carried but by a single vote. the debate on it was most bloody. I was then but a student and was listening at the door of the lobby (for as yet there was no gallery) when Peyton Randolph, HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 91 after the vote, came out of the house and said, as he entered the lobby “By god I would have “given 500 guineas for a single vote” for as this would have divided the house, the vote of Robin- son, the speaker, would have rejected the resolu- tion. mr Henry left town that evening and the next morning before the meeting of the house, I saw Peter Randolph, then of the Council, but who had formerly been clerk to the house, for an hour or two at the clerk’s table searching the old journals for a precedent while he was clerk, of a resolution of the house erased from the journals by a subsequent order of the house, whether he found it or not I do not remember; but when the house met, a motion was made & carried to erase that resoln; and there being at that day but one printer, & he entirely under the controul of the governor, I do not know that this resoln ever ap- peared in print. I write this from memory, but the impression made on me, at the time, was such as to fix the facts indelibly in my mind. I came into the Legislature as a burgess for Albermarle in the winter of 1768/9. on the ac- cession of L’d. Botetourt to the government and about 9. years after mr Henry had entered on the stage of public life. the exact conformity of our political opinions strengthened our friendship, and indeed, the old leaders of the house being substantially firm, we had not after this any dif- ferences of opn in the H. of B*on matters of prin- ciple, tho sometimes on matters of form. we were dissolved by Ld Botetourt at our first sesssion ; but all were re-elected. there being no divisions among us, occasions became very rare for any display of mr H.’s eloquence. in ordinary busi- ness he was a very inefficient member. he could not draw a bill on the most simple subject which wd bear legal criticism, or even the ordinary crit- icism which looks to correctness of style & idea for indeed there was no accuracy of idea in his head. his imagination was copious, poetical, sublime, but vague also. he said the strongest things in the finest language, but without logic, without arrangement, desultoryly. this appeared eminently & ina mortifying degree in the,1s' ses- sion of the 1*t Congress which met in Sep 1774. mr Henry & Richard Henry Lee took at once the lead in that assembly, and by the high style of their eloquence were in the first days of the session looked up to as primi inter pares. a peti- tion to the King, an Address to the people of G Britain, and a Memorial to the people of British America were agreed to be drawn. Lee, Henry & others were appointed_for the first, & Lee, Liv- ingston & Jay for the two last. the splendor of their debut occasioned mr Henry to be designated by his commee to draw the petn to the king, with which they were charged, and mr Lee was charged with the address to the people of England. the last was first reported. on reading it every coun-
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92 tenance fell and a dead silence ensued for many minutes. at length, it was laid on the table for perusal and considn till the next day when first one member, and then another arose, & paying some faint compliments to the composition ob- served that there were still certain considerns not expressed in it, which should properly find a place init. at length mr Livingston (the Govr of N. J.) a member of the commee rose & observed that a friend of his had been sketching what he had thought might be proper for such an address, from which he thought some paragraphs might be advantageously introduced into the draught proposed: and he read an address which mr Jay had prepared de bene esse as it were. There was but one sentiment of admirn. the address was re- committed for amendment, and mr Jay’s draught reported & adopted with scarce any altern. these facts were stated to me by mr Pendleton and Col*. Harrison of our own delegation, except that Col°. Harrison ascribed the draught to Govr, Livingston & were afterwards confirmed to me by Gov’r Livingston, & I will presently mention an anecdote confirmative of them from mr Jay and R. H. Lee themselves. : - Mr. Henry’s draught of a petn to the king was equally unsuccessful, and was recommitted for amendment. mr John Dickerson was added to the commee & a new draught prepared by him was passed. . The occasion of my learning from mr Jay that he was the author of the Address to the people of Gr. Britain requires explanation by a statement of some preceding circumstances. The 2! session of the 1st Congress met on their own adjmt in May, 1775. Peyton Randolph was their presi- dent. in the meantime Ld. North’s conciliatory proposns came over to be laid by the Governors before their legislatures. Ld. Dunmore accdly called that of Virginia to meet in June. This obliged P. Randolph as Speaker to return. our other old members being at Congress, he pressed me to draw the answer to Ld. North’s proposn. I acedly did so, and it passed with a little soft- ening- of some expressions for which the times were not yet ripe & wire-drawing & weakening some others to satisfy individuals. I had been appointed to go on to Congress in place of Peyton Randolph, & proceeded immediately, charged with presenting this answer to Congress. as it was the first which had been given, and the tone of it was strong the members were pleased with it hoping it would have a good effect on the answers of the other states. a Commee which had been appointed to prepare a Declaration to be published by Genl. Washington on his arrival at the army, having reported one, it was recommit- ted, & Dickinson & myself added to the commee. on the adjournment of the house happening to go out with Govr. Livingston, one of the Commee, I HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (August, expressed to him my hope he would draw the Declaration. he modestly excused himself, & ex- pressed his wish that I would do it. but urging him with considerable importunity, he at length said “you & I, sir, are but new acquaintances: “ what can have excited so earnest a desire on “your part that I should be the draughtsman ? “ Why, sir, said I, I have been informed you “drew the Address to the people of Gr. Brit. I “think it the first composition in the English “language, & therefore am anxious this declara- “tion should be prepared by thesame pen.” He “replied, that I might have been misinformed on “that subject.” a tew days after, being in con- versation with R. H. Lee in Congress till a little before the meeting of the house, mr Jay observ- ing us, came up, & taking R. H. Lee by a button of the coat said to him pretty sternly, “I under- © “stand, Sir, that you informed this gentleman “that the Address to the people of Gr. Br. pre- “sented to the commee by me was drawn: by “Govr. Livingston.” the fact was that the Com- mee having consisted of only Lee, Livingston, who was fath-in l. of Jay & Jay himself & Lee’s draught having been rejected & Jay’s approved so unequivocally, his suspicions naturally fell on Lee as author of the report; & the rather as they had daily much sparring in Congress, Lee being firm in the revolutionary measures, and Jay hanging heavily on their rear. I immediately stopped mr Jay, and assured him that tho’ I had indeed been so informed, it was not by mr Lee, whom I had never heard utter a word on the sub- ject. I found mr Henry to be a silent & almost un- meddling member in Congress. on the original opening of that body, while general grievances were the topic, he was in his element & capti- vated all by his bold & splendid eloquence. but as soon as they came to specific matters, to sober reasoning and solid argumentation he had the good sense to perceive that his declamation how- ever excellent in it’s proper place, had no weight at all in such an assembly as that, of cool-headed, reflecting, judicious men. he ceased therefore in a great measure to take any part in the business. he seemed indeed very tired of the place & won- derfully relieved when, by appointment of the Virginia convention to be Col°. of their 1** regi- ment he was permitted to leave Congress about the last of July. how he acquitted himself in his military command will be better known from others. he was relieved from this position again by being appointed Governor on the first organi- zation of the government. after my service as his successor in the same office my appointment to Congress in 1783. mission to Europe in 84. & appointment in the new govmt in 89. kept us so far apart that I had no further personal knolege of him.
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ee Se ee ee Se eee eee eel eee eh 2. e = . . 1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 93 M' Henry began his career with very little property. he acted, as I have understood, as barkeeper in the tavern at Hanover OC. H. for sometime. he married very young; settled, I believe, at a place called the Roundabout in Louisa, got credit for some little store of mer- chandize, but very soon failed. from this he turned his views to the law, for the -acquision or practice of which however he was too lazy. whenever the courts were closed for the winter session, he would make up a party of poor hunters of his neighborhood, would go off with them to the pinywoods of Fluvanna, and pass weeks in hunting deer, of which he was passion- ately fond, sleeping under a tent, before a fire, wearing the same shirt the whole time, & cover- ing all the dirt of his dress with a hunting-shirt. he never undertook to draw pleadings if he could avoid it or to manage that part of a cause & very unwillingly engaged but as an assistant, to speak in the cause. and the fee was an indis- pensable preliminary, observing to the applicant that he kept no accounts, never putting pen to paper, w°' was true. his powers over a jury were 80 irresistible that he received great fees for his services, & had the reputation of being insa- tiable in money. after about 10. years practice in the County courts he cume to the Genl. court, where however being totally unqualified for any- thing but mere jury causes, he devoted himself to these, & chiefly to the criminal business. from these poor devils it was always understood that he squeezed exorbitant fees of £50, 100. & 200Z. from this source he made his great profits, & they were said to be great. his other business, exclu- sive of the criminal, would never, I am sure, pay the expenses of his attendance. he now pur- chased from mr Lomax the valuable estate on the waters of Smith’s river, to which he afterwards removed. the purchase was on long credit & finally paid in depreciated paper not worth oak leaves. about the close of the war he engaged in the Yazoo, speculation, & bought up a great deal of depreciated paper at 2/ & 2/6 in the pound to pay for it. at the close of the war, many of us wished to reopen all accounts which had been paid in depreciated money, and have them settled by the scale of depreciation. but on this he frowned most indignantly, & knowing the general indisposition of the legislature, it was considered hopeless to attempt it with such an opponent at their head as Henry. I believe he never distinguished himself so much as on the similar question of British debts in the case of Jones & Walker. he had exerted a degree of industry in that case totally foreign to his char- acter, and. not only seenied, but had made him- self really learned on the subject. another of the great occasions on which he exhibited exam- ples of eloquence such as probably had never been exceeded, was on the question of adopting the new constitution in 1788. to this he was most violently opposed, as is well known; and after it’s adoption he continued hostile to it, ex- pressing more than any other man in the US. his thorough contempt & hatred of Genl. Wash- ington. from being the most violent of all anti- federalists however he was brought over to the new constitution by his Yazoo speculation, before mentioned. the Georgia legislature having de- clared that’ transaction fraudulent & void, the depreciated paper which he had bought up to pay for the Yazoo purchase was likely to remain on his hands worth nothing. but Hamilton’s fund- ing system came most opportunely to his relief, and suddenly raised his paper from 2/6 to 27/6 the pound. Hamilton became now his idol, and, ubandoning the republican advocates of the con- stitution, the federal government on federal prin- ciples became his political creed. Genl. Wash- ington flattered him by an appointment to a mission to Spain, which he declined; & by pro- posing to him the office of Secretary of State, on the most earnest sollicitation of Gen! Henry Lee, who pledged himself that Henry should not ac- cept it; for Gen! Washington knew. that he was entirely unqualified for it, & moreover that his self-esteem had never suffered him to act as sec- ond to any man on earth. I had this fact from information, but that of the mission to Spain is of my own knolege because after my retiring from the office of SecY of State Genl. Washington passed the papers to mr Henry through my hands. mr Henry’s apostacy sunk him to nothing in the estimation of his country, he lost at once all that influence which federalism had hoped, by cajoling him, to transfer with him to itself and a man who thro along & active life had been the idol of his country beyond any one that ever lived, descended to the grave with less than it’s indifference, and verified the saying of the phil- osopher, that no man must be called happy til he is dead. 2.—Mr. JEFFERSON AND Parrick HENnry.* We read the other day in the Philadelphia Age a curious tract or memorandum by Mr. Jef- ferson on Patrick Henry. It is not a pleasant document. As it bears no date, one can only conjecture the circumstances and influences under which it was written, and it is natural to attrib- ute it to that portion of Mr. Jefferson’s life when, in absolute retirement at Monticello, he allowed himself to be embittered not only by memories of past animosities, but to be irritated into fresh re- * Communicated to The (New York) World ; and published in that paper on the second of August, 1867.
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94 sentments by busy, gossiping correspondents. His old age was not, in this respect, a picturesque one. He had the misfortune to keep a “ Note- “ book” and a “ Diary,” and there he jotted down not only the occurrences of the day, which is the most innocent form of the nuisance “ Diary,” but what other people told him and what he fancied were his recollections. This Patrick Henry mem- orandum reads very much like a page from Ana. Mr. Jefferson never duly measured the new ter- ror of death—posthumous publication of his private papers, und he has suffered grievously trom it. Not so much, perhaps, as his great rival Hamilton, whose fame has literally been slaughtered by an unnatural son, but still the work of self-disparagement was pretty well done. His relatives and biographers have illustrated another defect of personal character, which is now very prominent. Mr. Jefferson never seemed to rise to the dignity of proud contentment with the great triumph which he and his party won over the Pederalistis and which kept them in full possession of the Government for a quarter of a century—from 1800 to 1825. Mr. Madison did. Mr. Jefferson seemed always in a fuine—in a political fret. He was always thinking of the Federalists and their chiefs as if they were in full life and in the field against him—angrily of Hamilton, who was in his bloody grave; as angrily of Burr, who had put him there, though an exile and an outcast; of Henry Lee; of Judge Marshall, who was out of his way and moving innocently in the pure serene of his high function ; of Washington; and now, it seems, of Patrick Henry. On his tomh, Mr. Jefferson long after wrote what we must describe as the ill-natured epitaph which the Age, though evidently with some misgiving, reproduces. As to Mr. Jefferson’s recollections of Henry in early life and his comments on bis professional qualifications and intellectual characteristics, we can say nothing. ‘They may be just or not. Mr. Jefferson was a man of the pen and not of the _tongue. Patrick Henry was the reverse. Mr. Jefferson, in this memorandum, bows down in reverence to the triumphs of the pen, even when won by those whom he disliked as much as he did Mr. Jay and Mr. Dickinson. He rather pooh-poohs the “ orator,” and this thread of dis- paragement of Henry’s intellect runs through this whole criticism, and must, we tbink, be ap- parent to every one. But there is, in our judg- ment, a graver defect in this “character” of Henry. It is historically inexact. It is worth notice, too, that Mr. Jefferson, who was a rhe- torical artist, puts the sharp sting at the end. After whittling away Mr. Henry’s good name on sinull matters, and leaving chips all about him as to his “rapacity for fees,” and his “ parsimo- “ny,” and “the Yazoo speculation,’ he winds HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. “that Henry should not accept it. I (August, up with the following, in which the reader will observe that at one blow, in which all his spite- ful energies are concentrated, he strikes Wash- ington, Lee, and Henry. | “General Washington flattered him by an ap- “pointment to a mission to Spain, which he de- “clined ; and by proposing to him the office of “ Secretary of State, on the most earnest solicita- “tion of General Henry Lee, who pledged himself or General “ Washington knew that ho was entirely unqual- “ified fur it, and moreover, that his self-esteem “had never suffered him to uct as second to any “man on earth. I had this fact from informa- “tion; but that of the mission to Spain is of my “own knowledge, because, after my retiring from “the office of Secretary of State, General Wash- — “ington passed the papers to Mr. Henry through “my hands. Mr. Ilenry’s apostacy sunk him to “nothing in the estimation of his country. He “lost at once all that influence which Federalisin ‘‘had hoped, by cajoling him, to transfer with “him to itself, and a man who, through a long “and active life, had been the idol of his count- “ry beyond any one that ever lived, descended “to the grave with less than its indifference, “and verified the saying of the philosopher, that “no man must be called happy until he is “ dead.” Ilere, so far as facts are concerned, Washing- ton and Lee are most disparaged—the former as purty to a smull stratagem for buying up a po- litical adversury by an offer (and that, too, of a Cabinet office) which he knew would not be ac- cepted; and General Lee as the go-between on the occasion. Unfortunately for Mr. Jefferson, facts’ (stubborn things), as now ascertained, do not sup- port his theory. He ignores the fact that be- tween Washington and Henry there had always been a kind feeling dating as far back as 1777, when Henry refused to join the “Cabal.” Differ- ences as to the Federal Constitution before its adoption, in which we incline to think, from what we see now-a-days, Henry was right, separated them. But concurrence of opinion as to the in- sunity of the French Revolution—the bloody rad- icalism of the Convention in France, so like our “Convention” in the District of Columbia— brought them together again. This itis that Mr. Jefferson, crazy as he was on the subject of ' France, never forgave. Hine illae objurgationes. ° As to the traffic for posts in the Washington Cab- inet, there is not a shadow of foundation for the gossip. The private letters on the subject, un- seen, of course, by Mr. Jefferson, are now in print. They tell a story very different from his imagin- ings. On the seventeeith of August, 1794, Lee wrote to Washington that he had met Mr. Henry in Virginia, who expressed some fears that mis- chief had been made, and that he (Henry) was
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 95 looked upon as “a factious and seditious man, by the President. ‘“ He seems,” says Lee, “ to be “deeply and sorely affected. Itis very much to “be regretted, for he isa man of positive virtue “as well as of transcendent talents.” Washing- ton replied at once that there was no foundation for this idea; and added, and it shows how long Washington remembered the base means once . employed to ruin him: “On the question of the “ Constitution, Mr. Henry and myself, it is well “known, have been of different opinions, but per- “sonally I have always respected and esteemed “him; nay more, I have conceived myself under “ obligations to him for the friendly manner in “which he transmitted to me some insidious anon- “ymous writings that were sent to him in the “close of the year 1777 with a.view to embark “him in the opposition forming against me at “that time.” ‘his was communicated to Henry, who at once said ina letter, every word of which is instinct with patriotism: “ My present views “are to spend my days in privacy. If however “it shall please God, during my life, so to order “the course of events as to render my feeble ef- “forts necessary for the safety of the country in “any, even the smallest degree, that little which **T can do shall be done. Whenever you may “have an opportunity, 1 shall be much obliged “by your presenting my best respects and duty to * the President, ussuring him of my gratitnde for “his favorable sentiment towards me.” It was in this letter he said, “ Although a Democrat “ myself, I like not the late Democratic Societies.” These Societies, we all know, were Mr. J efferson’s pets, even when he was in Washington’s Cabinet. In October, 1795, Washington wrote, not to Lee, whose agency in reconciliation had long since ceased, but to Edward Carrington, that he was de- sirous to bring Mr. Henry into his Cabinet, but feared he would not accept the place; and on the ninth of October he offered him the post of Sec- retary of State. Mr. Jefferson says he made the offer knowing he was unfit, and under an assur- ance from Lee that it would not be accepted—a very disingenuous and discreditable trick. Wash- ington’s letter lies before us and we wish we had room to print every word of it. Its first words— remember, reader, itis Washington who writes— “Whatever may be the reception of this letter, “truth and candor shall mark its steps. You “doubtless know that the office of State is va- “cant; and no one can be more sensible than “yourself of the importance of filling it with “a person of abilities, and one in whom the pub- “lic would have confidence. My wish is that “you will accept it,” and then he adds: “ My ardent desire is, and my aim has been, as “ far as a Saga upon the Executive Department, ‘to comply strictly with all our engagements, ‘foreign and domestic ; but to keep the United “ States free from connections with every other “country, to see them independent of all, and “under the influence of none. In a word, I want “an American character, that the powers of Ku- “rope may be convinced we act for ourselves and “not for others. This, in my judgment, is the “only way to be respected abroad and happy at “home, and not, by becoming the partisans of “Great Britain or France, create dissensions, dis- “turb the public tranquillity, and destroy, per- “ haps, forever the cement which binds the Union. “ Tam satisfied these sentiments cannot be other- “wise than congenial with yourown. I ask your “ aid in carrying them into effect.” Does this look like a half-hearted offer, such as Mr. Jefferson represents it? Mr. Henry declined the position in a letter which has not been pre- served, and Colonel Pickering was appointed. In the last years of their lives Washington and Henry corresponded on terms of the most affec- tionate intimacy. Washington begged him to go back to the Virginia Legislature, which he did ; and it was at this time Henry wrote a letter, from which we wish, in conclusion, we could make some extracts, every word of which, if seen, would have been gall and wormwood to Mr. Jefferson and his Gallo-maniacs. We are com- pelled here to close our effort. to do exact justice to the honored dead—especially the dead of that great and glorious Commonwealth—the mother of States and creator of the Constitutional Union. Now, Niobe in her voiceless woe. | 3.—THOMAS JEFFERSON AND HIS CoNTEMPORA RIES.* | There was printed, yest rday, on the editorial page of The World, an interesung communication on Jefferson and Patrick Henry. Lest the place we gaye it should be deemed to imply assent, we wish to state that, in several particulars, the arti- cle expressed views which are not ours. Its ap- parent purpose was to defend Washington, by documentary proofs, against the opinion of Jeffer- son, that he had tendered to Patrick Henry the office of Secretary of State, expecting and wish- ing that Henry would decline it. The defence seems successful; but the acrimonious vivacity with which the writer depicts the old age of Jet- ferson was not’ called for by the occasion. ‘The unlovely view of that statesman’s later years is quite different from the one his correspondence, and the published accounts of visitors and inmates, had led us to adopt; but we have no space for that general question. The writer makes, that topic relevant by his conjecture that a memoran- ——— * From The (New York) World, of the third of August, 1867.
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96 dum expresssing: the opinion he contests was writ- ten after Jefferson’s retirement. If the opinion in question had just come to light, and had never been expressed by Jefferson except in that memo- randum, the conjecture respecting its date might perhaps make it pertinent to account for the opinion by the suspicious peevishness of old age. But, in point of fact, this opinion was expressed by Jefferson at the time of the transactions, be- fore he was elected Vice-President, and before Patrick Henry had given that adhesion to the Federalists ok was subsequent to, if not in consequence of, these proffers of office. In a letter dated July 10, 1796, Jefferson told Monroe: “ Most assiduous court has been paid to .“ Patrick Henry. He has been offered everything “which they knew he would not accept. Some im- “ pression is thought to be made, but we do not “believe itis radical. If they thought they could “count upon him, they would run him for their ‘*‘ Vice-President; their first object being to’pro- “duce a schism in this State. As it is, they will “run Mr. Pinckney.” It seems to us, therefore that in combating this opinion, there was nothing in its date, or the circumstances of its formation, requiring a repulsive picture of Mr. Jefferson’s old age. The resemblance, so far as it has any, is that of caricature; and it is irrelevant. A scholar so erudite and so ripe in habits of historical research as is our contributor can have but slight respect for the authority of a writer like Hildreth, who dumps all his authorities in a heap at the end of his last volume, and never by specific references enables us to test the value of any particular statement. But we are not aware that Hildreth’s honesty has ever been impeached. The fact that a statement is made by him may be taken as a proof that he found authority for it somewhere. Hildreth corroborates the statement of Jefferson, which our correspondent contradicts, that the office of Secretary of State was offered to Patrick: Henry on Henry Lee’s suggestion. That opinion must have had sufficient currency to exonerate Jefferson from the suspicion of having wantonly invented it. Hildreth also ascribes Henry’s surprising conversion from the most vio- lent of all the opponents of the Constitution to a stiff Federalist in part to personal motives. ‘ Hew “ nersons, says Hildreth, “ are insensible to per- “sonal motives, and besides these political con- “siderations urged by Washington, Henry had “strong personal reasons for thinking well of, “and giving his support to, that system of Gov- “ernment which he had once so vehemently “opposed. Within a few years past” [previous to 1799] “he had entered extensively into the pre- “wailing land speculations, and, more judicious “and fortunate than many others, he had been “made wealthy by the appreciation of his landed “¢ property.” HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (August, Our contributor ascribes Jefferson’s opinion of Henry’s unfitness for the office of Secretary of State to his inability to appreciate an orator. Jn point of fact, Jefferson had a lively appreciation of oratorical excellence, and his admiration of Henry as an orator was unbounded. There is abundant evidence, in his Autobiography and Cor- — respondence, of his high estimate of Henry’s won- — derful powers, of his patriotism, and of his pre- eminent services in setting in motion the ball of the Revolution. In his Autobiography, begun in 1821, at the age of Seventy-seven, Jefferson bears this shining testimony to Henry’s prodigious pow: - ers: “I attended the debate at the door of the © “lobby of the House of Burgesses, and heard the — “splendid display of Mr. Lenry’s talents as a “ popular orator.. Z’hey were great indeed, such as — “ [never heard from any other man. He appeared — “to me to speak as Homer wrote. My recollec- ‘tions of these transactions may be seen in page “60 of the Life of Patrick Henry, by Wirt, to “whom I furnished them.’’ Wirt, who was a fervent admirer of Henry, constantly consulted Jefferson about his Biography, submitted to him the proof sheets as they were printed, and asked his corrections and suggestions. He was led to do this by the frequency and fondness with which — Jefferson was accustomed to allude to Henry in conversation. The habitual kindness of Jeffer- son’s allusions to Patrick Henry appear in the ublished memoranda and letters of persons who ived with him at Monticello in his last years. Our contributor says that, in his old age, Jeffer- son “was always thinking angrily of Hamilton, “ who was in his bloody grave.” This is in con- tradiction to evidence which we suppose to be authentic. In Martin Van Buren’s posthumous work on Political Parties there is a letter, written to him at his request, by Nicholas P. Trist, who married Jefferson’s granddaughter and lived in his family, describing the general tone and pur. — port of Jefferson’s remarks on Hamilton. Mr, © Van Buren states that in his visit to Monticello, they talked more of Hamilton than upon any other topic, and that Jefferson spoke of him in the same liberal spirit described by Mr. Trist. We have given to this subject all the space we — deem fitting, although there are other things in the contribution we published yesterday, from — which we dissent. As to the matter which forms the gist of the writer’s criticism, even his rebut-— ting evidence proves, not indeed that Washington believed Henry would not accept, as Jefferson al-— leged, but that he “feared” he would not—and — the event showed that the fears were perfectly well-founded. :
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. \ Vill—THE INVASION OF CANADA, IN 1775. | . A FRAGMENT OF A LETTER FROM COLONEL HENRY CALDWELL TO GENERAL JAMES MURRAY.* . On Boarp THE Hunter, SLoop-oFr- War, June 15, 1776. My Drar GENERAL: In my last letter, I gave you a full account of the state of our Province at that time. I am not now certain whether Arnold had arrived when my letter went away; he, however, with the reatest difficulty, got, with about 800 men, to Rictigan, in the beginning of November. The people, from hunger and fatigue, were in a very weak condition ; so much so that fifty men prop- erly posted, might have made the whole party prisoners; nor, indeed, could they have got for- ward, had not the Canadians sent bullocks and other provisions to meet them. The 8" they got to Pointe Levy, where they took post, as also at my mill. The fellow whom Thad employed to put the mill in order, and who was to have had a share in the profits of it, turned out a great scoundrel, put me to great expense, and has proved to be in the rebel interest. He contrived to detain some of my flour, and two hundred bushels of my wheat, which was at the mill, for the rebels’ use; he afterwards was ap- pointed their Commissary of Provisions, and acted in that position till the siege or blockade—which- ever you please to term it—was raised, which happened on the 6" May, on the arrival of the Zsis, man-of-war, and two frigates with some trans- ports, and the 29th Regiment; a frigate also ar- rived a few days after, with the transports of the 47th Regiment from Halifax. I think, in my last letter, I mentioned to you the surrender of St. John’s; a few days after, Gen- erals Carleton and Prescott evacuated Montreal, with about one hundred and fifty men, the re- mains of the 7th and 26th Regiments, with the staff, who embarked in the Gaspé, sloop-of-war, ’ and some armed vessels that lay there ; they fell down the river till they got within a few leagues of Sorel, where the enemy, by that time, had taken post, and erected batteries of 2, 3, 6, 9, and 12-pounders each. The wind not serving, the ships stopped there about the 16th of November, when Gen. Carleton quitted the Gaspé in the night, escaped in a birch canoe, and arrived at Quebec about the 20th. Two days after, as we were told, the pilots on board the vessels muti- nied, and refused to conduct them past the bat- teries; and Prescott, with his people, surrendered, * From Manuscripts relating to the early History of Can- ada, recently published under the auspices of The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec. - HIST. MAG., VOL. II. with, I suppose, about 100 seaman, chiafly Cana- dians, that were on board the different vessels—I must confess, to my great surprise. Nor have I been able to account for it, since there must have been some circumstances with which we were unacquainted ; for the pilots might have been obliged to do their duty, and, waiting for a lead- ing gale of wind, the ships might have passed the narrows with little loss, in spite of the bat- teries on the shore, or a floating battery, which, by means of a heavy gun, might have been kept at a distance, and annoyed them a little. Be it as it may, Our garrison at Quebec suffered con- siderably in the loss of the men and officers that were taken. | In the mean time, Arnold, as I before told you, had taken post of Pointe Levy, with about 800 men; not asoldier at Quebec but Col. McLean, who just arrived about that time from Sorel, from whence he had been obliged to decamp, with about 100 of his new corps of emigrants ; about 60 of the Fusileers, composed chiefly of their recruits, and about 100 recruits of McLean’s corps, which Malcolm Fraser and Captain Camp- bell had raised in Newfoundland, and had just landed. The Lizard, frigate, arrived also about the same time, with £20,000 cash; though that gave us some spirits, yet the town was in great danger of being given up, through the cabals of the disaffected, whom Cramahé permitted to remain in town, notwithstanding the repeated representations made to him to order them away. Indeed, to tell the truth, I believe he was throughly frightened. . However, a kind of Council of War was sum- moned, at which the Captains of the Lizard and Hunter, sloops, Colonels McLean and JI, with some others, assisted. It was there determined that the town should be defended to the last; and that it was for the King’s service that the Lizard and Hunter should winter at. Quebec, and their crews assist in the defence of the place. That an embargo should be laid on the ships in the harbour ; and that their masters and crews should also assist. The money was got on shore; and the militia assembled. The Cana- dians, at first, were very lukewarm, and said if the English inhabitants would defend the town, they would; and the British subjects, to their eternal honour, not only set an example on that, but on every other occasion during the siege. We were about 330, officers included ; every- body did duty, either as officers or privates, and I can assure you, duty was never done with more punctuality or earnestness. Inhabitants worth £3,000 or £4,000, standing sentry in their turn, during our severe winter nights, with the great- est alacrity; and what is still more to their honour (as it was found necessary to mix the guards, British and Canadians), they submitted 97 >
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98 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (August, with the greatest cheerfulness to the command of the Canadian officers, whom they held cheap, and: who were in reality their inferiors, both as to education and fortune. Indeed, in general, I had the greatest reason to be satisfied with my corps (for Cramahé gave up his share of the command of it, never making his appearance out of doors, the whole winter.) Indeed, the better kind of people, by keeping up a spirit of emula- tion amongst them, hardly ever put.it in my power to reprimand them; those of a lower class were kept in very good order, by fining them of their pay, and by the black-hole, on bread and water,—a punishment they were much afraid of ;—and though, at first, I didn’t attempt it, yet in a little time, I brought them to it with- out murmuring. Arnold crossed the river about the 14th of November ; landing at Wolf’s Cove and Sillery ; and marched directly to. Sans Bruit, where he surprised some of my servants, who were busy loading some of my carts and waggons for town. They got there before day, seized on all my working bullocks, about 20, and 4 or 5 fat ones, with all my horses; and there they lived away on my beef and potatoes, about a week, when they retreated to Pointe-au-Tremble, on a rumour of our intentions to attack them from the town; for their ammunition had been spoiled, carrying through the woods, so that they had not more than 4 rounds a man; and their shoes and clothes were all in pieces, and the men them- selves but ill recovered from their fatigues ; we had indeed talked of attacking them the morning they passed the river, and I wished for it much from the idea I had formed of their situation, but our field-pieces were not in readiness, and that plan was laid aside: the day Arnold re- treated, General Carleton arrived. I saw, as affairs were situated, that the public service might suffer by my being on bad terms with him, and resolving that every thing should give way to that, I went to see him, which I had not done for six months before; and we have been on good terms ever since. . On the General’s arrival, he ordered alJl the people that were disaffected and those that did not choose to take up arms, out of town, on pain of being taken up and treated as spies. ‘hat Order strengthened the garrison considerably. We could guard against open and avowed ene- mies, but not against those lurking about town: cabals then ceased; and every body seemed zealous for the public service; the Bonfields left the town on that occasion; Wells, Zachary Mc- Cauley, Murdock Stewart, John McCord, and several others, amongst whom were four or five of the militia officers appointed by Cramahé. It is not doubted whether your friend, Mr. Allsop, would have been of the number, had it not been for the employments he held. He continued, however, to be almost the only man in the garri-— son that did not do duty ; pleading his business as Commissary, to which employment Mr. Carleton named him. When Arnold retreated, I got in a little of my hay, some oats, wheat, &c, but they again returned — whilst I had about 15,000 bundles of hay out; and a day or two before their return, as I suppose, - some Canadians, wanting to pilfer something at Sans Bruit, where I had only an old man to take care of the house, the fire from his pipe, I im- agine, fell in some hay (of which there was a quanity in each room to serve as beds to the — Yankees) set it on fire, and before morning, the house was burned to the ground. The out-house, however, still remained; and La Gorgendiére’s house was then in pretty good repair; but when the siege was raised, it was pitiful to behold the desolation and waste that reigned about all my farms ; the barns and stables torn to pieces and burned ; the fences torn all to pieces; and though the house at La Gorgendiére’s was not burned, yet it was torn to pieces. In the inside, the floors torn — up and useless, the windows all broken, and the offices entirely destroyed ; that, however, must be — my future residence,* and I have given orders to have it repaired. That I have suffered in my fences and farms, &c-, &c., including hay, carts, and ploughs, and, at my mill, in wheat and flour stolen, independent of the destruction of my houses and offices, which you can form an idea — of, (and which must have cost you about £2,000); is not less than £100 sterling, for I had just got every thing in order, and was beginning to put myself snug and comfortable, when those plun- — derers came to disturb me. However, they have not gained much by their expedition; and I flat- ter myself Government will take compassion on a poor ruined farmer who has not been inactive — in their service. ‘The burning of my house led — me into this digression. The day after this happened, my clerk, (Joshua — Wolf) trying to save some more work, was taken — prisoner by some of the enemy’s flying parties ; and aw few days after, General Montgomery (brother to him, you might remember, at Quebec) and _ lately a Captain in the 17th Regiment, and your old acquaintance and friend, Colonel Donald Campell, Quarter-master-general, arrived at Hol- land’s house (now the rebel head-quarters.) . _ We were not idle, in the meantime, in town: we got the merlons and embrasures repaired, platforms laid, guns mounted, the picketing at — * La Gorgendiére’s house stood close to where the residence — at Belmont has since been built. + This sentence can leave no doubt that this letter was ad- | dressed to Genl. James Murray; as it-is well that he had once — owned, and sold, the estates in this neighborhood to Colonel Caldwell.
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1867.} HISTORICAL Cape Diamond and behind the Hotel Dieu re- paired ; barriers were made between the upper and lower town, and at the extremities of the lower town, at Sault-au-Matelot, and at the other side, at Prés-de-Ville, which, you may remem- ber, is on the further side of the King’s Wharf, past the old King’s Forges; these posts were strengthened with cannon. . In that situation, we were in the month of De- cember; about the 14th, Mr. Montgomery got a battery formed of gabions, filled with snow and rammed close, with water thrown on it, which made it freeze, which, intermixed with fascines and snow, did not answer well; but as well as could be expected. On this battery, he mounted five guns, 12 and 9-pounders; and then sent a flag of truce, which the General would not re- ceive, except on condition that they came to implore the King’s mercy, which, indeed, was the way he treated ener: flags of truce that the enemy wanted to sendin. Mr. Montgomery then contrived to have several letters thrown into the town on arrows, directed to the and in- habitants of the town, full of threats and scur- rility.. He then opened his battery, which was erected on arising ground, in a line with the tanners, who lived on the road to Sans Bruit, but without any effect: and Arnold’s corps, which took post in St. Roch, under our walls, were con- tinually firmg at our sentries—the three Rifle companies in particular—these sometimes wound- ing asentry. ‘They also got seven Royals be- hind Grant’s house,* and threw a number of shells into town, also to no effect; and their battery was soon silenced, and some of their guns dis- mounted by the superior fire from the town. About the 23rd, at night, my clerk made his escape, and brought with him one oftheir people. He effected it by getting a bottle of rum, and making the sentry over him drunk. He brought us the first certain accounts of their intention to storm the town; of their having ladders. pre- pared ; and of the different attacks that they were to make, as talked of amongst their troops ; that Mr. Montgomery had declared his intention of _ dining in Quebec, on Christmas day; and, in public Orders, he promised the plunder of the town to his soldiers, which we atterwards found was true. We had before kept a good look out, but this put us more on our guard. The few regular troops, such as they were, were off-guard, or- dered to be accoutered, with their fire-arms beside them; the sailors, formed into a corps, under the command of Capt. Hamilton, of the Lizard, lay in their barracks in the same man- ner; and the two corps of militia, assembled at different points to take their rest, in the same manner also. * Grant’s house stood about the center of St. Roch. MAGAZINE. 99 They remained quiet until the 31st of Decem- ber ; about five o’clock in the morning we were’ alarmed at our picket by Capt. Frazer, who was Captain of the main guard, and returning from his rounds, told us that there was a brisk firing kept up at Cape Diamond. The morning was dark, and at that time a drizzling kind of snow falling. McLean (who was second in command in the garrison, and who really, to do him justice, was indefatigable in the pains he took) begged that I would take part of my corps to Cape Diamond; and if I found it a false attack (as we both supposed it to be), after leaving the neces- sary reinforcements there, I might return with the rest. I accordingly went there, found the enemy firing at a distance; saw there was noth- Ing serious intended ; and after ordering a proper disposition to be made, proceeded to Port Louis. There I met Captain Laws, an officer to whom the General had given the command of an extra picket, composed of the best men of the detach- ment of the 7th and McLean’s corps there; him I ordered back again to wait the General’s orders, and proceeded to St John’s Gate, where I first learned that the enemy had surprised the post at Sault-au-Matelot, and had got into the Lower Town. I still had part of the B. Militia with me, and took upon me also to send some whom I found unnecessary on the ramparts, to the party, to wait for orders; and took an officer with a small arty of the Fusileers with me, by Palace Gate, just at the time when the officer I had mentioned to you, with about 70 men, was ordered to make a sortie and attack the enemy at the Sault-au- Matelot in the rear. I hastened, with what expedition I could, by the back of the Hotel Dieu, in the Lower Town; and on my way, passed by the picket drawn up under the field-officer of the day, who was Major Cox, formerly of the 47th, and now Lieut.-Governor of Gaspé. I got him to allow me to take your friend Nairne, with a subaltern and thirty men, and then proceeded to the Lower Town, where I found things, though not in a good way, yet not desperate. ‘The enemy had got in at the Sault-au-Matelot; but, neglect- ing to push on, as they should have done, were stopped at the second barrier which our people got shut just as I arrived. It was so placed as to shut up the street of the Sault-au-Matelot from any communication with the rest of the Lower Town. As I was coming up, I found our people, the Canadians especially, shy of advancing to- wards the barrier; and was obliged to exert’ myself a good deal. To do old Voyer, their Colonel, justice, though he is no great officer, yet: he did not show any want of spirit. However, my coming up with Nairne anda Lieutenant, with fifty seamen, gave our people new spirits | posted people in the different houses that com-
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100 manded the street of Sault-au-Matelot; some in the house where Levy, the Jew, formerly lived, others at Lymeburner’s; the officers of the Fu- sileers I posted in the street with fixed bayonets, ready to receive the enemy in case they got on our side of the barrier; they had on their side of it, fixed some ladders, and then another to our side, as it was to come down by. That was useful tous. I ordered it to be pulled away, and fixed it to the window in the gable end of a house towards us ; the front of which commanded the street of the Sault-au-Matelot, and their side of the barrier. Then I sent Captain Nairne, and Dambourges—an officer also of McLean’s Corps* —with a party of their people; Nairne and Dam- bourges entered the window with a great deal of spirit, and got into the house on that side, just as the enemy was entering it. by the front door. But Nairne soon dislodged them with his bayo- nets, driving them into the street; nor did they approach the barrier afterwards. ‘They however kept up a brisk fire from back windows of the houses they had occupied in Sault-au-Matelot street, on our people in Lymeburner’s house, on his wharf, and the street adjacent, from one of their houses. I had a narrow escape; for going at day-break to reconnoitre on the wharf under them, just as they took post there, they asked, “ Who is there ?” At first, I thought they might have been some of Nairne’s people, who I knew were next door to thei, and answered “ A friend.— Who are you ?” They answered, “Captain Morgan’s company.” I told them to have good heart for they would soon be in the town, and immediately got behind a pile of boards beside me, not above ten or twelve yards from them, and escaped. ‘Their fire, how- ever, a good deal slackened towards nine o’clock, especially after I brought a 9-pounder on Lyme- burner’s wharf to bear upon them: the first shot of which killed one of their men and wounded another. I then called out to Nairne, in their hearing, so that he should let me know when he heard firing on the other side: our General had sent 500 men to hem the enemy in on that side; they soon after began to give themselves up and surrendered to Nairne, who sent them through the window to us, They then began to crowd in, in such numbers, that we opened the barrier; and they all gave themselves up oa that side; while the party that made the sortie were buisy in the same manner, on the other side of the post, and which had delayed so long from coming up, in taking and sending in by Palace Gate some straggling prisoners ; but they had not a shot fired at them, and just arrived on that end of the post the enemy surprised, at the * It was there that an athletic Canadian, named Charlant, distinguished himself, together with Captains Dumas and Dam- bourges. ; HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August, — time the officer I sent to take possession by Nairne with 100 men; thus ended our attack on that side, in which the enemy had about 20 men killed, upwards of 40 men wounded, and about 400 made prisoners. ! Had they acted with more spirit, they might have pushed in at first and possessed themselves of,the whole Lower Town, and let their friends in at the other side, before our people had time to have recovered from a certain degree of panic which seized them ‘on the first news of the post being surprised. In the mean time, Mr. Montgomery made his attack at Prés-de-Ville; rockets were thrown up as a signal to Arnold that both attacks might be made at same time. He got past some pickets, where we at first established our advance post; the guard was alarmed in time and prepared for his reception, but the post was much stronger than, I believe, he imagined; and defended by four cannons there and a 4—pounder. ‘They were served by some seamen under the orders of the master of the transport; his name was Barnsfare. The guard was under the command of a* Cana- dian officer of Militia; the men, Canadians and British, mixed. Barnsfare declared he would — not fire till he was sure of doing execution, and with the utmost coolness, waited till the enemy came within his view, at about 30 yards distance, where they received a general discharge from the cannon and musketry. Nothing but groans were heard, and the rebels immediately retired: their General, his Secretary, two or three other officers, and about five privates killed on the spot; their wounded got off. We had a block house on Cape Diamond, over Drummond’s wharf, where the enemy formed. Had the officer of the Canadian Militia, who commanded there, done his duty, great havoc might have been made among the enemy, who was quite exposed directly under them, and not a shot fired at them. Soon after the enemy was repulsed at that side, some old women brought an account that the rebels had surprised the post at Sault-au- Matelot, and had got into the Lower Town; part of the garrison that had lately behaved so well, were struck with a panic and began, some to hide their arms, some to throw them in the river; the — vfficer began to feel a little frightened, when a Mr. Coffin, a British gentle- man, who with his wife and twelve children had © taken refuge there, expecting to find there peace and quietness, and who had served previously in our militia, drew his bayonet, and declared he — * Error: two Canadian Militia officers were in command of this post: “alors le Sieur Chabot et le Sieur Alexandre Picard, “qui commandaient ce jour 1a la garde, donnérent ordre de — “mettre le feu aux cannons chargés a mitraille "—Sangwinet's Journal, ,
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1867.] would put the first man to death who laid down his arms or attempt to abandon his post, by which means he re-established order; and with the assistance of Captain Barnsfare, who .com- manded the seamen, got two of the guns pointed on the opposite sides, in case Arnold’s people, having got into the Lower Town, should attempt to force the post on that side: they, however, at that time were surrendering themselves pris- oners; and immediately, having secured the post that had been surprised, I ordered all the rest of the men to the parade, to wait the Gen- eral’s orders, in hopes that we should have marched out directly, and completed our victory. But all that was done, was going out as far as Mr. Grant’s, in St. Roch, and bringing in 7 Royals, that were placed behind his house ; one small brass field-piece was also taken; and a few of the houses in which the enemy had before posted themselves, and from whence they had much annoyed us, were burned... The General did not choose to risk anything further; his ideas seemed entirely to centre in the preserva- tion of the town, certain of succours arriving in the Spring; nor did he seem to carry his views towards the operation of the Summer Campain, which might have been much forwarded by the entire rout of the enemy, as, in that case, St. John’s might have been recovered, some of their craft and the entrance into Lake Chambly se- cured. Indeed, by the intelligence we received after- wards, their little army was thrown by our success into the greatest confusion. Above three or four hundred remained in a body together ; and parties from them were continually on the march after large parties that were deserting with the intention of going homewards. We were, however, kept blocked up in the town; received little or mo intelligence of what the enemy were about, except now and then by a deserter ; indeed, such was the extent they obliged to guard, that, had I been in their situation, the expectation of having my quarters beat up would have prevented me from sleeping very sound. From the 31st, things wore another face in town; the Yankees were no longer held in a re- spectable light; our success at least was equal to a reinforcement of 500 men; the garrison was 4 ~ in high spirits and wished for nothing more than a second attack. Never were people more alive or watchful: for my part, I never thought the enemy could be brought to a second attack; though, for example sake, I hardly ever lay at my own house at hight; on duty for a great part of the winter every second day, never less than the third day, and nobody in the garrison ever took off his clothes, and the men of the militia who were not for guard the next day, always as- HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 101 sembled at pickets in the evening, in order to turn out if necessary, at a moment’s warning. Thus we remained the remainder of the winter, always on the qui vive. The army of the rebels retreating, for as they all had engaged only to certain periods, so, when their time was up, many insisted on going home, and those were replaced by others; nor do I think that troops of that kind can be ever formid- able, for as they only engage for a year or a year-and-a-half, as soon as they know anything, they are discharged, and as their officers are very little their superiors in point of birth, they cannot enforce the respect which is necessary to keep up proper discipline ; and, indeed, I believe also that the Quebec expedition will make them heartily sick of engaging in war out of their Provinces, as I do not think, by all accounts, they could have lost by sickness less than 500 men in the course of the winter: the small-pox also raged violently amongst them; and of those we had taken pris- oners, not less than two hundred were cured of that disorder. | A great part of their army was also composed of Europeans; on these they had the greatest reliance, and with some reason, the same spirit that caused them to emigrate would naturally operate in every other circumstance of life. Of the prisoners we took, about 100 of them ‘were Kuropeans, chiefly from Ireland; the greatest part of them engaged voluntarily in Col. McLean’s corps, but about a dozen of them deserting in the course of a month, the rest were again con- fined, and not released till the arrival of the Jszs, when they were again taken into the corps. You can have no conception what kind of men composed their officers. Of those we took, one Major was a blacksmith, another, a hatter; of their Captains, there was a butcher, a ,a tanner, a shoemaker, a tavernkeeper, &c., &e. Yet they all pretended to be gentlemen. They, as well as their privates, were treated well, had full allowance of provisions, and allowed as much liberty as the nature of our situation would admit; some of them abused that liberty and suf- fered for it. Some officers, tampering with the sentries, were discovered and put in irons; and their privates had actually laid a plot, named their officers, and proposed seizing one of the gates and endeavour to open it for their friends, who they found means of informing of the de- sign, by one of them making his escape. The plot was discovered, and the delinquents put in irons; they were, however, all released on the arrival of the Is¢s. . Nothing very violent was attempted after the 31st. Their numbers, for two months after that period, did not, by all accounts, exceed 1400 men. Finding, however, that we attempted nothing against them, they were enabled effectually to
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102 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. “ - block up the town, so as to prevent any fresh pro- visions coming into it, and but little intelligence of what was passing. Of the former we were not very much in want; the hospital was sufficiently provided. Most families had taken care to pro- vide themselves; those that did not, could buy from the butchers at 1s. per lb. The militia that would receive pay had 1s. per day, and provisions for themselves and family; they lived by that means at least as well as they had ever done be- fore. It is true, they were dear troops; but the situation of affairs made that necessary. The rebels, as I mentioned before, continued to hem usin,onevery side. They raised a battery of four guns at Pointe Levy; another of three guns near the ferry on the River St. Charles ; and they were busy erecting another of six guns on the heights of the town between Port * Louis and St. Jean, which was to have opened on the 8th of May. From the two former they cannonaded the town as briskly as they could (with red-hot shot) con- sidering the fire opposed them; and sometimes, from Pointe Levy, they fired at our shipping in the Cul-de-Sac, but to very little purpose. The women and children were at first a little afraid ; but in a short time walked about the town as usual. By their whole fire we lost but one man and one child killed, and three men and one child wounded. In the mean time we had strengthened ourselves in the Lower Town, which was most accessible. We made ourselves very strong from Levy, the Jew’s, house to Lymburner’s wharf, as well as in every other accessible place. We kept the ditches clean of snow—every man without distinction, taking a shovel on that occasion ; we got at length about 140 pieces of cannon mounted in different parts about the town; we had not originally above 30 carriages made from the King’s ships, and the carriages made during the winter, the rest were completed. Things were at this situation on the lst of May, lenty of provisions in the garrison, and every hody in good spirits, expecting soon to be relieved, when on the 2nd, in the evening about 9 o’clock, a vessel + was seen coming around Pointe Levy: Everybody was in high spirits, expecting it to be the foreruner of the fleet. She came up, to the great joy of every one in town, within hail of our battery ; when not answering, she was fired upon, and then soon proved what she was, for she sheered into the Cul-de-Sac (where all our shipping were laid—a 28-gun frigate, a King’s sloop, and 30 merchant-men and transports—) and was imme- diately set on fire. Had she got one hundred * An old word from the Latin Portare, from the circumstance that when Romulus caused a plough-furrow to be drawn, to Show the position of the walls of future Rome, the plough was carried over the places meant for gates. + The Gaspé, which belonged to Simon Fraser, had wintered at the Island of Orleans and been taken possession of by the Yankees. yards further, she would have effected her her too soon. When the sails took fire, which they did immediately, she lost way ; an eddy tide — took hold of her, and she dropped down clear of — the shipping, which had they taken fire must have communicated to the Lower Town, and in the con- — fusion consequent thereon, it is imagined the enemy They knew, at this time, — intended to attack us. of the Js¢s being in the river; and being now near 3000 strong, they attempted this as their last ef — fort : we were, however, prepared to receive them — well everywhere, every man retiring to his alarm ost. the Jsts and a sloop-of-war appeared to the great joy of the whole garrison. [August, | | ure pose ; but the people were frightened and quitied On the 6th of May, early inthe morning, a— frigate hove in sight; and in about an hour after, © Lord Peter- — sham, with the Grenadiers and a small party of © the 29th, were on board the Jsts. They, with the Marines, were immediately landed, to the amount of about 200 men. diately ordered, not with the intention of attack- a7 A sortie was imme- — ing, but merely to see what the enemy was — about. 1200 men. straggling shots were fired at us from a great distance, by part of their rear-guard, left, I sup- — pose, to cover their retreat and prevent our get- — ting intelligence of their motions. We also saw some small parties filing off by Holland’s house, Our sortie consisted of from 1000 to — When we got on the heights, a few and some people at Mabane’s house,* which they — had made an hospital of; and I had got the wood near the back gate of Sans Bruit recon- — noitred, and intended getting near the ruins of — the house, in order to try and * * * ¥* some of those people and get a nearer view of the enemy, but did not succeed. My scheme would have been, to have pushed the rebels off the heights as far as Cape,Rouge, at least, as far as La Suede, which, if you remember, is the cross-road which leads from old Lorette to St. — Foy. By taking post there, we must have cut/ off all the out-parties that had been on the lower road of the General Hospital and Beauport, which — they had no time to call in, and which must have past that way. I mentioned it to Major Carle- ton, who arrived in the Ists; he spoke of it to his brother, the General, but he still (perhaps with propriety) adhered steadily to his resolution of running no risk as to the safety of the place. No body was more ready than he was, at all times, to expose his person; his timidity was only shewn in respect to others, and the safety of the town. Other people in his situation, per- haps, might have extended their views to the * Judge Mabane had purchased this property from the rey- — erend gentlemen of the Seminary, shortly after the conquest. It had previously belonged to Bishop Dosquet, and changed — its name of “Samos” to that of “ Woodfield.”
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1867.] recovery of the country, and to the operations of the Summer Campaign. I confess, those ideas struck me in the course of the winter. No body knows better than you do, how far the minds of mankind are depressed on receiving a check, and that, in all military operations, there are particu- lar circumstances which authorize a commander to undertake, with propriety, what with reason may be deemed rashness at another time; that there are particular moments which, if lost, may never be regained, when it is of the greatest conse- quence to see with quietness and judgment, and execute with rapidity. By all accounts, which we afterwards received, had we followed up our blow of the 3lst December, the enemy might have been driven out of the Province. Not more than 400 of them together; and they were obliged to send large parties every two or three days afterwards to bring back their fugitives; and, indeed, during a great part of the winter, we were blocked up by the rebels, not superior to us either in numbers or the goodness of their - troops; and they were, of necessity, obliged to - post themselves round us in such a straggling manner, to cut of our communication with the country (which they absolutely effected), that had we taken advantage of it, their headquarters might have been beaten up, and they punished for their temerity. Had they been the best troops in the world, and the best officered, we could not have treated them with greater respect. How- ever, a great many circumstances combined to do as we have done; and which were more, | believe, than was expected from us. Nor is it possible to conceive that people unused to arms, could do more than our Militia, the British in particular. I forgot to mention a circumstance in favor of the Canadians, (I would willingly say as much in their favour, consistent with truth, as I could). A habitant [peasant] from Beaumont sein only one that crossed to town during winter from that side) came to Quebec in a canoe, with some fresh provisions ; and mentioned that many of the in- habitants of the South side were inclined to serve the Government, if they knew how. The Gen- eral by this man wrote to Mons. de Beaujeu, who lived in obscurity on the Isle auw Grues, to try and endeavour to assemble the Canadians, and cut off the guard they then had at Pointe Levy. He engaged about 150 Canadians in that design ; but they were betrayed by others of the disaf- fected Canadians. Some of them, assembled in a house together, were surrounded, and about thirty taken prisoners. Messire Bailly, a priest, was shot through the body, and also taken; he, however, has since been released, and recovered of his wounds. The priests, in general, behaved well, and refused to confess the Canadians in the rebel interest, for which they suffered persecu- HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 103 tion, Messire de Lotbiniere, alone excepted. He they proposed to make Bishop. Mons. De was almost the only person of the nodlesse that did not every thing he could for the public service. I mentioned to you before of having refused the command of the Militia, without the rank of Colonel in the King’s service. * * * * * [ The remaining portion of the manuscript is missing. ] IX.—NOTES ON THE RECENT CIVIL WAR. | —CONTINUED. 2.—Muster Rous oF THE CONFEDERATE ARMY FOR 1862, 1863 anp 1864.* Among the documents which fell into our hands at the downfall of the Confederacy are the returns, very nearly complete, of the Confederate Armies from their organization in the Summer of 1861 down to the Spring of 1865. These re- turns have been carefully analyzed, and I am enabled to furnish the result in every department, and for almost every month, from these official sources. In respect to the great “ Army of ‘Northern Virginia,” commanded from almost the first down to the last by General Lee, the reports are wanting for three very important periods ; June, 1862, when the operations of the “Seven days’ were commenced. which resulted in forcing McClellan from the Chickahominy to the James; August, 1863, when the movement was commenced which resulted in the defeat of Pope at the “Second Battle of Bull Run,” or, more properly, of Groveton, followed by the in- vasion of Maryland and the battle of Antietam ; and June, 1863, when was commenced the cam- aign for the invasion of Pennsylvania, marked oy the battle of Gettysburg. But I am able from otlfer sources to give almost exactly the Confederate forces at these great epochs. In the tables which follow, these figures will be given, inclosed in brackets, to distinguish them from the remaining numbers, which are sum- maries of the official reports. The third column of figures, throughout, shows the number of men borne on the rolls; the second, those returned as “ Present ;” the first, those reported at the re- spective dates as ‘“ Present for Duty.” The effective force of the armies at any given period is measured very nearly by the numbers re- ported as “ Present for Duty ;” although in case of sudden movements the number may possibly have been somewhat increased from the merely “ present,” and slightly by getting back. to the ranks some of the “ absent.” | The Confederate forces may properly be con- sidered as forming Two great armies: that of the * From The New York Tribune
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104 East comprising all the troops in Virginia and the States bordering on the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, and that of the West, composed of those operating in the Valley of the Missis- sippi and the adjacent region. There is a preva- lent belief that these armies mutually reénforced each other: that is, that troops were sent from the East to the West, and from the West to the Hast, very frequently at critical periods of the campaigns. But as a careful analysis of the ensuing tables will show, this took moe only in a single instance: in September, 1863, when Longstreet, with his corps, was sent from Vir- ginia to Tennessee, the remnants of this corps returning to Virginia in the Spring or Summer of 1864. In fact, there was a much greater in- terchange of troops between the Union armies of the East and the West than between those of the Confederacy. 1.—The Confederate Armies of the East. Although, as will be seen, there were very con- siderable forces in the Carolinas and in Georgia, the bulk of the Confederate force in the Kast. was throughout comprised in that of the “ Army “of Northern Virginia.” This was fairly organ- ized in the Spring of 1862, when McClellan had made his movement to the Peninsula. Previous to that time the Confederate forces in Virginia had been divided into a number of “ districts.” There was, for example, the “ Army of the Pen- “insula,” under Magrnder; the “ Department “of Norfolk,” under Huger; the “ Aquia Dis- “¢trict,’”’ under Holmes, and several others at different times. These were finally concentrated in the Spring of 1862 at Yorktown and Richmond, under the command of J. EK. Johnston. I have the full returns of these separate bodies, but I do not think it necessary to give them, as the con- dition and strength of the army concentrated under Johnston was furnished to me by the Com- mander himself. I may add, however, that the statement of General Johnston coincides wholly with the returns which came into my hands more than a year later. In answer to a letter of inquiry, General Johnston, under date of the third of January, 1866, wrote to me: “Tn September, 1861, the effective strength of “the army under my command in Northern Vir- “ ginia was about 37,000. It occupied Leesburg, “ Centreville, Manassas, and the Lower Occoquan. “ On the thirty-first of December it had increased “to 54,000, including Jackson’s command. This “army was much reduced during the Winter ; “ but received some recruits in the early Spring. “When, in April, 1862, it moved to Williams- “burg, its strength (effective) was about 50,000, “of which 6,000 were left with Jackson in the “Valley, and 6,000 with Ewell on the Rappa- “hannock. The remaining 38,000 were sent to HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August “the position near Yorktown. Magruder’s own “force was about 15,000, making our army at_ “ Yorktown, about the middle of April, near ‘53,000, exclusive of cavalry. Sickness and the “fight at Williamsburg reduced this number by “6,000; our loss at Williamsburg was about “1,800. The strength of this army, when it “reached the neighborhood of Richmond, was “ about 47,000. To these were added Anderson’s © “and Branch’s troops, about 13,000, and Three — “brigades of Huger’s, not quite 7,000. ‘This “ would make the effective of the army amount “to about 67,000 at the time of the battles of — “Fair Oaks and Seven Pines (May 31).” | Johnston was severely wounded at Fair Oaks, and the command devolved upon G. W. Smith; but he had held it only for a day or two when — he was attacked by a paralytic stroke, and R. EH. Lee was placed in command of this army, which — he retained as long as it existed. On the twenty- sixth of June he began his movement against McClellan. We have, in the official Confederate report of the Seven days, full means of arriving — at the force then under his command. Including Jackson’s command, which then joined him, and— ever after constituted a part of his army, it numbered a little more than One hundred thou- sand effective men, a number which it never ex- ceeded, and nearly equaled only upon Two subsequent occasions. Lee’s first report of his force is of the date of the twentieth of July, more than a fortnight after the battle of Malvern Hill. | DEPARTMENT OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, FEB. 28, 1862—FEB. b] Prsent Date. Command, For Duty. Present. & Absent. 1862, Feb. J. KE. Johnston 47,617 56,396 225 - May vs us [67,000 aki June R. E. Lee [100,000 oes July us 69,559 94,686 187,080 Aug. “ [95,000] aot ed Sept. « 2,609 62,718 189,148 Oct. m 67,805 79,395 153,778 Nov. si 73,554 86,583 53,790 Dee. “ 79,072 91,094 152,858 1863, Jan, + 72,226 93,297 144,60 Feb. ” 58,559 74,485 114,175 March _ 60,298 73,578 109, May “ 68,352 88,756 183,689 June “ [100,000] oes oa July 6 1,135 53,611 117,602 Aug. “ 56,327 71.964. 183,264 Sept. v“ 44.367 55,221 95,164 Oct. * 45,614 57,251 97,211 Noy. ws 48,267 56,088 96,576 _ Dec. rs 558 54,715 91,253 1864, Jan. “ 85,849 45,189 79,602 Feb, * 83,811 39,562 435. March us 39,407 46,151 79,202 April x 52,626 61,218 97,576 June $ 51,863 62,571 2,685 July ws 57,097 8.844 185,805 Aug w“ 24 58,984 146,838 Oct. ” 62,875 82,535 177,108 Noy. > 69,290 87,860 181,826 Dec, “ 6,583 79,318 155,772 1865, Jan. i . 69.673 141,627 Feb. “ 59,094 73,349 160,411 The great difference between the returns of
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 105 the Army of Northern Virginia for June and July, 1862, shows the loss sustained during the Seven days; that between August and Septem- ber, the losses sustained in the campaign begin- ning with Groveton and ending with Antietam ; but of the Forty thousand quite half were strag- glers, who never rejoined their ranks. The difference (Fifty-nine thousand) between the returns for June and July, 1863, shows the losses of all sorts for the campaign of Gettys- burg, lasting but Six weeks. There were many deserters ; but the absolute loss in killed, wounded and prisoners, was fully Forty thousand, almost half the army. The diminution in September was owing to the transfer of Longstreet’s Corps to the West; the increase in the Autumn of 1864, to the calling to Virginia of every man that could be spared from North and South Car- olina. The highest nominal number in this army was in November, 1864, when it showed a force of One hundred and eighty thousand; but of these more than half were a Pa and little more than a third present for duty. These proportions had indeed existed for Six months, and continued to the close of the war. It is doubtful whether the army, when in April it finally retreated from Richmond, numbered, all told, Thirty-five thous- and men; but the returns cease on the twenty- eighth of February, when there were still Fifty- nine thousand present for duty. The quarters from which came the troops composing this army are shown by the returns for the campaign of An- tietam, where the losses in each regiment are given. Probably nearly every regiment was at one time or another brought into action. I found One hundred and seventy-seven regiments of infantry mentioned; of these there were from Virginia Thirty-nine, Georgia Thirty-seven, North Carolina Twenty-six, South Carolina Seventeen, Alabama Sixteen, Mississippi Twelve, Louisiana Nine, Texas Three, Tennessee Three, Florida Two, Arkansas One. At Chancellorsville, out of One hundred and twenty eight regiments Thirty-two were from ra ‘Twenty-six from Virginia, Twenty-five from North Carolina, Ten from Louisiana, Twelve from Alabama, Nine from South Carolina, Eight from Mississippi, Three from Texas, Three from Florida; but at this time there were Three divisions, containing, probably, Ten Virginia regiments in North Car- Olina with Longstreet. DEPARTMENT OF SOUTH CAROLINA, GEORGIA AND FLORIDA. During 1861 the forces in this department varied from One thousand five hundred up to Five thousand. In the Spring of 1862 they were largely increased, as follows: Present Date, Command. For Duty! Present. & Absent. 1862. March J. ©. Pemberton 29,172 84,448 40,955 April = 26,471 32,796 - 88,472 May “ 18,134 22,594 25,984 Present Date Command. ~ For Duty. Present. & Absent, 1862. June J.C. Pemberton. 23,483 29,842 85,717 uly > 18,732 24,547 81,055 Aug. ee 16,281 21,618 28,914 Sept. G. T. Beauregard 15,486 20,962 27,141 Dee. * 1,353 25,319 82,212 1863. Jan. a 18,833 21,625 27,052 Feb. a 25,843 29,449 87,135 March ‘ 31,630 86,150 43,010 April * 82,988 87,520 44,770 May “ 20,045 22,902 27,946 June 6 19,400 22,006 27,666 July Ki 21,226 25,281 34,285 Aug 0 21,471 29,919 42,192 Sept * 28,898 35,070 51,226 Oct. vs 29,366 35,235 50,277 Nov . 28,536 33,378 46,845 Dee e 29,582 84,064 47,421 1864. Jan “ 33,287 88,222 51,853 March = 28,672 82,652 42,802 April Sam. Jones 25,498 29,034 38,752 May " 11,719 13,282 17,510 June > 12,421 14,278 18,383 July ¢ 11,190 13,979 19,562 Aug. 11,651 13,881 20,294. Sept. be 11,536 138,861 20,967 Oct. W. T. Hardee 12,446 15,035 23,605 Nov. * 12,466 14,680 21,678 1865. Jan. +s 22,659 80,069 49,307 DEPARTMENT OF SOUTH VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA. 1862. Jan. C. E. Gatlin 9,016 10,743 11,755 March T.H. Holmes = 19,924 24,085 28,629 April oy 16,042 19,868 22,50T June a 17,217 21,261 26,856 2 Sept. 8. W. French 8,560 10,582 11,130 Nov. * 6,069 7,559 9,070 Dee. G. W. Smith 11,074 12,007 18,895 1863. Jan. 8. G. French 28,515 43,114 40,821 » Feb. “ 14,934 19,883 26,534 March J. H. Longstreet 45,105 52,708 73,116 May D. H. Hill 22,149 26,838 34,469 June * 18,607 22,822 30,757 July W.H.C. Whiting 8,556 9,900 11,997 Aug. Me 7,391 8,867 11,889 W.H. C.Whiting Sept. 5G Bronch 14,758 17,891 23,015 Oct.) Oe Wining $1608 «12,726 15,570 Nov. 3 Ore Oriiting ¢15022 17,021. 92,045 G. E. Pickett 1864. Feb. 4 WoO Whitin g 19,393 22,952 80,317 June G.;T. Beauregard 12,592 17,130 22,785, Aug. * 2,005 26,678 44,273 1865. Jan. Braxton Bragg 11,548 138,164 23,807 Feb. “4 1,200 12,769 23,645 March’ 8. G. Marston 1,525 1,741 2,903 The great decrease in this department in March, 1863, was owing to the transfer of Longstreet’s Corps from the army in Virginia. These re- turned to Lee in the Spring, but not in time to take part in the actions at Chancellorsville. Upon this corps, however, fell the heaviest blows at Gettysburg. During July and August North Carolina was almost stripped of troops ; ever man that could be spared was sent to Richmond, or to the army on the Rapidan. The reports for the Summer and Autumn of 1864 appear to be only partial. They indicate that there were only Two or Three thousand men left in North Caro- , lina. All the rest had joined the forces at Petersburg and’ Richmond. DEPARTMENT OF RICHMOND. , This department appears to have been organ-
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106. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. ized in the Summer of 1862, at the time when | Lee’s army was away from the capital, engaged in the campaign against Pope. Present Date. Command. For Duty. Present. & Absent. 1862. Sept. G. W. Smith 23,602 19.072 35,598 Oct. sg 23,134 29,028 36.697 \ Nov. a 26,677 31.996 42.099 ec. A. Elzy 6,225 7.516 12,033 1863. Jan. " 5113 6,095 7,520 Feb. sf 5.285 6,164 7,672 March ay 5,789 6.099 7.485 April 3.065 3,602 4.529 May ve 6,533 9,287 11.762 June = 7.396 8,535 10.187 July f 14,406 16.419 20,790 Aug. a 12,501 14,554 19,188 Sept. os 4.928 6.200 10.288 Oct. 4 5,354 6,758 10,317 Nov. * 5,122 6,223 8,585 Dee. “ 6.206 7,558 11,601 1864. Jan. “ 5,152 5,98t 8,494 Feb. ws 6,558 7,841 11,688 March ve 7,500 9,025 13,023 April «RR. Ramseur 7,359 8,899 12,682 May 9 5,746 6,986 9,989 June R. 8. Ewell 6,176 %,127 9,136 July “ 4.395 5,523 7,668 Aug us 4.392 6,008 9.451 Sept. = 4,731 5,985 9,356 Oct. 4 8,349 4.073 8,742 Nov. , 6,344 7,379 17.045 Dee “ 5,652 6,658 16,660 1865, Jan. ws 5,536 6,442 16,229 Feb. * 4,692 5,431 9,675 March 7" 4,529 5,175 9,450, This department, after December, 1863, ap- pears to have consisted of the local militia, composed mainly of Government employés, and exempts from the regular service. The returns are of special interest, as showing with what ease Richmond might have been taken by a sudden attack made up the James, or even across the Peninsula. Thus, in June, 1863, when Lee began his march to Pennsylvania, a demonstra- tion was actually made by a force of some Fifteen thousand from Yorktown; it reached the Chickahominy, but finding the bridges guarded, it returned without making any attempt at going further. At this time, there were but Six thous- and men there present for duty, and but Nine thousand, counting all, present and absent. Again, in February, 1864, when Kilpatrick made the raid in which Dahlgren was killed, having actually penetrated the lines of fortification, there were but Seven thousand five hundred of these militia in Richmond, besides about Two thousand under Winder, forming what was called “ the “ Department of Henrico,” who formed the guard for the prisoners. Had Kilpatrick kept his cav- alry force together, he might have rode into the city and liberated the prisoners. Or had this cavalry raid been supported by a few thousand infantry, Richmond might have been taken and ‘held. When the prisoners were removed to Andersonville, and elsewhere South, the Depart- ment of Henrico seems to have been given up, for I find no returns from it, except for the months of March, April and May, 1864. In Western Virginia there was during 1863 a small body of troops, numbering at different periods from Seven thousand to Nine thousand, — These, in March, — under General Sam Jones. 1864; were placed under J. C. Breckinridge, but he was defeated and driven out of the region — in April. In the Gulf States there were few troops until near the close of the war. They were mainly in the “ Department of the Gulf.” was usually about Six thousand; the highest being in January, 1864, when there were Ten thousand, under Maury. ‘The returns are full for 1863 and 1864, but it is not necessary to quote them in full. They were muinly in and around Mobile. At the close, there were here probably about Twenty thousand, made up from the rem- nants of other departments. 2.— Armies tn the West. In the various Confederate armies of the West, the departments and commanders were frequently changed in accordance with the shifting scenes of the war. The numbers at any one time’ can be ascertained by a careful examination of the dates of the returns which follow : FIRST DIVISION, WESTERN DEPARTMENT. Present Date. Commander. For Duty. Present. for Dutyé¢ 1861. Oct. L. Polk 18,806 23,318 6,458 Noy. . 20,049 23,098 24.488 Dee. “ 21,081 25,798 28,630 1862. Jan. ¥ 17,606 gs diy «ee Feb. “ 15,465 22.061 94,784 CENTRAL ARMY OF KFNTUCKY. 861. Nov W. H. Hardee 1,178 15,977 19,815 Dee “ 12,846 16,258 22.008 1862. Jan. * 22,660 80,789 39,558 © Feb. “ 11,650 eid 17,651 ARMY OF TENNESSEE, 1862. Nov. Braxton Bragg 30,649 36,686 67,229 Dee. _ 51,030 59,075 88,484 1863. Jan. _ 86,981 49 331 $3,780 Feb. 2 42.088 55,188 87,783 March - 49,915 65,594 96,301 April 6 52,069 67,849 98,217 May “ 50,333 64,722 93,217 June * 45,974 59,545 83,597 July of 39,513 52,690 81,29) Aug. “ 45,041 59,027 83,278 Sépt. “ 41.970 53,857 ae Oct. = 46,496 65,603 102,990 Nov. W.H. Hardee 43,094 58,755 113,255 Dee. J. E. Johnston 42.439 57,428 98,215 1864. Jan. >» 1,533 5D, 059 88,459 Feb: i 37,787 48,010 79,071 March " 42.125 55,113 85,953 April S 43,887 63,807 96,863 June . 54,085 T7441 137,192 July J. B. Hood 44.495 65,601 136,684 Aug. - 7,326 71,327 136,543. Sept. ie 40,403 60,948 123.090 Oct. ms 80,600 45,719 96,367 Dee. «“ 23,053 24.439 86,995 ARMY OF EAST TENNESSEE, . Present Date. Command. For Duty. Present. & Absent. 1862. April E. K. Smith 10,366 12,715 16,209 ay “y : 11,066 14,469 20,402 — June 4 13,458 16,294 24.886 Nov ” 26,219 $1,412 43,832 Dec. « 7,311 9,258 15,419 The number. (August, —
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 107 Present Present & Date, Command. For Duty. Present. & Absent. , For Daty. Present. Absent. 1863. March D.H. Donalson 11,857 15,828 23.593 | Dept. of Mississippi - - - - 49,000 68.000 98,000 April D. H. Maury 14.158 17,678 25.554 | Dept. of the Gulf - - - - - 7,000 9,000 10,000 July S. B. Buckner 15.335 17,828 26,411 —— — — Oct. Sam. Jones T.9T5 9.471 17,057 Total Army of the West - 111,000 148,000 215,000 Nov. ¥ 10,546 12.592 18,580 ——. ——- Dec. J. Longstreet 15.562 21,286 aeaat Total Armies of East and West 217,000 289,000 412,000 1864. Jan i 18,667 25,514 85 ; eee : SEPTEMBER, 1862. | aaa wg G0 BOF Togo | Dept. of Northern Virginia - 53.000 62.000 189,000 is S B. Buck 4 4907 17348 95,618 Dept. of 8. Carolinaand Georgia 16,000 21,000 27,000 BD ic & a wee a aes sora pon | Dept. of 8. Va. and N, Carolina 9,000 10,000 11,000 Sept J. Echols . n004 4 ; B42 Dept. of Richmond - - - 24,000 29,000 36,000 _ Oct. J.C. Breckinridge 38,001 78 ~ sales rameue! 4 ona Rear cemateudsbs Present | Dept. of East Tennessee - - 15,000 16,000 25,000 Date. Command. For Duty. Present. & Absent. | Dept. of baer = - - 27,000 31,000 47,000 1862. March A.8. Johnston 35,147 44.524 55.977 | Dept. of Trans-) ississippi - - - 24,000 28,000 86,000 April G@.'T. Beauregard 45,712 66,908 93,522 | Dept. of the Gulf - - 7,000 9,000 10,000 May Braxton Bragg 49,873 72,230 108,054 pocceepene SRPAP crete July 3 68,126 98.201 Total Army of the West - 117,000 137,000 203,000 Aug. 4 27,320 $1,184 47,215 ; mepanganl LAP i Oct. L, Polk 27,360 82,425 57.446 | Total Armies of East and West 219,000 259,000 418,000 Dec. J.C. Pemberton 39,545 48,223 70,241 MARON, 1863. 1868. Jan. a 0,902 51,830 73,114 Dept. of Northern Virginia - - 60,000 73,000 109,000 Feb. . — mo 17,997 | Dept. of S. Carolina and Georgia 32,000 36,000 43,000 ete PE $8,940 2211 82,284 | Dept. of 8. Virg. and N. Carolina 45,000 53,000 73,000 July , “ Bt9 30° ait 53,976 Dept. of Richmond - - - - 6,040. 6,000 7,00: Ov. ‘ 8,9 24.58 44,497 aoe 1864, Jan. L. Polk 19,850 25.0 4 44.995 Total Army of the East 143,000 168,000 232,000 eb. - .68 270 34,205 | De * v3 Y F ’ pt. of Tennessee - - Bit 66,000 96,000 March o 15,224 19,765 83,934 Dept. of East Tennesee - - - 11,000 16,000 93,000 April 15314 19,780 34,491 | Dept. of Mississippi - - - - 49,000 59,000 82,000 May L. D. Lee 15,118 18,307 30,932 Dept. of of Trang-Mississipp! - 2.000 25,010 41,1 00 June 13,108 16,686 29,824 Dept. of the Gulf - - - - - 800 9,00) 10,900 pe D. H. Maury GRE ee 22,407 ee TF ug. ‘ 26.536 ki a" Sept Disk Taylor’) 1 B18 21,909 39,271 Total Army of the West 138,000 175,000 soci i ct. * ‘ 106 37,649 : Now. 2 40,459 151592 32148 Total Armies of East and West 281,000 343,000 484,000 JuLy, 1863. TRANS-MISSISSIPPI DEPARTMENT. Dept. of Northern Virginia - - 41,000 54,000 117,000 i A ‘ ina - ’ Present ene 5 S. lac and ele 24,000 reap tin bert? ommand, or Duty resent. seut, ept. of 8. Va. and N. Carolina 9,000. ; ls 1862. Sept. Dick Taylor 3,351 sT02 5.845 | Dept of Richmond - - 14,000 16,000 21,000 iis ais ad Borers aes ne 35,551 betes, —tiy an. ick Taylor 58 4,775 7,233 TT i ote m 84. Feb. J.B Magruder 9.679 7.038 91322 RPP APE Fe HS or OW 5 LORIEM, 5, APSIY are " 304 16,152 26.991 | Dept. of Tennessee - - - - 40,000 53,000 81,000 * April, y 0,698 25,324. 41,318 | Dept. of East Tennessee - - ~- 15,000 18,000 26.000 May, EK. Smith 19,186 22,274 34,534 | Dept. of Mississi - - 28,000 36,000 . 54,000 Sept. . 26,047 30,489 46,121 | Dept. of Trans Mbsisspp - - 25,000 30,000 46,000 ses J. B. Magruder ree os papi Tops. of the Gulf - - - 5,000 000 8,000 . : , tal A - 118, 3,0 215, Dec. E.K.Snifth 34845 40987 78,289 otal Army of the West EOE =: AOE: 1864. Sept 88,046 52,867 76,834 | Total Armies of East and West 198,000 248,000 = 899,000 : Apri, 1864. The following tables give, approximately, and | pept, of Northern Virginia - -’ 52,000 61,000 ~—=—97,000 in round numbers, the strength and disposition of | Dept. of S. Carolina and Georgia 26,000 29,000 89,000 the different Confederate armies at several im-| Pert ofS Va. and N. Carolina 5000 nd oer ept. of Richmond - - - - 17,000 9,000 13,000 portant periods during the war. It is not possible iit GPA egies to make these out with perfect accuracy, because Total Army of the East - 90,000 105,000 = 156,000 in a few instances there are no returns from all} pept. of Tennessee - - - - 44,000 64,000 97,000 the armies, of the precise date. In such cases a is Feat cennogee aa pe ate sc006 b ae ept. of Mississippi - - - y - the return nearest to the date indicated has beeu Dept. of Trans-Mississippi - 2 $8,000 53°00 77.000 adopted. Dept. of the Gulf - - - - - 7,000 8,000 12,000 JuLy 20, 1862. 3 Total Army of the West - 119,000 165,000 274,000 resent & ake: 3 ‘ For Duty. _— Present Absent. | Total Armies of East and West. 209,000 270,000 430,000 Dept. of Northern Virginia - - 70,000 95,000 189,000 Re Sr eaatee mM, Dept. of S. Carolina and Georgia 19,000 25,000 81,000 Aveust, 1864. Dept. of 8S. Va. and N. Carolina 17, ‘000 21,000 27,000 | Dept. of Northern Virginia- - 44,000 59,000 147,000 —— ——— | Dept. of S. Carolina and Georgia 11 000 14,000 20,000 Total Army of the East - 106.000 141,000 197,000 | Dept. of 8. Va. and N. Carolina 29’ 000 26,000 000 —— ——— Dept. of Richmond - - - - 4.000 6,000 ; 9,000 _ Dept. of Tennessee - - - - 40,000 53,000 81,000 — —— Dept. of East Tennessee -.- 15,000 18,000 26,000 * Total Army of the East - 81,000 105,000 221,000
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108 Present & F For Duty. Present. Absent. Dept. of Tennessee - - - - 44,000 65,000 127,000 Dept. of East Tennessee - - 18,000 21,000 89,000 Dept. of Mississippi - - - 10,000 14 000 27,000 Dept. of Trans-Mississippi - - 38,000 53,000 77,000 Dept. of the Gulf - - - - - 6,000 7,000 9,000 Total Army of the West - 116,000 160,000 829,000 Total Armies of East and West 197,000 265,000 550,000 NovemMBeER, 1864. Dept. of Northern Virginia - - 69,000 88,000 182,000 Dept. of 8. Carolinaand Georgia 12,000 15,000 21,000 Dept. of S. Va. and N. Carolina 3,000 4,000 5,000 Dept. of Richmond - - - 6,000 7,000 17,000 LO ee 8s ee 90,000 114,000 225,000 Dept. of Tennessee - - - - 80,000 46,000 96,000 Dept: of East Tennessee - - 3.000 4,000 7,000 Dept. of Mississippi - - - - 15,000 21,000 38,000 Dept. of Trans-Mississippi - - 88,000 52,000 77.000 Total- - - - --- = 86,000 124,000 218,000 Total- - - -.- +--+ = 176,000 248.000 443,000 The Confederate army undoubtedly reached its highest point, both in numbers and efficiency, in the early Summer of 1863, when the movement into Pennsylvania was commenced. At the close of March, before all prep.rations had been made, the returns show a nominal force of Four hun- dred and eighty-four thousand, of whom Three hundred and forty-one thousand were present, and Two hundred and eighty-one thousand present for duty. Probably about Twenty thousand were added during the next Six weeks to the Army of the Kast; so that we may safely say that at the middie of June there were a little more than Five hundred thousand on the muster rolls, of whom Three hundred thousand were pres- ent for duty. The army, especially that under Lee, were in the highest state of efficiency. The recent victories at Fredericksburg and Chancel- lorsville had inspired them with perfect confidence in their own invincibility. The Confederacy was at that time like an athlete in the highest condi- tion of training. Fully one-half of the men of mil- itary age were enrolled inthe army. Ifwe take into account those exempt by infirmity, those em- ployed in the various civil departments, aud those detailed directly to perform labor in the various military work-shops, it is hardly an over-state- ment to say that every able-bodied man was en- tolled ; of these Seven out of Ten were actually present, and Six out of Ten were “present for duty.” No people could long sustain such a strain. In the first week of July they suffered losses amounting to fully One hundred thousand men. At the end of the month Lee had only Forty-one thousand for duty out of the One hun- dred thousand with which he had set out Six weeks before; and in a month by every exertion he could get together only Fifteen thousand more, and out of this Fifty-six thousand, all told, he was forced to send Fifteen thousand of his best troops HISTORICAL MAGAZINE [ August, to the West. If the Autumn campaign of 1863 in Virginia had been prosecuted by the Union commander with anything approaching vigor, there is no reason to doubt that it would have — closed the war; for Meade had an army fully double that of Lee. When in the Spring of 1864 — Grant opened his campaign, Lee had only a little more than Fifty thousand, and in August, when — the siege of Richmond was fairly opened, he had, counting in those present with him, though still nominally belonging to the Department of North Carolina, less than Sixty thousand. From this time the returns show how prevalent became desertions from the Confederate armies at the East and West. In August, out of a nominal force of Five hundred and fifty thousand. there were not Two hundred thousand present for duty in all the armies. At the close of Febru- ary, the date of the latest report in our possession, Lee, out of a nominal force of One hundred and sixty thousand had present but Seventy-three thousand, and for duty but Fifty-nine thousand. More than half were absent wholly, and little more than a third were present for duty. When he finally abandoned Petersburgh and Richmond, itis doubtful whether he had Thirty-five thousand men all told. We judge that, in all, Six hundred thousand different men were in the Confederate ranks during the war. Of these we do not believe one- half are alive this day. Once in the ranks there was no escape except by death, disablement from wounds or sickness, or desertion. Of the Three hundred thousand of the Confederate soldiers yet alive, no man can say what proportion are wholly or in great part disabled by wounds or disease; but it is safe to say that in three years the South lost by the war alone, fally one-third of its able-bodied white male popula- tion. <A great part of the accumulated wealth of the people was swept away ; not merely changing from one hand to another, and so in the natural course of things certain to be redistributed, but absolutely annihilated. Not merely the created wealth, but the means of creating it has been de- stroyed. We think that there is not in all his- tory the: record of a war attended by such utter disaster. These facts are quite sufficient to ac- count for the great cry of distress which surges up to us from that unfortunate region. The mills of the gods have ground swiftly, but they have yet ground exceedingly fine. With the ghastly array before us of the figures which have been set forth in this paper, we have little sympathy | with any man—even though he may have suffered the loss of his best and dearest—who will now lift up hand or voice save to aid and console the suffering people of the South. If they ecommit- ted—as we believe they did—a grievous wrong, most grievously have they answered for it.
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1867.] X.—EXPEDITION OF NARVAEZ TO CONQUER FLORIDA. [This document, a curious relic of the past, exists in the Archivo General de Indias, at Seville, in the package inscribed “NN, Espana Descubrimientos, descripciones y Poblaciones, * Leg®.1: aiios 1520 4 1527.,” a copy of which was brought to this country a few years ago by Mr. Buckingham Smith, and now, in a translation, is first published. It appears, in the orig- inal Spanish, to be the draft in blank for a formal authorization with the signature of Charles V., and is one of the earliest original papers extant relating to the history of this country. No appointment to the oftice designated seems ever to have been made; other oflices were filled, as follows: Cabeca de Vaca, Treasurer and High-Sheriff; Alonso Enriquez, Comp- troller; Alonso de Solis, Distributor and Assessor, and Juan Xuarez, friar of San Francisco, Commissary.—Ep. Hist. Maa.] 4 INSTRUCTION TO THE FACTOR OF ’ FLORIDA. THE KING. What you, | , are to do in the Office you take with you as our Factor of the Rio de las Palmas and land Pamphilo de Nar- vaez,—whom we have provided with the govern- ment thereof,—goes to settle, is as follows: First: In the City of Sevilla you will present our provision, which you bear for that station,— to our Officials, in the House of Contratacion of the Indias, residing in said City, of whom you will ask an account of the notices that appear to them you should learn and have of the mat- ters of that land, and, beyond this instruction, of the manner in which you should discharge the duties of that office for the perfect security of our Exchequer. | Likewise: In that land you will receive into pos- session all merchandise and property that at the present time are there, or shall be sent there under our order, from the officials of said City of Sevilla, as well as from the officials of the Islands of Espafivla, San Juan, Fernandina and Santiago, for expenditure and distribution in those lands equally the things that appertain to our service as those for sale and exchange, all which you are to do under our Comptroller of that land. So likewise: All the things of our Exchequer that shall be in your charge you will barter and sell and utilise in the manner most for the growth of the public treasure, and distribute by the orders and drafts signed by our Comp- troller, whom we direct to take account and specification of the transactions, as well the time as the place thereof, that in our Exchequer there be proper security. | Also: The things that you have in possession ‘not necessary for our service and that shall be for sale, you must acquaint thereof our Governor of the country, and our officers residing therein, that you all collectively determine what should be sold and at what. price, and you shall try to dispose of them to the greatest advantage possi- ble; but, since it might happen, as has been HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 109 known, that at the time things are appraised they are worth the price at which they are valued and then cannot be sold, they come incontinently so to depreciate, that if kept to be sold for the price at which they are valued, they would become in- jured, then in such event you will attempt and strive to dispose of such things at the highest rate that you can, in the opinion of said Governor and officers, and keep you specification and ac- count of the price of each article sold, that when asked you may be able to state, as is reasonable and your duty to do. Again: You will go, with all the money that may arise from such articles in your charge as you shall sell, to , our Treasurer in that land, so soon as they are sold, without any deduction from the money or price at which they may have been sold while in your possession and control, all which you thus deliver to be entered in the book of our Comptroller, that in it may exist the particulars and amounts of all. So likewise: You will have great care and diligence in protecting and preserving our Ex- chequer to the extent it may be in your charge, and improve and benefit it to the extent possible, giving all the good care and solicitude requisite and for which I confide in you. Likewise: You must take account, and in gen- eral particulars, of all the things that are sent or given to you, and of those you sell or deliver, each article by itself apart, that whenever worth while the entire account may be seen and un- derstood. More than this, you will have a care to inform us of the profits there may be on each article and likewise those said officers at Sevilla, and of the Island of Espafiola, of San Juan, of Cuba and of Jamaica, that the advantages, if any, on each article may be known, and whether it will be for our interest to send such merchan- dise or otherwise. Also: You will be vigilant and make much effort to learn what things are most profitable and necessary to be sent to that land, as much for barter as sale and contract, holding first advise- ment with our said Governor and officers, and then informing us with particularity of all, as well those said officers at Sevilla and of the men- tioned Islands, that they may provide therefor. And in as much as the offices of our Governor, Treasurer, Comptroller and Factor of that land are separate, each in its sphere having for object whatever may be for the good of our royal revenue and well populating and pacification of that land, every one, consequently, should con- sider the offices of the rest as his, and on this account you should communicate and converse of all matters touching your office that are for our service and whatever else with said Governor and officers, joining with them that, collectively, you may see and commune respecting what in
Page 46
110 every instance should be done, as well for matters there, as to serve and inform us respecting all. So, likewise: You must have great care that whatever occurs touching your charge and oflice, wherein it may be necessary to resolve and de- termine by judicial proceeding, by free decision of a true man, or by agreement of friends, you will converse and communicate upon with our said Governor and our other said officers. And, for the fulfilment of the foregoing and safety of our Exchequer, | command our said officials at Sevilla to take and receive of you, the said , before they allow you to depart in ‘the exercise of the office, securities ample and approved ; and, since it may be difficult for you to ‘give such in Sevilla, before our said officials, our will and disposition are that you may give them in any part of our kingdoms, before the Board of Magistrates of the Province where you shall so offer them, and whom we command to receive them of you, full and sufficient, in ducats, which we order, with the evidences and obligations of the bonds you shall give, be put and kept in the archive, among the papers of said House, and, thus executed, they permit you to go freely to the exercise of said office, even though you may not have given the securities in said city. And, that in our Exchequer there may be the requisite security, I command that all the gold, pearls and seed-pearl that shall come into the possession of our Treasurer of that land, as well our fifths as those of excise and dues of every other kind, be put in a chest with three different keys, of which you shall have one, and the two Others our Treasurer and Comptroller of said land, that no gold be taken frm that chest save by hand of the three, obviating by this arrange- ment the inconveniences and frauds that other- wise might ensue and recur, and thus may be sent to us at the times we have required, which we order you to observe and comply with, like- wise our said Treasurer and Comptroller, under pain of forfeiture of your offices and goods to our tribunals and treasury, in which pains we will condemn you, and hold you condemned, the con- trary doing. Done at day of the month of , on , of the year One thousand five hundred and twenty I, roe Kine. XI.—OLD NEW YORK REVIVED.—Contrn- UED. 21.—TuE “ Boz” Batt. 1.—The Preliminary Meeting of Citizens. It having been announced in the public prints that Mr. Charles Dickens had landed in the United States, a numerous meeting of Citizens HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. {[August, © was held at the Astor House, on Wednesday — evening, the twenty-sixth of January, to take in- | to consideration the propriety of tendering to him — a suitable welcome on his arrival in New York. — The meeting was called to order by William H. Maxwell, who nominated Robert H. Morris as — Chairman. Prosper M. Wetmore named D. 0. Colden and D.C. Pell as Secretaries. ‘The officers being duly elected, the meeting was addressed — by Philip Hone, Charles W. Sandford, J. W. Edmonds, J. R. Livingston, Jr., J. W. Francis, — Alexander Hamilton, Jr., Prosper M. Wetmore, and other gentlemen; whereupon, William H. — Maxwell, after some appropriate remarks, offered ~ the following resolutions, which were unani- mously adopted :— “ Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting “it is proper and becoming in the citizens of New “ York to unite heartily in those demonstrations “of respect and esteem which have been, and “ will be, everywhere in our land, called forth by “the visit of Mr. Dickens to America; not be- “ cause of his talents alone, but in consideration “of the noble use he has made of those talents in “ vindicating the rights, and claims, and feelings — “of humanity at lurge, without distinction of “rank or circumstance. “ Resolved, 'That in welcoming Charles Dickens “to America, we feel that we are at once paying “due homage to genius and fulfilling the demands “of gratitude; for as individuals we owe grati- “tude to the minister of intellectual delight, and, “as republicans, we are bound to thank him who “has, in his writings, so eloquently maintained “the cause of the humble and oppressed ; who “exhibits in er line his own keen sensibility “to wrong; and the pervading spirit of all whose “works is a touching illustration of the truth “that in the elementary constitution of men “there is no difference, whatever difference cir- “ cumstances may have created. “ Resolved, 'That in the arrangement of a fit- “ting reception for the visitor whom we delight — “to honor, regard be had to the participation — “therein of the ladies; for we feel assured that “our countrywomen will look with little favor “on any device which exeludes them from join- “ing ina festival given in honor of him whose ~ “imagination and heart gave birth to ‘ Little “¢ Nell’ “a “ Resolved, That all the gentlemen present, and — “such others as may be hereafter named, consti- — “tute a General Committee.” GeNeRAL CommrrreE.—Robert H. Morris, J. B. Nicholson, Philip Hone, Henry Brevoort, Val- entine Mott, W. H. Maxwell, David Graham, — James W. Webb, Alex. W. Bradford, A. S. Doane, K. A. Duyckinck, Daniel B. Tallmadge, John — C. Cheeseman, Henry Inman, A. M. Cozzens, W. B. Dean, J. M. Smith, Jr., Thos. J. Oakley, Chas,
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1867.) Delaforest, Wm. L. Morris, P. M. Wetmore, J. - Prescott Hall, James E. Cooley, W. K. Northall, Chas. W. Sandford, M. M. Noah, Alexander Ham- ilton, Jr., John W. Francis, George P. Morris, Duncan C. Pell, Hugh McLean, Gerard H. Cos- ter, John S. Bartlett, Charles P. Clinch, William Turner, Moses H. Grinnell, W. Starr Miller, John Inman, Wm. Kent, Beverley Robinson, Jr., Robt. _ Jd. Dillon, Wm. H. Appleton, 8. Draper, Jr., F. _ W. Edmonds, Saml. [. Hunt, H. G. Stebbins, _ Anugts. Fleming, Francis F. Waddell, Wm. Gran- din, Chas. A. Clinton, Joseph Hudson, Charles M. Leupp, J. W. Gerard, F. A. Tallmadge, Whar- ton Griffith, Edward S. Gould, N. G. Ogden, D. C. Colden, J. W. Edmonds, J. Philips Phoenix, Dudley 8S. Gregory, John O. Sergeant, Theodore K. Tomlinson, A. G. Stout, George 8. Doughty, C. A. Stetson, Charles A. Davis, R. Fayer weather, Martin Hoffman, James Phalen, R. C. Wetmore, _ P. §S. Townsend, Wm. L. Shuttleworth, C. C. _ Cambreleng, Andrew Warner, Saml. Jones Mum- _ ford, Alfred A. Smith, Marshall O. Roberts, James R. Whiting, Joseph Gaillard, Jr., Cornelius R. Savage, John D. Van Buren, Edmund Simp- ‘son, Samuel P. Lyman, J. R. Livingston, Jr., J. ‘Beekman Fish, Thos. J. Cummings. ? On motion, Messrs. Sandford, Maxwell, G. P. Morris, Wetmore and J. W. Edmonds were ap- pointed a Committee to withdraw and report forthwith a suitable plan for a Ball to be given to Mr. Dickens. , The meeting then resolved, unanimously, that Philip Hone be requested to write a letter of in- vitation in behalf of this meeting to Mr. Dickens, and that D. C. Colden be appointed to deliver it in person. Mr. Hone immediately prepared the following letter, which was signed by all the gen- tlemen then present :— “New York, Jan. 26, 1842. “ Str, “The citizens of New York having received the “agreeable intelligence of your arrival in the “United States, and appreciating the value of “your labors in the cause of humanity, and the “eminently successful exercise of your literary _ “talents, are ambitious to be among the foremost _ “in tendering to you and your lady the hearty _ welcome which they are persuaded is in reserve “ te in all parts of our country. With this object in view we have been ap- pointed a Committee, in behalf of a large Meet- _ “ing of gentlemen convened for the-purpose, to “request your attendance at a public Ball to be “ given in this city. mo, Mr. ©. D. Colden, one of our number, will _ have the honor of presenting this invitation, and _ is charged with the agreeable duty of present- “ing their congratulations on your arrival. We “shall expect, through him, your kind acceptance HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 111 “of this invitation, and your designation of the “ day when it may suit your convenience to at- “ tend. | ; “ We are, Sir, “ With great respect, “ Your Obed’t Serv’ ts.” The Committee, of which Charles W. Sandford was Chairman, appeared and made the following Report :— “REPORT. “With a desire of tendering to Mr. Dickens “those hospitalities and courtesies due to a “stranger of such eminent genius and private * worth, and in order to afford the Ladies, as well “as the citizens at large, of New York an oppor- “tunity of exchanging salutations with him, we “deem it an appropriate compliment to invite “him and his Lady to a Ball, to be given expressly “for the occasion. “'To heighten the effect, and in compliance with “the desire universally expressed, it is recom- “mended that the Ball Room represent various “¢compartments of ‘Curiosity Shop, in which “<the productions of ‘Boz’ may be illustrated. “Tn order to add a strikingly novel and agree- “able feature to the intended féte, it is suggested “that a number of Tableaux Vivants be formed by “competent Artists in the intervals of the dance, “drawn from the Novels, Sketches, Poems and “Dramas of Mr. Dickens, and shadowing forth, “in living pictures, the graphic and glowing de- ‘“lineations of this singularly gifted and original “ author. . “ As it is believed that the demand for. Cards of ° “admission will be very great, and that no Ball “ Room in the City will be large enough to contain “the numbers desirous of being present on the “ occasion, it is recommended that the Park Thea- “tre be engaged, and that the Ball take place at “the earliest date, of which due notice will be “given in the public prints. “The Committee also recommend the following “sketch of decorations and devices for the Ball “ Room, and arrangements for the floor :— “]. The inside of the Theatre to represent a “magnificent Saloon, hung with Chandeliers. “2. The audience part of the,house to be orna- “mented with festoons of flowers, garlands, dra- “ neries, and trophies emblematical of the different “States of the Union. “3. The floor to extend from the front of the. “‘ boxes to the back of the building, where, on an “elevated stage, arrangements be made for the “representation of numerous Tableaux Vivants “from the works of Mr. Dickens, represented by “ Artists under the direction of the Committee. “4, The stage part of the Theatre, to be highly “embellished with various designs from the “‘writings of ‘Boz,’ illustrating many of his
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112 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [ August, “ striking, original, novel, graphic, and familiar | journed to meet again at the Astor House on his — “ scenes, “5, A full and efficient Orchestra, comprising “the principal musical talent at present in the “ City, to be engaged, and so arranged as to add , “to the general effect, without diminishing the “space allotted to the Company. © “6. The Ball Room to afford accommodations “for upwards of Three thousand persons. “7, The following arrangements are also rec- “ ommended :— “ ORDER OF THE DANCES AND TABLEAUX VIVANT. “ J—Grand March. “ 2—Tableau Vivant, ‘A Sketch by Boz.’ “ 3—Amilie Quadrille. “ 4—Tableau Vivant, ‘The Seasons, a poem, “ with music. “« 5—Quadrille Waltz, selections. ; “ 6—Tableau Vivant, the book of ‘ Oliver Twist.’ “ 7—Quadrille March, Norma. « 8—Tableau Vivant, ‘The Ivy Green.’ « 9—Victoria Waltz. “10—Tableau Vivant, ‘ Little Nell,’ “ 1]—Basket Quadrille. . *12—Tableau Vivant, the book of ‘ Nicholas “* Nickleby.’ ¢ 13—March. “«14—Tableau Vivant, ‘A Sketch,’ by Boz. *©15—Spanish Dance. “16—Tableau Vivant, ‘The Pickwick Papers.’ “17—Boz Waltz. “18—Tableau Vivant, ‘Washington Irving in “¢ Kngland and Charles Dickens in Amer- | - oe 6 i¢a.’ «“ 19—Postillion Quadrille. “20—Tableau Vivant, ‘ Curiosity Shop.’ «¢21—March. . «699—Tableau Vivant, ‘The Club.’ «“ 23—Contra Dance. “24—Tableau Vivant, the book of ‘ Barnaby “* Rudge.’ “ 25—Gallopade.” On motion, it was resolved, that the Chairman appoint a Sub-committee of Sixteen to carry the foregoing arrangements into effect. The following gentlemen were then named by by the Chair :— Philip Hone, George P. Morris, Martin Hoff- man, J. W. Francis, W. H. Maxwell, John W. Edmonds, Daniel B. Tallmadge, Charles W. Sandford, John C. Cheeseman, Charles A. Davis, James M. Smith, Jr., Henry Inman, Prosper M. Wetmore, Francis W. Edmonds, John R. Livingston, Jr., William Starr Miller. The Chairman and Secretaries were subse- quently added to the Committee. The letter of invitation to Mr. Dickens bein handed to Mr. Colden, the meeting then ad- return from Boston. Rosert H. Morris, Chairman. D. C. CoLpEn, D. 0. Prxt, Secretaries. 2.— Meeting of Committee of Arrangements. The Committee of Arrangements met on Satur- day evening, the twenty-ninth of January, at the Green Room of the Park Theatre, when the Chair- man read the following letter from Mr. Dickens: “ TREMONT HovussE, Boston, Jan. 28, 1842. “ My Dear Str, “T beg to convey to the Committee of Gentle- “men, whose organ you are, my hearty and cor- “ dial thanks for their most kind congratulations, “and my glad acceptance of the honor they pro- “pose to confer upon me. “ T have had the pleasure of seeing your agent, “and of explaining my movements and arrange- “ments to that gentleman. “ Rest assured that I shall only be too proud “and happy to meet you at any time you may “ appoint, after receiving his explanation of my “ engagements. “ With many thanks to you and the Committee “ generally, “T am, My dear Sir, “ Yours, faithfully and obliged, “ CHARLES DICKENS. “ RoBert H. Morris, Esq.” The Committee thereupon Reported that the Ball take place at the Park Theater, on Monday, the fourteenth of February next. The following Rules sae Regulations to be ob- served on the occasion : The doors to be opened at half-past seven, and the dancing to commence at nine o’clock. The Committee to appear in full Ball dresses, and wear rosettes with appropriate designs, Military and Naval officers to appear in their respective uniforms, All fancy dresses to be positively excluded, ex- cept such as are admitted under the direction of — the Committee. An ample supply of Refreshments to be provided for the company. | | Cloak and Retiring Rooms to be set apart for’ the accommodation of the Ladies, and suitable at- tendants to be in waiting. Tickets admitting a Lady and Gentleman to be $5. Any gentleman whose party may exceed more than one lady, to be furnished with extra ladies’ tickets, not to exceed two, at $2 each. Cards of admission to be obtained from either of the Committee, at the Committee Room, in the Astor House, where the name of every person
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1867.) WISTORICAL _ who purchases a ticket will be registered in a _ book provided for that especial purpose. _ Gentlemen applying for tickets will please to _ give the names of their Ladies, in order that the _ same may be written in the cards of invitation. Hach member of the Committee issuing tickets _ will endorse his own name on the back of the Cards. _ An early application for Cards of admission will be necessary, as no more persons will be ad- _ mitted to the féte than the Ball Room can conve- _ niently accomodate. | An awning to be erected in front of the Theatre, to cover the sidewalk. Carriages on arriving and departing will com- ply with the City regulations for the maintenance _ of good order at Public Assemblies. Gentlemen are requested to dismiss their car- _ riages on arriving at the door, and to take the - one opposite to the entrance on their departure. The Superintendent of Carriages will be in at- _ tendance to preserve regularity, and to see that no imposition be practiced upon the company through carelessness, extru charges, or otherwise. An efficient Police to be engaged to secure or- _ der in the arrival and departure of the company. 3.—Meeting of the General Committee of Ar- rangements. At a meeting of the General Committee, held at the Astor House, on Monday evening, the thir- ty-first of January, the foregoing Report was q unanimously adopted, and the Executive Com- mittee was directed to carry the same into effect RosBert H. Morris, Chairman. _ Jno. R. Livineston, Jr., _ Ws. B. Dean, [To BE CONTINUED.| Secretaries. XIL—COINS AND COIN COLLECTORS. 1—TaE MicxuEy CoLuEcTION. , This collection, so widely known to our read- ers, having passed from the hands of its author, _ JosepH J. Mickxuny, Esq., of Philadelphia, into _ those of the Bonner of Roxbury, Doctor W. _ Exitior Woopwarp, the latter has determined to sell it at auction in the city of New York, during the coming Autumn, and thus separate - what should be kept together, in some public Institution. In order, however, that the Collec- - tion may be duly recorded, for the benefit of _ those who shall, come after us, we propose, very briefly, to describe some of its principal features. Passing, for the present, such ge pea as the Dollar of 1804, of which only Four copies are HIST. MAG. VOL. I. 8 MAGAZINE. 113 known, the Half Dime’ of 1802, which is still more rare, and the multitude of Mint and Pat- tern-pieces, Colonial coins, and Medals, the rarity and commercial value of which, in each instance, are enough to give character to any ordinary collection, we shall notice, at this time, only those rare specimens of which not more than 7’wo copies are known to us; and, hereafter, if spice can be afforded, we shall allude more generally to what we now omit. _Frrst: The rare Sommer IsuAND PIEcsx, is here. This piece has, on the Odverse, a Hoy, on the field of the coin, with the numeruls, XII, above him, outside of all of which, within Two circles of dots, are the words SOMMER ISLANDS. On the Reverse, is a Three-masted vessel, firing a gun, within a circle of dots. All who ai attempted to describe this piece have said itis of Brass; but their error will be seen from this specimen, which is indisputably Copper. This rare coin was purchased from the cele- brated, Hollis Collection, in England, and, until within a year, it was considered unique: but that distinction no longer belongs to it, since another copy was discovered, a few months since, in a bag of copper coins in the city of New York. The report that a third copy is in a Museum in Bermuda is not credited. Seconp: An unique PINE-TREE SHILLING OF 1650, on the Odbverse of which is a Pine-tree in the field surrounded by a circle of large dots. Outside of the latter are the words MASATHU- SETS IN, the whole of which are, also, sur- . rounded with another circle of dots. The Re- verse of this piece has, on the field, the date, 1650), and the denomination, X'I, outside of both which, between ‘I'wo circles of dots, are the words NEW ENGLAND, AN. DO. , Tuorrp: Another unique PINE-TREE SHILLING or 1650, of the same general character as that which we haye just described, but wholly differ- ent from that in the details of its execution—the trée, in particular, is much smaller, with limbs less numerous but more sub-divided; and the inscription possesses a more slender or wirey appearance. . FourtH: Another unique PINE-TREE SHIL- LING OF 1650, the Odver'se of which, in its general features, resembles the Pine-tree and Ouak-tree money; but the ¢ree is quite unlike that on any other type—the limbs bearing a large number of Cones;—and the inscription is MASSACHU- SETTS IN. The Reverse contains the date and denomination in the center, surrounded by T'wo circles of dots, between the last of which ure the words NEW ENGLAND AN DO. 7 This piece is of silver; nearly twice as large as the two specimens before referred to; and only . one other specimen of it is known. ,
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114 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (August, The Three Pine-tree pieces just described, dif- fering in date from all other known types, are believed to have been struck as Patterns, before the coinage of the Pine-tree and Oak-tree mone was authorized. They were all obtained, origi- nally, from an old gentleman in New Hampshire, who declared that they had been in his family from the period of their coinage. It is true, that their genuineness has sometimes been questioned ; but the weight of evidence seems to be greatly in their favor—they were sold by their original owner for so small a sum that fraud on his part seems to have been out of the question; and Mr. Mickley, whose judgment in such cases affords a pretty sure guarantee, paid a very high price for them and never doubted their authenticity. Firta: The unique, SILVER PINE-TREE PENNY or 1662. ‘This excessively rare specimen, in design, resembles the other well-known Pine-tree specimens—one side bearing a Tree, more resem- bling an Oak than a Pine; and the other, the Date and Denomination. The existence of the Pine-tree Penny, in silver, has been questioned, however ; but as it was both described and figured by Folkes, who wrote at a period almost contemporary with its issue, it is only fair to conclude that the coin was then known; and as this piece bears every mark of genuineness it is believed to be authentic, although it is the only specimen known to be in existence. SixtH: The unique New Eneuanp ELEPHANT Prece, of Copper, on the Obverse of which is an Elephant; and on the Reverse, the words GOD PRESERVE NEW ENGLAND 1694, in Five lines running across the field of the coin. Four varieties of Elephant Half-pennies are _known—that now under consideration; another with the inscription, on the Reverse, GOD PRE- SERVE CAROLINA AND THE LORDS PRO- PRIETORS ; and two bearing on their Reverse GOD PRESERVE LONDON—each of which has the same Elephant on the Odverse. The Carolina piece and one of the London pieces are very rare; no other copy than this, of the New England piece is known; but the other London piece is quite common. SEVENTH: The unique New ENGLAND STIVER, the following description of which, from Mr. Mickley’s Catalogue, embraces all that is known or has been conjectured concerning it: “ Obverse, NEW ENGLAND. M. Reverse, 1 “S. V.C. Two lions, rudely executed, to Right “and Left, in field of the coin. See Dickeson “Plate XX., No. 14. “ No one acquainted with the coins of Holland “can hesitate for a moment as to the origin of “this : it differs in no respect, in its general ap- “pearance and particular style of workmanship “from the Dutch Stiver of Two hundred years &c ago.” We are told, also, that Mr. Mickley, “ with great. “ ingenuity and probability rendered the letters “on the Reverse, 1 S[tiver] V[on] Clonnecticut],” and that “here, for the present, speculation may “as well rest; but, notwithstanding the ingenu- tty referred to, the probability of the case is not sO apparent, since the Dutch neither recognized their Colony on the Connecticut, as in “ New En- “ gland” butin Nieuw Nederland ;* nor inscribed their coins in English, but good Dutch or Latin; nor had they any currency especially for New Netherland except Beaver-skins and Wampum. Whatever may have been the origin of this piece, it possesses great interest to every Ameri- can Numismatist ; and its late owner regarded it not only as one of the most valuable, but one of the most important specimens in his vast collec- tion. It is of copper, a little larger in size than a Dime. EreutaH: The unique ANNAPOLIS SHILLING. The Obdverse of this piece has, in three lines across the field, the words EQUAL TO ONE SHILLING, with a branch above, and clasped hands below, thelegend. The words I. CHAL- MERS ANNAPOLIS, 1783, are also on this face of the piece, and probably designate the name of the artist by whom it was struck. On the #e- verse are a pole with liberty-cap, an eye above Thirteen stars, and Thirteen rings arranged as an endless chain. This piece is of Silver; and as it differs from all other known specimens, on both the Obverse and the Reverse, it is probably a Trial piece. NintH: Toe Lorp BALTIMORE PENNY, which is so celebrated among Numismatists. This celebrated coin presents, on the Odverse, a profile bust of Lord Baltimore, facing the left, with the leged CAXCILIUS DNS TERRAi MA- RIA &C.; and, on the Reverse, Two flags issuing from a Ducal Coronet, with the legend, DEN A- RIUM TERRA MARIS. It was formerly in the cabinet of James Bind- ley, Esq., of England ; and as Mr. Mickley pur- chased it at auction, in England, for about £100 in gold, when American coins were little cared for, it may be considered, in a commercial sense, the most valuable of American coins. It is of copper; nearly as large as a half cent; and is widely known among Numismatists, both in Eu- rope and America, as possessing unusual inter- * This is no where more apparent than in the Journal:of, the Delegates from New Netherland to the General Assembly at Hartford, in which, under date of “20 October,” 1663, while answering the claim of Connecticut to part of Long Island as included in the Patent of the former, it is said that that Patent “ contained a tract of land lying in America, in New Hngland, “ AND, CONSEQUENTLY, NOT IN New NETHERLAND.” The Dutch made no,pretensions of Sovereignty over New England, while they denied all “— of Sovereignty, claimed by others, in New Netheriand.—H. B. D.
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1867.] est. Itis undoubtedly unique; and the struggle - toobtain it will probably form one of the fea- tures of the ‘intended sale. _ ‘Trenta: An unique Fioripa precr, on the _ Obverse of which is a bust of Charles III. of Spain, with the legend, CAROLUS III. D. G. REX; and on the Reverse, a full-blown Rose, _ with a leaf and bud on a stem, and the legend, _JVAN ESTEVAN DE PENA FLORIDA 1760. _ _ Itisof silver, about the size and weight of a Half Dollar, and was found by Mr. Mickley, in eirculation. It is without a history; but some __ have supposed that it was struck for presentation _ to the savages. _ Eneventa: An unique Rosa AMERICANA _ Har Penny or 1722, the Obverse of which pre- - sents a bust of George I., facing the Right, with _ the legend, GEORGIUS DEI GRATIA REX, _ the whole surrounded with a circle of dots; and _ the Reverse a full-blown Rose, with the legend. _ ROSA AMERICANA UTILE DULCI 1722. Itis of a compound, resembling brass, with its edge engrailed, the last rendering it unique, since all others of this Class have plain edges. : Tweirra: The very rare Rosa AMERICANA Fartarne or 1723, the Obverse and Reverse of _ which resemble the last-mentioned piece, except } in its size. : It is peculiar, however, in bearing _ the date of 1723; since the Rosas of that date _ usually presenta Crown above the Rose, which this does not. Only one other specimen of this type is known. . THIRTEENTH: An unigue Rosa AMERICANA Haur Penny or 1724, bearing devices similar to. ’ that of 1722, just described, except that the Rose _ is Crowned, like the ordinary Rosas of 1723. It is of a compound resembling Silver ; and no other copy is known bearing this date. FourRTEENTH: 'The unique Rosa AMERICANA _ Penny, in Steel, which has been so often de- - scribed and is so widely known to Collectors. Its Odbverse bears a Dncsated head, facing to _ the left, with the legend, GEORGIVS, II. D. G. _ REX. The Reverse is plain. _ FirtrgentH: The unique Fuero, or FRANK- _ un Cent, or 1787, showing, on the Obdverse, a Dial with meridian Sun above; to the right, _ 1787; to the left, FUGIO; in the exergue, MIND YOUR BUSINESS. On its Reverse is a Sun, _ with depressed center, inscribed WE ARE ONE; ona label within the rays, but outside of the _ center, AMERICAN CONGRESS; around the Sun, an endless chain of Thirteen links, each in- - scribed with the name of an original State. _ SrxtreentiH: The very rare Fueio, or FRANK- win Cent, oF 1787, bearing on its Odverse the Sun and Dial, as in the last-named, but entirely - without inscriptions; and on its Reverse, the HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 115 the last-named, but without the central inscription of WE ARE ONE. The Fugios, or Franklin Cents, so named be- cause they generally bear One of Franklin’s sen- tentious sayings, are very frequently seen; but the types are entirely unlike the Two pieces just. described, the first of which is believed to be unique, and of the second, two specimens only are known. | SEVENTEENTH: The unique U.S. A. or Bar Har Cent, which displays on its Obdverse only the letters U. S. A.; and on its Reverse, Thirteen parallel bars, occupying the entire surface of the | coin. The Bar Cent, which has no known history, is of very great rarity, but is occasionally met with | in collections of early American coins; but the Half Cent differs from it in being only one-half the size and weight, and in the arrangement of the letters on the Obverse, which, in the Cent, not only extend over each other, but together cover a large portion of the field of the coi, while, in the Half Cent, the letters are of more moderate size, stand entirely separate, and oc- cupy only a small space in the center of the field. EIGHTEENTH: The very rare MASSACHUSETTS Cent oF 1787, on the QObverse of which.is an Eagle, bearing a Shield, and holding in his right talon a bundle of arrows, and in his left an Olive-branch, with the inscription MASSACHU- SEITS 1787; and on the Reverse, an Indian, standing with a Bow in his Right hand and an Arrow in his Left,and the legend COMMON * WEALTH. The Massachusetts Cents arenot uncommon; but the peculiarity of this specimen consists in the reversed position of the Arrow and the Olive Branch—and of this type only one other specimen is known. NINETEENTH: The very rare NEw JERSEY Cent oF 1786, on the Obverse of which is a Horse’s head with a band under it, under both of which is a Plow, with the date, 1786, under the beam, and the legend, NOVA CAZSAREA; and on the Reverse, a Shield, with the legend, E PLURIBUS UNUM. The New Jersey Cents usually bear the date in the Exergue; and only Oue other copy of this variety is known. TWENTIETH: The unique Liser Nartvs, bear- ing on the Odverse a Bust, facing to the Right, with the legend, GEORGIUS III. REX; and on the Reverse, an Indian, standing, with a Toma- hawk in his Right hand and a Bow in his Left, with the legend, LIBER NATUS LIBERITA- TEM DEFENDO. Among the rarest of our early Coins are Two varieties of the Liber Natus, One of which bears same Sun, and Chain, and Names of States as | the arms and motto of the State of New York, the
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116 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. (August, | other a design which is somewhat different. The Obverse of this, it will be observed, is entirely distinct from either. ‘Twenty-First: The unique Parrern Dot- LAR OF 1783, showing, on its Obver'se, the inscrip- tion, U. S. 1000., surrounded with a wreath, with the legend, LIBERTAS JUSTITIA 1783; and, on its Reverse, 1 Sun between whose several rays are Stars, Thirteen in all, the whole surrounded by the legend, NOVA CONSTELLATIO. TWENTY-SECOND: The unique Parrern Hair Douiiar oF 17838, bearing a design which is ex- actly similar to that of the Dollar, last described, with the exception, in this case, of a Mint-mark of Three leaves, a difference in the arrangement of the external legend, and the inscription within the wreath, which is U. 8. 500. These Two pieces, which are the earliest known Patterns and Designs for the Federal coinage, are probably the pieces referred to in the Journal of Robert Morris, under date of the second and twenty--econd of April, 1783, published in ‘ne HistroricaL Maeazine, for January, 1867. (New Series, i., 32.) TWENTY-THIRD: The unique Parrprn Cent oF 1792, having on the Obverse, a head of Liberty, facing the Right, with flowing hair, with the date 1792, just below the Bust, the whole sur- rounded with the legend, LIBERTY PARENT _OF SCIENCE & INDUSTRY: on the Reverse, the inscription ONE CENT, encircled by a wreath, the whole surrounded by thelegend, THIRTEEN STATES OF AMERICA 1-100; and on the Edge, the legend, TO BE ESTEEMED, BE USE- FUL. This is of Copper ; bearing a beautiful design; and nearly twice as heavy and twice as large as the ordinary Copper Cent. . TWENTY-FouR: The very rare PattERN CENT oF 1803,on the Odverse of which is a singularly miserable Eagle, the word LIBERTY, and, sur- rounding the Eagle, Thirteen dots with. the date at the bottom; and, on the Reverse, within a wreath, the words ONE CENT, and, surrounding the whole, the legend UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 1-100. We have no information concerning the origin of this piece; but itis probably unique. _ TWENTY-FIVE: The extremely rare WasuINe- TON CENT, On which the Odverse presents a Bust, fucing the Left, with the inseription, GEO WASHINGTON BORN VIRGINIA FEB 11 1732; and the Reverse, a large Eagle, with the Shield, Olive-branch, and Arrows, and, on ‘Two labels depending from its beak, the legend, EK PLURIBUS UNUM; and with One star near the head of the Eagle and Twelve others arranged in au curve, above. The Washington Cent bearing the naked bust has been sold at auction at prices varying from Four hundréd to Four hundred and eighty dol- | lars; and, because of its extreme rarity, has been considered the most desirable of all the Washing- — ton pieces: hereafter this Cent, which is co-eval — with that, and in all probability unique, must — tuke precedence. | 4 Twenty-six: The unique WasHineTon Con- — FEDERATIO OF 1785. This very rare piece dis- — pays on its Obdverse, a Bust, facing the Right, — with the hair tied in a queu, and the legend GEN. WASHINGTON surrounding them; and, on its” Reverse, « Sun, with Thirteen Stars, with the le-_ gend CONFEDERATIO 1785, surrounding them, — The Confederatios, of which there are several . varieties, are all of extreme rarity. ‘This speci- men, combining in One piece Two most important classes of American Coins, will be undoubtedly considered the most important of the series. This celebrated collection contains numerous specimens, each of which is nearly if not quite — as rare as the greater number of those to which we have. referred; but our limits have been reached and we must forbear, until our next, any attempt to describe them. We shall endeavor, however, before the collection shall be separated, to secure a complete description of it; and our readers Shull, in case of our success, have the benefit of it. Morrisani, N. Y., July, 1867. H. B. oh XITI.—FLOTSAM. [These seraps have been picked up in various places, and brought to this place, “as they are,” without any voucher for their correctness and with no other object than to secure for. them the attention of our readers. ; We invite discussion concerning each of them; and if any of them are incorrect or doubtful, we invite corrections.—Epb. Hist. Maa. ] A Reminiscence oF ABRAHAM LincoLN— His LECTURE AT THE CooPER INSTITUTE IN 1860. — OLp OrcHARD (Saco), Me., August 13, 1867. To the Editors of the New York Evening Post:. In October, 1859, Messrs. Joseph H. Richards, J. M. Pettingill, and 8. W. Tubbs, called on me at the office of the Ohio State Agency, 25 William street, and requested me to write to the Hon. ~ Thomas Corwin of Ohio, and the Hon. Abraham — Lincoln of Illinois, and invite them to lecture, in a course of lectures these young gentlemen pro- osed for the winter, in Plymouth Church, Brook- yn. I wrote the letters as requested, and offered. wus compensation for each lecture, as I was author- ized, the sum of Two hundred dollars. The proposition to lecture was accepted by Messrs. Corwin and Lincoln. Mr. Corwin delivered his lecture in Plymouth Church as he was on his way to Washington to attend Congress. Mr. Lincoln could not lecture until late in the season,
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1867.) a and a proposition was agreed to by the gentlemen - named, and accepted by Mr. Lincoln, as the fol- lowing letter will show: | Ss “ DANVILLE, Iu., Nov. 13, 1859. Jamas A. Briags, Esq., } ) “Dear Sir: Yours of the Ist closing with m a Ber opoattion for compromise, was duly received. “JT will be on hand; and in due time will notify - “you of the exact day. I believe, after all, I *shall make apolitical speech of it... You have ~ no objection ? J would like to know, in advance, whether’ I ~ “am also to speak or lecture in New York. “ Very, very glad eon piogion went right. ours, truly ; "A. LINcoun. } _ «Pp. §. Iam here at court, but my address is still at Springfield, Il.” Jn due time Mr. Lincoln wrote me that he _ would deliver the lecture, a political one, on the evening of the twenty-seventh of February, 1860. _ This was rather late in the season for a lecture, and the young gentlemen who were” responsible were doubtful about its success, as the expenses were large. It was stipulated that the lecture was to be in Plymouth Church, Brooklyn; I re- quested and urged that the lecture should be delivered at the Cooper Institute. They were fearful it would not pay expenses—Three hundred and fifty dollars ;— thought it would. In order to relieve Messrs. Richards, Pettingill, and Tubbs, of all responsibility, I called upon some of the officers of the “ Young Men’s Repub- “lican Union,” and proposed that they should take Mr. Lincoln, and that the lecture should be delivered under their uuspices. They respectfully declined. I next called upon Mr. Simeon Draper, then President of “The Draper Republican Union Club “of New York,” and proposed to him that his _ “Union” take Mr. Lincoln and the lecture, and assume the responsibility of the expenses. Mr. Draper and his friends declined, and Mr. Lincoln was left in the hands of “ the original Jacobs.” After considerable discussion, it was agreed on the part of the young gentlemen, that the lecture should be delivered in the Cooper Institute, if I would agree to share the expenses, if the sule of tickets (‘'wenty-five cents each) for the lecture did - not meet the outlay. To this I assented—and the lecture was advertised to be delivered in the _ Cooper Institute, on the evening of the twenty - seventh of February. _ Mr. Lincoln read the notice of the lecture in the papers, and, without any knowledge of the arrangement, was somewhat surprised to. learn that he was first to make his appearance before _- a New York instead of a “Plymouth Church” - audience. A notice of the proposed lecture ap- HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 117 peared in the New York papers, and the Times spoke of him “as a lawyer who had some local “ yeputation in I]linois.” At my personal solicitation, Mr. William Cul- len Bryant presided as Chairman of the meeting, and introduced Mr. Lincoln for the first time to a New York audience. ‘he lecture was a wonderful success. It has become a part of the history of the country. Its remarkable ability was everywhere acknowl- edged ; and after the twenty-seventh of February, the name of Mr. Lincoln was a familiar one to the people of the Kast. After Mr. Lincoln closed his lecture, Mr. David Dudley Field. Mr. James W. Nye, Mr. Horace Greeley, und myself, were called out by the audience, and made short speeches. I remember saying then: “One of “Three gentlemen will be our Standard Bezrer “in the Presidential contest of this year; the “distinguished Senator of New York, Mr. Sew- “ard; the late able and accomplished Governor “<of Ohio, Mr. Chase; or the ‘unknown knight’ “who entered the political lists against the Bois “ Gilbert of Democracy, Stephen A. Douglas, on “the prairies of Illinois in 1858, and unhorsed “him—Abraham Lincoln.” Some friends joked me after the meeting as not being a “ good prophet.” The lecture was over; all the expenses were paid; I was handed by the gentlemen interested the sum of Four dollars and twenty-five cents as my share of the profits, as they would have called on me if there had been a deficiency in the receipts to meet expenses. Immediately after the lecture Mr. Lincoln went to Exeter, N. H., to visit his son Robert, then at school there, and I sent him a check for Two hundred dollars. Mr. Tubbs informed me a few weeks ago, that after the check was pu.id at the Park Bank he tore it up, but that he would give ‘'wo hundred dollars for the check if it could be restored—with the indorsement on it of “ A. Lin- “coln”—as it was made payable to the order of Mr. Lincoln. After the return of Mr. Lincoln to New York from the East, where he had made several speeches, he said to me: “I have seen what all “the New York papers suid about that thing of “mine in the Cooper Institute, with the exception “of the New York Hvening Post, and I would “like to know what Mr. Bryant thought of it;? und he then added: “It is worth a visit from “ Springfield, Illinois, to New York, to make the “acquaintance of such a man as William Cullen “Bryant.” At Mr. Lincoln’s request I sent him a copy of the Hvening Post, with « notice of his lecture. On returning from. Mr. Beecker’s church on a Sunday, in company with Mr. Lincoln, as we were passing the Post-office, I remarked to him: “Mr. Lincoln, I wish you would take particular ,
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118 “notice of what a dark and dismal place we have “here for a Post-office, and I do it for this reason: “T think your chance for being the next President “is equal to that of any man in the country. “ When you are President will you recommend “an appropriation of a million of dollars for a “suitable location for a Post-office in this city?” With a significant gesture, Mr. Lincoln remarked, “T will make a note of that.” On going up Broadway with him in the even- ing, from the Astor House, to hear the Rey. Dr. Chapin, Mr. Lincoln said to me, “When I was “ Kast, several gentlemen made about the same “remark to me that you did to-day about the “Presidency; they thought my chances were “ about equal to the best.” JAMES A. Briees. ANOTHER REVOLUTIONARY SoLDIER.—In your paper of the tenth instant, I notice an account of the only remaining soldier of the Revolu- tion, John Gray, of Hiramsburg, Ohio. I beg leave to correct the statement by furnishing you a short history of another. There is now iving near Spencerville, Allen county, Ohio, William Taylor, who was born in the year 1757, and is, consequently, One hundred and ten years of age. I called upon the venerable soldier, and learned the following facts from his own lips. He was quite feeble at the time, and gave but a brief account of his life: He was born, as is above stated, in 1757, in Somerset county, Mary- land, Two miles from the city of Salisbury. His father died when he was Five years old, at which age he was bound to Captain William Traverse, of the tradeship Hugene, with whom he sailed until the breaking out of the Revolution. He then entered the Navy and served during the War. At the close of the war he continued to follow the sea until 1797, making in all Thirty-five years at sea. Immediately on leaving the sea he mar- ired Miss Ellen Martin, and settled upon a plan- tation in his native State, where he was engaged in the occupation of farming until the year 1810, at which time he emigrated to the State of Ken- tucky, and settled upon Cabin creek, where he lived until 1812. In that year he emigrated to the State of Ohio, where he joined the Twenty- sixth regiment of Ohio Light Infantry, in which regiment he served Eighteen months; was at Fort Malden, and afterwards at Niagara Garrison, where he was captured. On being exchanged he returned to his farm in Adams county, Ohio, where he lived until the year 1844. He then moved to Auglaize county, where he lived until 1865. Since that time he has lived with his daughter in Allen county. He has buried Three wives, having been married twice after he was Seventy-five. Age has dealt lightly with him, HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [ August, and he enjoys very good health, and thinks he may yet need the fourth. His voice is as strong as when in early manhood he sang to his love by the ocean shore. He converses very well, and loves to relate the incidents of his early life, which he remembers distinctly. G. W. HamMonp. — tal of the Cincinnati Gazette, July, 67. ~ XIV.—NOTES. Fort Harirrax, Matne.—As a_ protection against the Indians, who were often stirred up to hostilities on the frontiers of Maine by the French, even in times of peace, a wooden Fort was erected in 1754. It was situated near the place where ~ the waters of the Sebasticook issue into the Ken- | nebec. The strength and importance of this work were deemed enough to warrant some demonstra- tion of joy at its completion, and a Latin inscrip- tion, which is here given. The Maine Historical Society has proposed measures for the preserva- tion of the old, failing, and only remaining part — of the defences, in the form of a Block-House. : [INSORIPTION. ] Quod felix faustum queesiit Provincia MASssACHUSETTENSI, Hune lapidem. posuit GULIELMUS SHIRLEY, GUBERNATOR; Sub auspiciis Nobilissimi Georam Montacur Duox, Comitis de Harirax ; _ Provinciarum, Quotquot sunt ditionis Brittanice, Per AMERICAM utramque, Preefecti atq: Patroni illustrissimi : Die 3 Septembris, A.D. 1754. BRUNSWICK. B. GrorceE Waymoutn.—A long-mooted ques- tion as to the river explored by this navigator in 1605, on the coast of Maine, has involved the vis- ibility of the White Mountains of New Hamp- — shire from the island of Monhegan and its neigh- — boring waters. This fact has been denied by some of the writers, who have thought the Penob- scot or the Georges was the river, and has been — asserted by the favorers of the Kennebec. To support the denial the aid of mathematics has been invoked to show that the rotundity of the earth must prevent the sight; while to support the
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 119 assertion the testimony of seamen and travelers has been called in, who declare that they have seen the summits at a distance even greater than ~ Monhegan. An intelligent gentleman of our State, interested in Evterical pursuits, has recently visited the island, and was gratified with an ocular demon- |, _ stration of the fact asserted, though not at all claiming it in aid of the Kennebec theory. Ina letter he says: “You need not trouble yourself about the “ White Mountains further. There is no ques- “tion about their visibility from this island. I “saw Mt. Washington distinctly last evening “from the light-house. Capt. D. and the light- “house keeper and several others saw it. It was “distinctly visible from sunset until dark. From “the light-house I saw that and two other peaks. “The keeper has seen them often.” In addition to this testimony it may be stated that the present writer, while recently on the island, was assured by at least a dozen persons that these mountains were so often visible as to occasion no special remark; and could be seen, not only from the elevation at the light-house, but on the shore, and by the fishermen while en- gaged in their work on the waters near by. This. witness agrees with Christopher Levett, in 1623-4, and scores of others since his day. It does not, indeed, determine the river ascended by _ Waymouth; but it removes one of the difficulties _- in interpreting the obscure account of his voyage as to the Kennebec. B. Brunswick, Mn. XV.—QUERIES. Hersstan Music-Boox or 1776.—The Hessian band of music, of Nine pieces, captured at Tren. ton, on the twenty-sixth of December, 1776, was __ present in Philadelphia at the celebration of the ensuing Fourth of July. The prisoners taken on that occasion were transported across the Delaware, under guard of Colonel Patterson’s Fifteenth Massachusetts Regi- ment. : From one of the band, the Fife-major of the Regiment obtained a MS, music-book, now in my possession ; the pieces in the book are all English, and among them we have the Hessian Camp, *Grenadier’s March, Boston March, and Boston Delight. The water-mark is peculiar, consisting of a lion crowned, standing erect, facing to the left, with a long staff bearing what appears to be a bauble over its left shoulder, and the animal is placed upon a low square pedestal, inscribed “Vry hyt.” AMERICAN Fiags.—A reader of Tur HtstTort- cAL MAGAZINE would like to know where he can find a description of the early flags used in the United States, and as to when and on what waters they were first displayed ? Ree JAMESTOWN, VirGINIA.—The first permanent white settlement in the United States took place in 1607. It was on‘ an island or peninsula in Powhattan or James River, Virginia. Although the whole went to ruin, on account of the unhealth- iness of the place, there was one solitary inhabi- tant who still clung to the spot and was alive in 1831. or It would be interesting to know all about this man; and so as to include when and under what circumstances he died. SWAMP. Woopsriper.—What were the names and al- liances of the 12 children of John and Mercy (Dudley) of Andover ? What is known of “ Capt. Thomas *W.” son of the above? Who was “ Mary W. wid. of Thomas “m. to Jos Coker.” What descendants exist of Joseph ?W. and Martha (Rogers) his wife ? Who was the “ Mr. W. m., to Deborah Totten “in 1686 ? Who and how many were the wives of Rev. Timothy of Hartford, with their respective: chil- dren ? Answers too long for publication—please en- close to LZ. W., 128 #. 18th Street, New York. K. H. D. CoLONEL GLASIER.—There was a Colonel Glasier, who served under Sir William Johnson, and was stationed at Saratoga in 1756. Can any reader of THe HistorrcaL MAGAZINE furnish any information in regard to hig? W oRCESTER.
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120 XVI.—REPLIES. PorpHam’s Memory, (H. M, New Series, ii., 42.)—A correspondent with a fanciful signa- ture, perseveres in chasing the small game of a verbal criticism on the use of the word “ conse- _ “crate,” as connected with the memory of C. J. Popham. It is enough to reply trom Webster’s Dictionary, which gives as a propor meaning of the word, “ to render venerable, to dignify ;:”’ and cites Burke as authority. This is enough to sus- tain its use by the Hon. Mr. Bourne. Ile says that Popham had “so vile a memory,” i. e. reputation. Not so thought his contempo- rary, John Smith, writing after his death, who pointed to him as “that honorable patron of vir- “tue.” Notso wrote Strachey of the same age, whose record is “ the upright and noble gentle- “man ;” nor Hubbard, a little later, who presents him as the “honorable patron of justice and vir- “tue? Is this the character to leave a “ vile ‘memory ?” He says that Popham’s Epitaph “is a notable “instance ” of the “ proverbially false ” charac- ter of this kind of composition. JI have never seen it, und therefore cannot judge. Has he? He asks for the “ original” of the word “ con- ‘“seerate.” This he will find in Webster, and its several uses. The Kennebec was not the “ initial enterprise.” Oh, no! Virginia was a little earlier, under the same Charter of 1606. But I was writing about New England. Gosnold’s expedition had no Charter ; did not occupy its small house for a day, probably not for a moment, after its comple- tion ; and abandoned the coast in less than Three weeks after its arrival at the selected place. The “initial enterprise ”’ of a Chartered Colony in New England, was at the mouth of the Kennebec, un- der George Popham; who died in the service there. : The historian of Ancient Pemaquid gives him the good character of being counted by New En- gland, as “among the earliest if not the very first “of her ‘illustrious dead,’ ” . ‘Then he says that “ Virginia was the other “nenul Colony.” When ? Wot till 1619, long af- ter both the Pophams were dead. And-when was the Kennebec Colony a penal one? NEVER. He says, too, “the great principles connected “with it were only tosolve the question, whether “or not mynes were there ;”’ and if ‘they could “be profitably worked by the enforced labor of “criminals.” Not so thought Hubbard and Wil- liamson. They say nothing about “ criminals” here: not did any one else, in the whole historic world, till less than Five years ago. The care- ful historian of, Maine says: “This plantation “was undertakig@m by its patrons with a determin- “ation worth great and enterprising minds, HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. ‘shadow of probability. [August, “resolved on the accomplishment of their pur- “poses; and sure of the greatest advantages to “be derived from its establishment and _ prosper- “ity.” He refers to Hubbard as a support to his positions. It is not difficult to see why some minds, whose writings are dated “ Boston,” should be ready to spring to verbal criticisms on the perform.» ances at the Kennebec; to indulge in personal re- flections on the writers in behalf of the Popham Colony, as in the present article; and make as- sertions about the Colony itself, which no con- temporaneous authority sanctions, with even the In the mean time the “ Popham Celebration ” is gaining favor year by year. The true history of the Colony and its in- fluence in the illustration of the principles set forth in the Charter of 1606, as afterward spread over all New England, are annually be- coming more and more widely studied and wil- lingly allowed. CUMBERLAND. Brunswick, Mn. . | Doctor Rusu.—At page Forty-two of your July number isa query as to “what authority “exists for the charge frequently made, that “ Doctor Rush was the Author of the anonymous “letter aguinst General Washington which was “sent to Patrick Henry.” I presume by “authority ” the querist means “ evidence,” and this is abundant. 1. General Washington says that the letter is q in Rush’s well-known hand writing. 2. The anonymous letter itself shows it to be Rush’s. It is extant and in the possession of Mr. Ferdinand J. Dreer, of Philadelphia. 3 The family of Doctor Rush admit the letter to be his, but claim, or at least Bancroft does, that Washington forgave him for writing it. 4, In the year 1804, when Chief Justice Mar- shall’s biography was in the press, Doctor Rush and his family conceded the letter to be his, and supplicated Judge Marshall to suppress Washing- ton’s indignant comment ‘on it. They so far succeeded that, with asterisks to indicate the omis- sion, the passage was omitted. The correspond- ence on this subject is also in Mr. Dreer’s posses- sion. ‘The writer of this communication has a copy of it. 5. It was Doctor Rush’s persistent habit to write anonymous letters and anonymous libels. PHILADELPHIA, Pa. / Tar Runic Hoax.— New York, Sept. 5, 1867. Mr. Dawson, Dear Sir: In answer to your note of inquiry, I would state that the Runic Inscription said to have been found on the Arrow Rock below Po- tomac Falls, is now known to be a shallow hoax,
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tzar@- : L501. } dy no means comparable to the Great Moon Hoax, which exhibited some genius und wit. This Runic Hoax is a piece of pleasantry said ‘to have been perpetrated by the son of a Pennsyl- “yania Senator—who thus ventilates his Scandina- -vian lore. ) It first appeared in the Washington Hvening Union, » little penny paper, which has made great cupital out of the sensation, and published so much about the “Great Discovery ” and the “mythical “ Professor Raffinsen,” that the news- “boys dubbed it the Hvening Runic. I trust the Potomac rock may not prove to all concerned, - Lapis offensionis, et petra scandali. _ The fabricator of this Pickwickiun inscription ‘is by no means a pioneer in this species of fraud. “Such deceivers have appeared at different times, always udapting their efforts to the prevailing opinion of the day, on the origin of our aborigines. discovery of America, with its numerous in- habitants, set the savans of the old world to work, to account for the peopling of this great Continent. _ The theory of a Hebrew origin found the earliest and most numerous supporters, and was “followed by the Scandinavian hypothesis. _ The first inscription said to have been found in this country was about the year 1740, after the New England missionaries imagined that they had discovered traces of some Jewish rites amongst the Indians, und when the theory of the Lost Tribes had found many supporters. It con- sisted of « Hebrew inscription executed upon “some rocks in Connecticut. The next was the pretended discovery of a Jewish shekel amongst some human remains at La Porte, Indiana. Then came the April hoax, the Louisiana Hebrew in- scription, which deceived some of our astute an- tiquaries. This was soon followed by the wonder- ‘ful Wyrick stones, so skillfully covered with Hebrew inscriptions, and said to have been found ‘in the mounds near Newark, Ohio. Attempts _ were made to dispose of these stones to some of our Societies as genuine relics, Articles exposing their pretensions appeared in both the New York , Times and Harper’s Weekly, yet it is said they found a purchaser at the West. _ Since the discovery und translation of the Ice- landic sagas, persons may be found who can see ‘inthe scratches on, the Dighton, Tiverton, and Portsmouth rocks, evidence of an early Scandi- “favian visit to this continent. Hence the historic “interest diverted in that direction may have sug- gested the Potomac hoax. EK. H. D “ : PorTLaNnD, Mu., Sept. 4, 1867. Mr. Dawson: Your correspondent, “ Patio,” (page 41, July Number, Hist. Mag.), asks for the answer to | e in Disguise “published by Riley, N. Y., 1806.” ‘ “4 q HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 121 I have that Answer now before me, in a bound volume of pamphlets, published and collected by Riley, of N. Y. I annex the title page in full: « An||Answer||tol| War in Disguise ;|lor|| Remarks|| “upon||The New Doctrine of England,||conceru- “ing||INEUTRAL TRADE. “ Tllud natura non patiatur, ut aliorum spoliis “nostras facultates, || coplas, opes, augeamus ; et “unum debeat esse omnibus propositum, ut “eadem sit utilitas unius cujusque et universarem, “ quam si ad se quisque ||rapiat, dissolvitur omnis - “ humana consortio.” Cicero de Oratore, 3. “‘ New York: || Printed by Hopkins & Seymour,]| “For I. Riley & C°. New York, And Edmund “ Morford,||Charleston.|| February, 1806.” On the next page is the Copy-right and Certifi- cate to Isauc Riley. On the page opposite to this is the “ Prerack,”|| in Ten lines italics, in which he says: “In the hope that these sheets may be “impartially considered, the writer will not «fix “his name. He will however, to obviate un- “ founded objection, so far gratify the curious as “to say, that he is not a Practitioner of the Law; “he is not a Merchant; he has no interest in “Trade; he holds no office ; and has no connec- “tion with those who administer the Govern- “ment.” These Two leaves are not paged. The fourth page is headed “ An Answer||To]| “War In Disguise &¢”’ ||. It commences thus: “The Pamphlet, entitled “ War in Disguise, on which we are about to “make some remarks, is the production of no “mean ability. We have been told, that it was “written by direction of the English Cubinet. “This however, we do not believe.” ! The pamphlet is an octavo of Seventy-six pages. After “ Finis,” is this note: “The first edition “of War in Disguise in 8v°, & the 2"¢ edition in “ 12m°, for sale, wholesale and retail, by I. Riley “& Co N° 1, City Hotel, Broudway.” I have, also, bound in the same volume, an- other pamphlet, entitled “ War without Disguise ;]| “ or,||The Fraudsjlof||Neutral Commercel| A jus- “ tification of Neutral Captures ;|| With observa- “ tions|lon thel|Answer to War in Disguise,|| \ndl| “ Mr. Madison’s Examination.|| —o— Showing “That The True Interests of America Require “The Rigid Application of thel|British Rule of 6 156.” “ Printed in Americal|1807.”’ Title, blank page, and Preface, Four pages; pamphlet, Eighty-seven pages. In the closing part of the Preface, the Author says: “ With the “positions of War in Disguise, the Answer to it, “and Mr. Madison’s pamphlet, it is presumed “every one is acquainted. Should those of the ‘little tract nuw published be assailed, they may, ‘if deemed in danger, be defended.” Your obedient servant, ‘ Wo. WILLIs.
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122 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [August, — XVII.—BOOKS. 1.—REcENT PUBLICATIONS. 1.—Journal kept by Hugh Finlay, Surveyor of the Post Roads on the Continent of North America, during his Sur- wey of the Post Offices between Falmouth and Casco Bay in the Province of Massachusetts, and Savannah in Georgia; begun the 18th September, 1773. and ended 26th June, 1774. Brooklyn; Frank H. Norton, 1867. Quarto, pp. xxviii, 94. The title-page describes very correctly the contents of this volume: it is simply a Journal of an official tour of inspection along the Post- routes of America, during the Colonial period, with memoranda of the Postmasters’ mode of doing their business, of their settlements of ac- counts, and of their suggestions offered for the good of the service. There is a very interesting sketch of the route from the Kennebec, through the Wilderness, to the River Chaudiere—probably that over which Arnold traveled, a couple of years later; and, sometimes, there are glimpses of the character of the roads and ferries, along the different Post- routes. The Journal is prefaced with an elaborate In- troduction, in which are several interesting docu- ments concerning the Mail-service of that period ; but the Editor has done little beyond the mere collection of the papers and the re-production of the letter of the manuscript Journal of the Tour. There is very little in the volume which is of any real value to the historical student ; yet it is an interesting work to every one who delights in the narrative of a tour through the Colonies, a short time prior to the War of the Revolution ; and we can safely commend it to such a class of readers. | It is not, by any means, a handsome book, although what is known as “ privately printed ;” and we understand the edition numbers a hundred and fifty copies. 2.—Notes concerning Peter Pelham, the earliest resident artist in New England, and his successors prior to the Revo- lution. Reprinted, with additions, from the Proceedings of the Mass etts Historical Society for 1866-67. By William H. i aheaaaiag Cambridge: John Wilson & Son, 1867. Octavo, pp. ° Mr. Whitmore is known to students as a most careful and conscientious writer of History and Genealogy ; and we open whatever bears his name without doubt, either concerning the thorough- ness of his research, the accuracy of his state- ments, or the elegance of his style. : In the tract before us, he has unearthed an old painter and engraver who lived and labored in Boston before Smibert appeared there, who mar- ried for his second wife the widow Copley, be- came the step-father and tutor of John Singleton Copley, and died in December, 1751 ; and he has followed with passing notices of John Smibert, Henry Pelham, Copley, Nathaniel Smibert, Green- wood, Jennys, Blackburn,.Hurd, Mrs. Morehead, Johnson, Turner, Lynde, Johnston, Dewing, Okey, and Revere, all of them resident artists in New England, in the ante-Revolutionary era. The tract is crowded with the evidence of its — own correctness; and fully sustains the well- earned reputation of its Author, as an earnest and diligent student and a faithful and graceful author. It seems to have been privately-printed ; but we have no information concerning the number of copies printed. . 3.—Letter of Horace Greeley to Messrs. George W. Blunt, John A, Kennedy, John O. Stone, Stephen Hyatt, and 30 others, Members of the Union League Club, Privately Printed, 1867. Octavo, pp. ii., (unpaged) 13. In a recent number, we referred to a very. elegant re-print of Mr. Marble’s celebrated Let- — ter to President Lincoln: the volume before us’ is a companion volume containing Mr. Greeley’s Letter to his brethren of the Union League Club, with which all our readers are perfectly ac- quainted. It is a most sumptuous production, from the Bradstreet Press; and we have rarely seen a more beautiful specimen of printing. It was — rinted only for presents; and the edition num- — herd Ninety-nine copies. 4.— The Publications of the Prince Society, established May — 25,1858. John Dunton’s Letters from New England. Bos- ton: Printed for the Society, 1867. Small quarto, pp. xxiv., 840. Price $6.00. John Dunton, a son of a minister, a native of — Huntingdon-shire, and by profession a bookseller, seems to have gratified a passion for roving by visiting New England in 1685. He reached Boston in February, 1686, and London, on his — return, in the beginning of the following August. — He visited Holland soon after;. and on his. return to London he resumed his business as a bookseller; established Z7’he Athenian Mercury— probably the great original of the Motes and Queries, as well as of Tur Hisrortcan Maaa- ZINE—in which he was assisted, among others, by his uncle, the father of the Revs. John and Charles Wesley ; and was soon at the head of an extensive business. After a series of ups and downs, he died in obscurity, in 1733, aged Seven- ty-four years. The object of this visit to New England was to collect debts amounting to £500, which the book-reading public in Massachusetts was owing to him and had not been very ready to pay; and he had “a great number of Books very — “ proper for that place,” including Continuation — of the Morning Haercises, for which he wanted a market—it is not impossible, also, he was a vol- untary exile, because of his sympathy with the discomfited Monmouth, a refugee from England for his own immediate safety, although even —
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1867.] HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 123 _ then under bonds to appear and answer in the case before his Majesty’s Justice. The volume before us is composed of letters descriptive of this trip to New England. The _ first relates to his trip as far as the Isle of Wight; _ the second relates to the remainder of his voyage ; the third to the seventh inclusive relate to the Town of Boston and its inhabitants, and to the 3 surrounding country, and the eighth to his re- turn voyage and concluding remarks. These letters are crowded with descriptions of the manners, customs, etc., of the Indians, adapted from Roger Williams’s Key, and often in his words ; and they are exceedingly interesting to i the local antiquary because of their minute de- scriptions of the leading inhabitants of Boston, _ of the surrounding villages, and of the manners, customs, and character of the Colonists. There is little doubt in our own mind that the whole affair was a bookseller’s job; but we have no_ doubt, also, that it is based on actual observation or, at least so far as the matter re- lating to the Indians was concerned, on such 4 reputable authorities as Jocelyn and Roger Wil- jiams. There is no doubt, in our own mind, of the general correctness of the Author; and we are sustained in this opinion by Mr. Whitmore, the. learned Editor of the work, who describes his letters as “ unique sketches of New-England “Jife, honestly drawn, and defective rather than “erroneous,” (p. xxiv.), and says “ Dunton visited _ “Boston, was received by the clergy and reputa- “ble citizens with friendship, and wrote a trust- Ba worthy account of what he saw;”? and that _ “his sketches of New England certainly contain “internal evidence of being the work of a resi- “dent here, and on the whole his testimony is “favorable to the inhabitants.” (p. 308.) It is important, therefore, to know what so re- putable an Author, thus endorsed by one of Bos- ton’s most enthusiastic admirers and most sensi- tive burghers, had to say concerning the Massa- _chusetts men, the Boston men, of the olden time ; 1 and we turned over his pages with fear and trembling lest at the mouth of so honest and trustworthy a witness we should be convicted of “partiality ” and “falsity,” in what we had said on that great question. Our readers will find, on pages 69 and 70, these words: “There is no “Trading for a stranger with them, which is, “not to part with your Ware without ready “money; for they are generally very backward _ “in their payments, great Censors of other Men’s “Manners, but extreamly careless of their own, “vet they have a ready correction for every vice. “ As to their Religion, I cannot perfectly distin- “suish it; but is such that nothing keeps ’em “friends but only the fear of exposing one an- “other’s knavery. As for the Rabble, their Re- _ «Jigion lies in cheating all they deal with. When “you are dealing with ’em, you must look upon ‘em as at cross purposes, and read ’em like “Hebrew, backward; for they seldom speak and “mean the same thing, but like Water-men, Look “one Way and Row another. The Quakers here “have been a suffering Generation; and there’s “hardly any of the Yea-and-Nay Persuasion but “will give you a severe Account of it; for the “ Bostonians, tho’ their Forefathers fled thither “to enjoy Liberty of Conscience, are very un- “willing any should enjoy it but themselves: “But they are now grown more moderate.” Again, on page 71: “Their Laws for Reforma- “tion of Manners, are very severe, yet but little “regarded by the People, so at least as to make “?em better, or cause ’em to mend their manners.” Again, on pages 73,74: “In short, these Bos- “tonians enrich themselves by the ruine of “strangers; and like ravenous Birds of Prey, “strive who shall fasten his Tallons first upon “’em. For my own share I have already trusted “out £400, and know not where to get in 2d. of “it. But all these things pass under the Notion “of Self-Preservation and Christian-Policy.” We have room for no more of Mr. Dunton’s description of old New England, nor have we any disposition to revive the record of its peculiar traits of character in the days of the Fathers. We have not felt at liberty, however, when, as in this case, a New England association has placed a Witness on the stand and endorsed him as hon- est and trustworthy, to allow him to leave it without a cross-examination on some subjects in which we have an interest; and we are quite as satisfied with the result as“ P.” and The Hvening Transcript can be. “The Truth is mighty and “ will prevail.” The Prince Society is doing good service in the cause of genuine History, in thus producing standard editions of authoritative works; and Mr. Whitmore has conducted this volume through the Press with bis usual zeal and ability. It is handsomely printed, and the edition num- bered Two hundred and ten copies, Twenty of which were on large paper. 5.—Microcosmography ; or,a Piece of the World Discov- ered, in Essays and Characters. By John Earle, D.D., Bishop of Salisbury; to which are added, Notes and an Appendix. By Philip Bliss. First American Edition, edited by L. L. Williams. Albany: Joel Munsell, 1867. 16mo, pp. xvi, 277. Price $2.50. This curious work was first printed in 1628, - and had Six Editions during that century, under the pseudonym of Epwarp Biount. Since then, several Editions have appeared; the last one in 1811, with Notes and Appendices, among which is a Bibliographical list of Books of this char- acter. The present Edition is printed from a copy belonging to the library of the late John Taylor, and its variations from the First Edition are noted. ;
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124 HISTORICAL It describes Seventy-eight characters. “ The “language,” says the Preface to the Edition of 1732, “is generally easy, and proves our English “tongue not to be so very changeuble as is com- “monly supposed. * * * Here and there we “meet with a broad expression, und some char- “acters are far below others; nor is it to he “expected that so'great a variety of portraits “should all be drawn with equal excellence; “though there are scarce any without some mas- “‘terly touches. The change of fashions cusis a “shade upon a few places, yet even those contain “an exact picture of the age wherein they were “ written, a8 the rest does of mankind in general ; “for reflections founded upon nature will be just “in the main, as long as men are men, though “the particular instances of vice and folly may “ be diversified.” , The character of the Author was delineated by Isaac Walton; and the Edition of his work which we are describing has been very carefully annotated and as curefully indexed. 6.—Military Operations in EHustern Maine and Nova Scotia during the Revolution, chiefly compiled from the Journals and Letters of Colonel John Allan, with Notes and a@ Memoir of Colonel John Allan. By Frederick Kidder. Albany: Joel Munsell, 1867. Octavo, pp. xi., 836. Price $4,00. The importance of the military operations on the EKastern frontier, during the War of the Revo- lution, is very little understood, beeause it is very little known. Mr. Kidder, therefore, has performed a very acceptable service, because of their importance, in bringing forward, even in a mutilated form, the papers which are contained in this work. Weare ata loss to understand, however, how so practicul a man as Mr. Kidder is should have so far forgotten himself as to tinker his material, and thus leave his readers uncertain when they are reading Colonel Allan and when Mr. Kidder. If there is any value in what purports to be an original historical paper, as an authority, it is because that paper is supposed to furnish the BEST evidence, the most authentic, if not the most complete; and we are entitled, therefore, if we are permitted to use it ut all, to use it in its purity, without Editorial pruning and without impertinent additions. No one knows this better than Mr. Kidder, yet he has “ amended the Text” of these papers, he says, “so far as to correct “ apparent errors and to render the language in “a few cases more explicit.” We like a refined taste in literature, yet we would not sacrifice, nor even jeopardize, the Truth to secure it; nor would we dare do more. than add a note of explanation or illustration, when merely “apparent errors” seemed to impair the value of the text or obscurity of language seemed to have left in obscurity some interesting fact. In that, however, it seems, we differ from Mr. MAGAZINE. [August, Kidder; and we are, contented to abide the judg- ment in the case of those who shall follow us. The volume is from the press of the Albanian Disciple of Aldus, whose trade-mark is on the title-page ; and it is, of course, well » A The Edition numbered Two hundred and fifty copies. 7.—The Invasion of Cuma én 1775: ineluding the Jour- nal of Captain Simeon Thayer, describing the perils and sutfer- ings of the army under Colonel Benedict Arnold, in his march through the wilderness to Quebec: with Notes and Appendix, By Edwin Martin Stone. Providence: Knowles, Anthony & Co., Printers, 1867, Octavo, pp. xxiv.. 104, with insets, Two pages each between pp. vi. and vii.. 46 and 47; slips between pp. xx. and xxi., 56 and 57; and Six pages between pp. 102 and 103. The industrious and painstaking Secretary of the Rhode Island Historical Society, in this vol- — ume, has furnished to students of our Revolution-~— wry military history another exceedingly valuable collection of papers, and will secure from them their gratitude for his services. The march through the wilderness has already found an unusually large number of historians, yet there is room for as many more, and all will be alike useful and welcome. Arnold, himself, kept a Journal of his operations which has been printed, either entire or in parts; and others by Henry, Heth, Melvin, Meigs, Senter, and Ware, have been printed while MSS. by McCoy, Has- kell, Topham, Dearborn, Peirce, Badeux, Foucher, and Sanyuinet, all yet unpublished, are known to have been written and in most cases have been preserved. . Captain Thayer, the writer of this particular Journal, was a native of Massachusetts, but a resident of Rhode Island. He participated in the old French War; was appointed a Captain in — the Rhode Island line, in 1775; served with Arnold in Canada ; was promoted to a Majority; served at Red Bank, under Colonel Greene, and at Fort Mifflin ; fought at Mcnmouth and Spring- field; and died in 1800. . The Journal before us possesses no particular literary merit; and is valuable only as an his- torical authority concerning one of the most in- teresting events of the War of the Revolution. The Editor has discharged his duty with the greatest industry and fidelity; and, although we conceive that his conclusions are sometimes er- roneous, and that injustice is sometimes done to worthy officers, we cunnot withhold from him the credit which is justly his. ah After a brief “ Preface,’ Doctor Stone has given a Bibliography of the Expedition, in which reference is made to the literature of the subject with references to the inedited manuscripts—a good service which will not be soon forgotten by the working-men of the profession. ‘An elabor- ate “Introduction” comes next, in which the operations in Canada are briefly described; and, with singular and unfortunate oversight, Arnold’s U
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1867.] HISTORICAL name is entirely omitted, although us capture of Crown Point and of the ‘I'wo British vessels is elaborately described and the importance of that service is referred to. We think, also, that his allusion to Arnold, as particularly “the victim “of a low moral sense,” (p. ix.,) in the earlier days of his career, is peculiarly unhappy, when by far the greater number of his companions in arms were-even greater victims of “a low moral “ sense” than he. We recognize an Ode by George William Cur- tis, inserted at the close of the Journal, as an old acquaintance; and we are rather surprised that the excellent Editor of this volume has not credited the volume from which it was copied. It seems to us that so slight an acknowledgment would have been nothing more than just. The “ Appendix” is very complete; and herein Doctor Stone has fairly displayed his love of hard work—a series of biographical sketches of officers who were in this expedition; numerous illustrative Notes; lists of those who were killed, wounded, and taken prisoners before Quebec ; Rosters of Conipanies ; and an elaborate. Index, being among the features of this portion of the volume which will most attract the student of History. We cannot close this Notice without entering our Protest aguinst the injustice which Doctor Stone has done to Colonel Samuel Smith, in deny- ing to him any portion of the honor of defending the Mud Fort. We feel very sure that our friend, the Editor of the work before us, would have been the last to do injustice to the gallant Marylander, whom he has depreciated, had he seen the materials which have come down to this generation ; and we shall take an early occasion to present to our readers some papers on this subject, which were placed in our hands some years since by Colonel Smith’s son, for the pur- pose of vindicating the Truth of History in this matter. ‘The volume before us was printed for private circulation by the Editor; and is one of a hun- dred copies of which the Edition was composed. 8.—Proceedings of a Board of General Officers respecting Major John André. New York: Privately Printed, 1867. Octavo, pp. vi. 21. We have here a magnificent fac simile of the original Edition of the Proceeding of the Court _ of Enquiry to which General Washington sent the case of Major André. It *has been thus printed by the Bradstreet Press, exclusively tor presents, the Edition numbering only Forty-nine copies; and, although our readers are familiar with its contents, from the copies which were 125 MAGAZINE. fact that it is a fac-siémile will render it a very choice addition to the fine books of those who may be fortunate enough to secure a copy. It is printed with old-style type, of course; on Jaid, tinted paper; and has a handsomely rubri- cated title-page. 9.— Letters and Journals relating to the War of the Amer- tcan Revolution, and the capture of the German troops at Saratoga. By Mrs. General Riedesel. Translated from the original German, by William L. Stone. Albany: Joel Munsell, 1867. Octayo, pp. 235. Every student of American history knows the interest which clusters around the Letters of Madame Riedesel, the heroic wife of the Baron who commanded the German troops in the Northern Campaign of 1777: and how much service they afford to every one who seeks a knowledge of that eventful period. General Wilkinson first employed some of them, in a faulty translation; and, in 1827, the entire collection, dlso very inaccurately trans- lated, was published in a small volume. In the heautiful volume before us, Mr. Stone has pre- sented a new translation of the entire work; and, in doing so, his thorough knowledge of the Ger- man language has enabled him to detect and correct innumerable errors which had crept into the former translation. He has also enriched this version with Illustrative Notes, a good Index, a Sketch of the Life of the Baroness, and, not least, with a very fine Portrait of the lady, from a photograph of the original painting, furnished for that purpose by her family in Germany. In this publication Mr. Stone has done a sub- stantial service to American History; and Mr. Munsell has seldom turned out a volume which is more creditable to his skill as a printer. The Edition numbered ‘Two hundred and fifty copies. 10.—Address to the First Graduating Class of Rutgers Femule College: delivered in the Fourth avenue Presbyterian Church, (Dr. Crosby’s) on Sabbath evening, June 20, 1867. By Henry M. Pierce, LL.D., President of the College. Published by request of the Trustees. New York: Agathynian Press. 1867. Octavo, pp. 19. “ What is the true position of woman, and what “should be her education ?” are the very impor- tant subjects of this, so called, “ Baccalaurete “ Address ”’—a very sensible subject, also, it would seem, for the occasion which demanded it. We fail, however, to find what we conceive to be the true answers to these questions ; and consider Doctor Pierce’s effort as altogether a. failure. If the Doctor is right, a young woman should learn just what her brothers Jearn, because she wus not made to become the slave but the equal of her husband; but while we admit that the husband and the wife should be equals, we see no more reason, because of that, that she should be issued by Mr. McCoy and in Phe Gazette Series, | taught his Classics, and Engineering, and Law, by ourself, the beauty of this re-print and the | than that he, for the same reason of their equality,
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126 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. [ August, f should be taught her Needlework, and Cookery, and Nursery songs. The Doctor’s teaching, therefore, is simply, bosh. The edueation of woman, like that of man, should be adapted to the future of the scholar. It should be made to render her more intelligent and skillful in her peculiar duties : to qualify her the better to discharge the sacred duties of sister and daughter, of wife and mother: to develop the graces, to strengthen the mind, and to improve what nature had left unadorned. We should be glad, also, to know just why an Address to a party of young women is called a Baccalaureate Address. Was it because the Doc- tor was a Batchelor; or because it was delivered when divers other Baccalaureate addresses are apt to be made—* on Sabbath evening?” The copy before us is a very handsome speci- men of printing, on laid, tinted paper, with ru- bricated title-page ; and is highly creditable to the young establishment which printed it. It is intended, we understand, for private circulation. 11.—A treatise on Emotional Disorders of the Sympathetic system of Nerves. By William Murray, M.D., M. R. C. P., aon New York: A. Simpson & Co., 1867. Octavo, pp. viii. _ A great many of the diseases to which mankind is liable are due to emotional disturbance; and Doctor Murray considers the subject with intelli- gence and discrimination. His book is well caleu-. lated to instruct men and women in the proper management of their emotions, and is a safe guide to the treatment of those affections which arise from a failure to keep them in due subjection. To a great extent this entire matter has here- tofore been in the hands of quacks who have de- rived their greatest profit from fleecing ignorant and unwary persons afflicted with emotional dis- eases ; and we rejoice that a gentleman of Doctor Murray’s skill and standing has taken it from their grasp. 12.— Ninth Annual Report of the Chamber.of Commerce of the State of New York, for the year 1866-7. In two parts. New York: J. W. Amerman, 1867. Octavo, Part L., pp. xvi. 112, 182; Part IL., pp. 182. . The yearly volumes of this ancient corporation contain a vast amount of exceedingly importan- information which cannot be obtained elsewhere ; yet they are seldom seen in the libraries of stu- dents, or elsewhere than among the neglected literature of the counting-room. This should not be so; and we earnestly hope that the Cham- ber will be more *widely sustained in its useful work by those who may be most indebted to its invaluable collections. In the neatly-printed volume before us we have the Minutes of the Chamber, for the year ending with May, 1867; a list of members of the Cor- poration—headed by Hickson W. Field, Esq., who was elected on the first of July, 1817; a list — of its officers during the past hundred years; its — By-laws, donations to its Library, reports on the — introduction of Capital and Men into the Southern ~ States; on the Banquet to Cyrus W. Field; on the Tax on Cotton; on the reception of the Bra- zilian and Argentine Ambassadors ; on the Usury — Laws; on the Wharves and Piers of the city; a series of Fourteen ‘I'rade Reports, and another of — ‘T'wenty-six statistical articles of Trade and Com- — merce, all of which are elaborately constructed — and possess great value. a With the exception of The Manual of the Cor- poration, by our venerable friend, Mr. Valentine, there is no series of volumes connected with the City of New York which we esteem as highly as the Annual Reports of the Chamber of Commerce, — because there is no other from which we can — learn so much. | 138.—Pawlet for One hundred years. By Hiel Hollister: — Albany: Joel Munsell, 1867. Duodecimo, pp. iv., 284. Price ~ $2.50. The Author of this neat little volume is a working man; and “in the intervals of severe “and exacting manual labor, he has gathered “the muterial for this work, and collated and “ grouped them together in their — form.” ‘he plan which he has adopted is a good one, since by giving a series of independent articles, — each embracing the history of some particular” subject, there is less confusion and more method- ical completeness ; and the Author seems to have left little undone which he ought to have done m — such an undertaking. a We have seldom examined a local history — which has so completely satisfied us, as this. 14.— The early years of his Royal Highness the Prince Con- sort. Compiled, under the direction of Her rite the Queen, by Lieutenant-general, the Hon. C. Grey. New York: Harper — & Bros., 1867. Duodecimo, pp. 371. Our readers have undoubtedly seen the very extended extracts from this volume, taken from the English papers, which have gone the rounds — of the Press ; and those who have glanced over — those extracts will not require any information — concerning the character of the work. ‘To others, — we have only to remark that it relates to the — life of Prince Albert, from his birth until the — birth of his oldest child, the Princess. Royal of — England; and includes his infancy and child- hood, his educagion and amusements, his court- ship and marriage with the Queen, and the inci- — deuts of the first year of his married life. | - It is compiled from his Journals and Corre- — spondence, the Journal of the Queen, and Memo- — randa furnished wy her; and if the widowed — monarch did not herself write it, it was written — under her own eye, from knowledge which she ~
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1867.) furnished, and not unfrequently in her own words _ -—the translations were made entirely, if we do not mistake, by her daughter, the Princess Helena. Of course, the accuracy of the narrative is be- yond dispute ; and it is matter of surprise that the Queen has found courage enough to lay be- fore the world, thus authenticated, the details of _ her courtship and marriage, and subsequent life, even among a People which is noted for its devo- tion ; although its importance, from a historical stand-point, cannot be too highly estimated, as original material of the greatest importance ; and every student of English History, through all time, will remember her bravery with the deep- est gratitude. Nor is this the only reason that the volume is important. We have grown up to respect Vic- torla, as @ Woman, a wife, and a mother, as we respect few others; and a perusal of this narra- tive has confirmed our respect and led us to ad- mire, still more than before, the unaffected sim- _ plicity and the purity of her character, even in the midst of temptations and hypocrisy, and senseless display. We are sure our readers will find as much pleasure in reading this work as we have done; and the beauty of the typography will render it a welcome guest in any parlor. 3 13.—The Life of William Woodbridge. By Charles Lan- _—- Washington: Blanchard & Mohun, 1867. Octavo, pp. Governor Woodbridge of Michigan, one of the Pioneers of “the great West,” was one of the race of Giants who lived and governed the Re- ie in the days of our boyhood; and Mr. anman has presented in this volume, a well- written Memoir of his life, a selection from his Correspondence, and some specimens of his learning—the latter in Three Addresses delivered by him at different dates. As Mr. Woodbridge was the first Territorial Secretary and a Whig, the first ‘erritorial Govy- ernor (Cass), who was a political opponent, has fared badly in more than one page of Mr. Wood- bridge’s papers ; yet we are not prepared to deny nor even to doubt his correctness, in any respect, | nor even to deny that his evident animosity against General Cass was entirely justifiable. We do regret, however, that ina volume which is essentially a History of Michigan, during the most eventful period of her existence, there has not been ate a detailed account of the secret his- tory which led to the organization of a State Gov- ernment in Detroit and to its exercise of every func- tion of a State Government, for several months be- fore Michigan.was admitted into the Union, or even recognized by Congress—rather a severe dose for those wiseacres who talk so glibly about the Sovereignty of the Federal Government. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 127 Mr. Lanman has certainly made a very inter- esting volume and its importance, as material for history, cannot be questioned. 16.—The Carver Centenary; an account of the celebration by the Minnesota Historical Society, of the One hundreth An- niversary of the Council and Treaty of Captain Jonathan Car- ver with the Naudowessies, on May 1, 1767, at the “ Great “Cave,” [now within the limits of the City of Saint Paul, Min- nesota,] held May 1, 1867. Saint Paul: Pioneer Office, 1867. Octavo, pp. 24. This is a very interesting account of the re- union of the members of the Society, on the oc- casion of a local anniversary in May last. It opens with a minute description of the cele- brated Cave in which the Treaty was made, in 1767; and this is followed with a narrative of the proceedings of the Society, including a very well-written paper, by Kev. John Mattocks, on The Life and Travels of Jonathan Carver. The pamphlet. is printed on tinted paper, at the expense of George W. Fahnestock, Ksq., of Philadelphia; and the Edition numbered ‘I'wo hundred and fifty copies. 17.—Ninth Annual Statement of the Trade and Commerce of Chicago, for the year ending March 31, 1861, reported to the Chicago Board of Trade, by John F. Beaty, Secretary. Chicago: Horton & Leonard, 1867. Octavo, pp. 146. In this volume we have the wonderful record of the rise and progress ofthat “ Trade and Com- “ merce ” which, within '[wenty-seven years, has transformed Chicago from a mere military out- post, with Seventy inhabitants, into a mighty municipality of nearly a quarter of a million souls ; with a shipment of Seventy-eight bushels of grain, in 1838, to one of Sixty-six million, seven hundred and thirty-six thousand, six hun- dred and sixty-nine bushels, in 1866. Such a volume, crowded with statistics, and bristling with stern facts, is as formidable against - mere theorists as “an army with banners ;” and we know no more important volume to the col- lector of “ local histories.” We shall esteem it a particular favor if the preceding volumes of the series, or any of them, can be furnished t us by any of our readers. | | 18.—The pareey- Remarks at Belfast, Maine, July 4, 1867, by . _ A. Poor. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1867. Octavo, pp. Ol. We have been favored by our respected friend, the Author, with a copy of this beautiful pam- phlet, and have read it with considerable inter- est. : It seems to have been a Fourth of July Ad-. dress, and contains some political paragraphs? yet the burden of the song is the “ ‘The Railway,’ its general advantages as an agent of civili_ zation, and, locally, as ai instrument for the im provement of the territory through which it passes.
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128 It is well written, well sustained by authori- ties, and well enforced by argument. The pamphlet is well printed, as all bearing Little, Brown & Co’s imprint are. 19.—Alec Forbes of Howglen. A novel. By George Mac- Donald. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1867. Octavo, pp. 171. 75 cents. «- 20.—No man’s friend. A novel. By Frederic William Rob- inson. New York: Harper & Bros., 1867. Octavo, pp. 180. 75 cents, 21.—Called to account. A novel. By Miss Annie Thomas’ New York: Harper & Bros., 1867. Octavo, pp. 152. 50 cents" Nos. 294, 495, and 296 of The Library of Stand- ard Novels are here presented to the American reading public by the enterprising Publishers in Frank Jin-square. The first is a Scotch story, based on the cus- toms, manners, and sentiments of North Britain. There is no intricacy of plot in the work; but the earnestness of the Author and the individual- ity of its characters give strength to the work beyond the usual measure. The others are also by leading novelists of Eu- rope ; and their cheapness will ensure for them an extended circulation, both in town and coun- try. 22.—Harpers’ Writing Books. Symmetrical Penmanship with Marginal Drawing Lessons, for Schools and Families. New York: Harper & Bros. Nos. 1, 2, 8, and 4. Horace Mann said he believed a child will learn both to draw and write sooner, and with more ease than he will learn writing alone; and these books are based on that very sensible prop- osition. Along the margin of each page there is a series of drawing lessons; and the theory which the Author proposes for imparting a knowledge of drawing is also peculiar, but exceedingly sensible. It is undoubtedly the most valuable series of writing books that we have yet seen. eat | 23.— Thirty-five miles around Richmond, Virginia. Com- piled by Jed. Hotchkiss, Top. Engineer, Staunton, Va., 1867. Washington, D. C.: ©. Bohn. , We have received from the Author a copy of this very useful Map, in pocket-book forin. It is from actual surveys made during the war, by the Engineers of the Confederate and, Federal officers ; and its Author, who was the ‘lopograph- ical Engineer of the Second Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia—* Stonewall” Jackson’s— has done good service by noting the roads, streams, post-cffices, churches, fortifications, etc., in this notable neighborhood. Its accuracy is recognized by .he local press of all parties ; and it must be cxcveding usetul to the student because of the com, :|vteness of its de- tails. HISTORICAL MAGAZINE. 2.— MISCELLANY. [August, 1867.] ‘HE FIRELANDS PronEER.—In our last num- — ber we referred to this excellent work, and re-— gretted that Title-pages and Indices are not furnished with the complete volumes. We have since been informed that Volumes III. and VII. contained these useful portions of the work, collectively, for the volumes which respect- ively preceded them; and that a similar general Title-page and Index for Volumes VIII., [X., X,, and probably XI., will be printed with One of the We earnestly hope that the publish- ers will so far change their plan as to make each — volume perfect in itself, by giving to each its latter Two. appropriate Title-page and Index. —The patie for many months past, have been — led to believe (from wide spread advertisements) that the Hon. ALEXANDER H. SrepHeEns, of Geor- gia, was writing a Southern History of the War, and the same would soon be issued. ‘To convince the public that Mr. Stephens is not writing a History of the War, and the publishing of his — meditated work on the causes and results of the — war is in the distant future, we have only to quote from a letter from William Swinton, author of Army of the Potomac, &c., &c., and special correspondent of the New York Z%émes, who has — recently visited the distinguished Statesman : [From the New York Daily Times, July 22, 1867.| ; “ CRAWFORDVILLE, Ga., July 10th, 1867. * *& * * “Mr, Stephens immediately opened “the subject of the war * * * * As you may be — “aware, he is engaged in writing a work on the “¢ War between the States.’ It is, however, as I , “gather, to be A MONOGRAPH RATHER THAN A _ “HISTORY, and will treat only of special points “in the cause, conduct, and results of the war of © “sécession. He shrinks from the amount of “morbid anatomy that would be required in a “complete history. Stephens is perhaps the only — “man who could, if he would, write the secret, — “internal history of the Confederacy, and as he “is not so minded, a great deal of it will die — “with him. The work on which he is now en- “gaged cannot fuil to possess a very high value; “it need not, however, be looked for soon, as it is “yet in no considerable degree of forwardness.” —Marshall, favorably known by his portrait of President Lincoln, is now engaged in engray- ing a likeness of General Grant. — Case and his Contemporaries is the title of a— new biographical history of early Methodism in Canada, soon to be issued at the Room in Toronto. esleyan Book It is written by Rev. John | Carroll, and will contain a fine portrait of Rey. William Case, the pioneer itinerant of Canadian Methodism.